Thorstein Veblen A Policy of Reconstruction. "On the General Principles of a Policy of Reconstruction", Journal of the National Institute of Social Sciences, April 1918, pp. 37-46; republished in part as "A Policy of Reconstruction", New Republic, Vol. XIV, April 13, 1918, pp. 318-320. ------------------------------------------ Considered as a going concern, collectively engaged in the traffic of human living, the American commonwealth is perhaps not ready to go into the hands of a receiver. There is, at the best, a wide-spread apprehension that the affairs of this going concern are in something of a precarious case. The case may not be so grave; but the derangement of conditions caused by the war, as well as the degree in which the public attention now centers on public questions, mark the present as the appointed time to take stock and adopt any necessary change in the domestic policy. In assuming or accepting the assumption that there is need of some reconstruction, it is supposed that the system of use and wont under which the community now lives and does its work is not altogether suited to current circumstances, it is more or less out of date. This also carries the further assumption that the evil to be remedied is of a systematic character, and that merely palliative measures will no longer serve. This involves the proposition that some realignment of the working parts is necessary even at the cost of deranging any vested rights and interests that may stand in the way. That is what reconstruction means-it is a revision of vested rights, for the common good. What is to be avoided at all costs is the status quo ante. An illustrative case may serve to show what is intended by the phrase "vested rights," in the more comprehensive sense. In modern industry as conducted by the methods of big business, it is one of the vested rights of the owner or employer freely to engage workmen on any terms on which they can be got, and to discharge them at discretion. It is another of his vested rights freely to employ as many or as few men as may suit his purpose, which is a quest of profits, and to work his own industrial plant more or less nearly up to its capacity, or not at all, as may suit his own purpose, in his quest of profits. On the other hand, among the vested rights of the workmen, or at least claimed as such, is their right to a job; so also an alleged right to discriminate as to what other men are to be associated with them on the job; also a right to quit work when they choose, i.e., to strike at discretion. But taken in the large and seen from the point of view of the interest of the community, these vested rights of the two parties in controversy will figure up to something that may be called a right to exercise an unlimited sabotage, in order to gain a private end, regardless of the community's urgent need of having the work go on without interruption and at full capacity. The slowing down or stoppage of the industrial process at any point or on any plea by those who control the equipment or the personnel of industry works mischief to the community by that much, and falls short of that service which the community has a right to expect. In such a case, it is evident, the vested interests so working at cross purposes are thereby cheating the community of the full benefit of the modern state of the industrial arts; and it is plain that such a case of interests working at cross purposes is a fit subject of revision. It should also be plain that the revision must be made primarily with a view to set up a condition of things that shall bring as much as may be of usefulness and content, and with only a secondary regard to the present vested interests of any one of the persons concerned. This case of conflict between employer and employees, between the owner of plant and the owner of workmanlike skill and power, may serve to show what is here intended by incompatible or mismated vested interests. It is not here intended to find fault with either party to such a conflict. It is unreservedly assumed that they are all honorable men and all within their rights, as these rights have been allowed to stand hitherto. It is because the existing arrangement, quite legitimately and dispassionately, works out in a running campaign of sabotage, that the whole matter is to come up for a revision and realignment in which vested interests are to be set aside, under a higher necessity than the received specifications of use and wont and law. It is not that the conduct of the persons concerned is to be adjudged immoral, illegitimate, or improper; it is only that it, and the kind and degree of discretion which it involves, have in the course of time become L-insufferable, and are to be disallowed on the ground of urgent expediency. The points and passages in the conduct of industrial affairs at which vested interests work at cross purposes among themselves or at cross purposes with the common good, are many and various, and it could serve no purpose to attempt an enumeration of them here. There are few lines of industry or trade where nothing of the sort occurs. The inefficiency of current railway enterprise, e.g., as seen from the point of view of material usefulness, has forced itself on the attention of the Administration under pressure of the war situation; so have the privately owned production and distribution of coal and the handling and distribution of food products. Shipping is coming under the same charge of costly incompetency, and the oil, steel, copper, and timber supply are only less obviously getting into the same general category of public utilities legitimately mishandled for private gain. But to enumerate instances of such cross purposes between vested interests and the common good would scarcely be fruitful of anything but irritation. It may be more to the purpose to indicate what are the characteristics of the modern industries by virtue of which their businesslike management comes to work at cross purposes with the needs of the community or of a given class in the community; and then to look for something like a systematic remedial treatment, which might hopefully be turned to account - in case some person or persons endowed with insight and convictions were also charged with power to act. It is believed that this working at cross purposes, commonly and in a way necessarily, though not always, rises to disquieting proportions when and in so far as the industrial process concerned has taken on such a character of routine, automatic articulation, or mechanical correlation, as to admit of its being controlled from a distance by such means of accountancy as are at the disposal of a modern business office. In many, perhaps in most, cases this will imply an industrial plant of some appreciable size, with a correspondingly large force of employees; but much the same outcome may also be had where that is not the case, as, e.g., an enterprise in automatic - vending machines, a "news company," so-called, or a baggage-transfer concern of the larger sort. The mischief which such a situation gives rise to may be either or both of two distinguishable kinds: (1) disagreement and ill-will between employers and employees; and (2) mischievous waste, expense, and disservice imposed on the concern's customers. Not unusually the large and formidable concerns classed as big business will be found censurable on both counts. Again it is necessary to recall that this is not intended as implying that such management is blameworthy, but only that a businesslike management under such circumstances, and within its prescriptive rights, results in the untoward consequences here spoken of. If this account of the state of things out of which mischief of this character is wont to rise is substantially correct, the description of the circumstances carries its own suggestion as to what should be a promising line of remedial measures. The mischief appears to arise out of, or in concomitance with, the disjunction of ownership and discretion from the personal direction of the work; and it appears to take on an added degree of mischance so soon as the discretionary control vested in ownership comes to be exercised by an employer who has no personal contact with the employees, processes employed, or with the persons whose needs these processes are presumed to serve - that is to say, so soon as the man or staff in control passes into the class of supernumeraries, in respect of the mechanical work to be done, and retains only a pecuniary interest, and exercises only a pecuniary control. Under these circumstances, this central or superior control can evidently as well be exercised by some person who has no pecuniary interest in the enterprise; and who is therefore free to manage the industry with a view to its fullest usefulness and to the least practicable generation of ill-will on the side of the employees. Roughly speaking, any industrial process which can, and in so far as it can, be sufficiently well managed from a more or less remote office by methods of accountancy and for financial ends, can also, by the same token, be managed by a disinterested administrative officer without any other than formal recourse to accountancy and without other than a secondary view to pecuniary results. All of which patently goes to sum up the needs of remedial measures, under two heads: (1) Disallowance of anything like free discretionary control or management on grounds of ownership alone, whether at first hand or delegated, whenever the responsible owner of the concern does not at the same time also personally oversee and physically direct the work in which his property is engaged, and in so far as he is not habitually engaged in the work in fellowship with his employees; (2) To take over and administer as a public utility any going concern that is in control of industrial or commercial work which has reached such a state of routine, mechanical systematisation, or automatic articulation that it is possible for it to be habitually managed from an office by methods of accountancy. Needless to say that, when set out in this bald fashion, such a proposed line of remedial measures will appear to be shockingly subversive of law and order - iniquitous, impracticable, perhaps socialistic. And it is needless to argue its merits as it stands; particularly not to argue its merits within the equities of the existing law and order. Yet it may be as well to recall that any plan of reconstruction which shall hope to be of any slightest use for its main purpose, must begin by violating one or another of the equities of the existing law and order. A reconstruction means a revision of the present working system, the present system of vested interests, and of the scheme of equities within which that system is now working at cross purposes with the common good. It is a question of how and how far a disallowance of these existing vested interests is to be carried out. And the two propositions set out above are, therefore, intended to mark the direction which such a remedial disallowance of prescriptive rights will obviously take; not the limit to which such a move will necessarily go. There is no socialistic iconoclasm in it all, either covert or overt; nor need any slightest animus of moral esteem or disesteem be injected into the argument at any point. It is a simple matter of material expediency, in which one of the prime factors to be considered is the growing prospect of an inordinary popular distrust. And the point of it all is that the present system of managing the country's larger industrial concerns by business methods in behalf of vested interests is proving itself bankrupt under the strain of the war situation; so much so that it is already more than doubtful if the community at large will hereafter be content to leave its larger material interests at the mercy of those business motives, business methods, and business men whose management is now shown to work such waste and confusion as cannot be tolerated at a critical time, The system of vested rights and interests is up for revision, reconstruction, realignment, with a view to the material good and the continued tranquillity of the community at large; and there is therefore a call for a workable scope and method of reconstructing the existing scheme of law and order on such lines as will insure popular content. In this bearing, the meaning of "Reconstruction" is that America is to be made safe for the common man - in his own apprehension as well as in substantial fact. Current events in Russia, for instance, attest that it is a grave mistake to let a growing disparity between vested rights and the current conditions of life over-pass the limit of tolerance. --- End ---