9 December 2003

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40 years of politics defined by Ecevit, Demirel, Erbakan and Turkes comes to an end

Four doyens of politics bid farewell

  • They were foes in disguise. They always supported one another. Only death, imprisonment or their own decision could have caused them leave political life

Kemal Balci

ANKARA - TDN Parliament Bureau

Four leaders who defined 40 years of Turkish politics have finally departed the political scene. They resisted leaving but finally acquiesced when the end of the road drew near.

Death separated Alparslan Turkes from politics. Necmettin Erbakan was barred from politics due to a jail sentence. Suleyman Demirel had to leave the scene when his constitutional tenure as president expired. And most recently, Bulent Ecevit officially announced that he would soon step down as leader of his party.

Although they were on enemy lines, the four shared the same fate. The old foes never hesitated to act as if they were the closest of allies during hard times.

Ecevit ends his political life of his own accord

Bulent Ecevit was the veteran of the three. He was the person who introduced the "left" concept into Turkish political life. But he didn't hesitate to support his most powerful rival in the "right" wing, Suleyman Demirel, in efforts to prolong the term of the president. He evinced a strictly secular manner. He was the person who dismissed turbaned deputy Merve Kavakci, elected to Parliament as a member to the now-defunct Virtue Party (FP), from the assembly hall and even recommended stripping her of her Turkish citizenship. But he was also the person who formed a coalition with the leader of political Islam, Necmettin Erbakan, and allowed Islamists to be appointed to important state positions.

His "honest" personality was a characteristic that was admired by everyone, including his long-time rivals. But his last term as prime minister of Turkey would be remembered by history as an era during which corruption reached a peak.

Ecevit was the person who made bold political decisions throughout his political life. He displayed an adamant manner, challenging a U.S. resolution when he freed up opium production. Ecevit ignored all manner of threat including the possible bombing of Turkish villages that produced opium as well as the symbol of Istanbul, Sultanahmet Mosque. He didn't hesitate to intervene in Cyprus in 1974 after a coup on the island. The price paid for his actions was an economic and military embargo implemented by the United States.

Ecevit's name in the political arena was identified with the word "freedom." He witnessed two military coups and paid the price for his outcry against them with imprisonment in military jails. Despite all this, he is among those who embrace the sensitivities of the Turkish Armed Forces.

Ecevit made his toughest political decision when forming a coalition government with the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP). His wife, Rasan, recommended against this decision and never approved her husband's cooperation with members of the MHP, whom she called "killers." Ecevit enjoyed his last prime ministry as the head of this coalition government. Despite assassination attempts, military coups and failing health, he ended his 40-year-long political life of his own volition.

Apart from his political career, Ecevit is a person who is involved in poetry. His translations from Elliot reveal that he loves modern literature, and those from Tagor show he is conversant with the classics. Although his political rivals ignore it, his own poetry is appreciated by literary circles.

Upon announcing that he would end his active political life, he declared that he would return to the world of poetry rather than write the biography of his life as a politician.

Demirel rises from his own ashes after every defeat

Suleyman Demirel's political life began in the environment of freedom that emerged in the aftermath of the May 27, 1960 military coup. But his first act was to limit the Constitution that had fostered the development of this environment. As soon as he entered politics, he became leader of the Justice Party (AP) and shortly thereafter was named deputy prime minister. In his first elections, he was elected prime minister of the country. It was during his first term that Turkey enjoyed its lowest inflation and highest economic development.

He and political rival Ecevit were involved in never-ending political fights, but their fate was joined in the Sept. 12 military coup. Both were banned from politics.

During the years that Demirel was under strict observation, he conducted his political activities in secret. After the political ban was lifted, he returned to active politics.

He became coalition partners with his biggest rival, the Social Democratic People's Party (SHP) led by Erdal Inonu, after the 1992 elections. This partnership opened the way for him to become president after the untimely death of Turgut Ozal. In the last years of Demirel's seven-year presidential term, Ecevit was poised to become prime minister. Ostensibly enemies but in reality political partners, they developed a surprisingly strong relationship.

Ecevit was the strongest supporter of a proposal to change a single seven-year presidential term into two five-year terms. Ecevit twice pushed a parliamentary vote on the issue, even though he knew it was impossible to pass the law in a coalition government. Even the inclusion of an amendment that would have prevented the closure of Erbakan's opposition party and a special clause that would have increased the salaries of parliamentary deputies contained in the presidential term amendment proposal failed to produce the desired outcome. Changes that would have secured Demirel another five years as president did not pass. Demirel retired from politics after serving the constitutionally mandated seven years as president. The Demirel era, which had lasted almost four decades, ended and a new Demirel-less era began.

Necmettin Erbakan entered politics after getting angry at Suleyman Demirel. He had to resign from his post as general secretary of the Turkish Union of Chambers and Commodities Exchanges (TOBB) after Demirel sent policemen to evict him. Erbakan was elected to Parliament as an independent deputy from Konya and opposed Demirel from the start. He attracted the support of the Islamic movements, which had been Demirel's strongest supporters in the past. He formed the National Order Party (MNP), but it was closed after the March 12, 1970 military coup. He then formed the National Salvation Party (MSP) and in the next elections formed a coalition government with Ecevit. Ecevit, who would later say that the formation of this coalition government was a historic mistake, appointed Erbakan as deputy prime minister.

In later years, Erbakan also managed to take part in succesive "Nationalist Front" governments formed by Demirel; however, he had to take a leave of absence from politics after the military coup of Sept. 12, 1980. He replaced the closed MSP with the Welfare Party (RP) and, after his ban from politics expired, became party leader. He formed an election partnership with nationalist Alparslan Turkes and his associates in order to pass the 10 percent election threshold. As a result, Turkes became a parliamentary deputy. Erbakan also could not resist a chance to become prime minister with the support of True Path Party (DYP) leader Tansu Ciller and was head of the coalition government until the period ended in what is commonly referred to as the Feb. 28 "post-modern coup." Sevket Kazan, who accompanied Erbakan throughout his political career and was at the end justice minister, used these words to describe this period and their aims in the Jan. 25, 1998 edition of Turkish Daily News' Probe.

"The National Order Party (MNP) started a movement. That party was very important. They then closed it. The National Salvation Party (MSP) that replaced it, took us to government and Deputy-Prime Ministry. They also closed the MSP, but the party that replaced it, the Welfare Party (RP), took us to the Prime Ministry. This time they closed the RP. The party that will replace it will lead us to the presidency. No one should doubt this."

Political Islamists first formed the Saadet (Happiness) Party (SP), and when that was closed, formed the Virtue Party (FP). However, progressives within the Islamist movement parted ways with Erbakan and formed the governing Justice and Development (AK Party). Political Islam at last has a chance to achieve its longstanding goal to assume the presidential office, but without Necmettin Erbakan. It would be very difficult for Recep Tayyip Erdogan to get the post, but not impossible. On the other hand, Erbakan is paying the price of having retired from politics. He has received a two-year, two-month prison sentence for embezzling close to TL 1 trillion from RP accounts. The Supreme Court of Appeals approved the sentence and, as a result, Erbakan will have to serve at least 12 months in prison and will be banned from active politics for life. Perhaps Erbakan, out of all four leaders, was the one who paid the highest price at the end of his political career.

Alparslan Turkes entered politics after the May 27, 1960 military coup. It was he who first broadcast news of the coup on the radio. Conflict between the coup leaders resulted him in being sent into exile with a group known as "The Fourteens." Turkes introduced Turkish nationalism, bordering on racism, into Turkish politics. He did not shy away from violence against "leftist" politics with the help of the Grey Wolves organization he had recruited from among the young generation. He even became a deputy prime minister in one of Demirel's "Nationalist Movement" governments. He was interned at a military camp on the Aegean coast with Erbakan after the Sept. 12, 1980 military coup. He and his party had to endure many years of trials in military courts. Eventually, in 1997, he died from a heart attack.

The story of Turkish politics over the last four decades cannot be told without mentioning each one of these four leaders. Now they are no more. Today there is no other leader, apart from Fidel Castro, who has been involved in politics for as long as these four. Saddam Hussein is gone, as is Hafez al-Assad. Even the longest-serving democratically elected politician, former French President Francois Mitterand, has died. Only ours have remained. But now they are also retiring from the political arena. Even the generation that has spent almost all of their lives under the leadership of these politicians, such as myself, has grandchildren. They have succeeded in accomplishing the unlikely feat of governing an entire generation from birth to death. I cannot fathom how political life will go on without them. Nothing like it has been seen before.


AKP, CHP start campaigns

  • Political observers believe that the upcoming local elections will mark another victory for the AK Party that won an overwhelming majority of seats in the general elections held in November 2002

ANKARA - Turkish Daily News

The Justice and Development (AK) Party and main opposition the Republican People's Party (CHP) started their campaigns for the local elections set for March 28.

The legal start of the AK Party's campaign will be Dec. 15 but there is speculation that party leader, and prime minister, Recep Tayyip Erdogan has already determined the AK Party's strategy and candidates.

AK Party Deputy Chairman Hayati Yazici told reporters over the weekend that Erdogan has not approved any of the candidates.

Political observers believe that the upcoming local elections will mark another victory for the AK Party that won an overwhelming majority of seats in the last general elections.

Public opinion polls reveal that support for the AK Party has increased since it came to power more than a year ago.

Meanwhile, center right and left parties are seeking an alliance for the elections in an effort to prevent a possible landslide victory.

CHP leader Deniz Baykal underlined the importance of local elections and called on people to come together under the umbrella of his party.

He said that regardless of which party they belong to, all people should join forces in his party.

"Former CHP party members, all center right and left parties. We are together. I call you all to the CHP," said Baykal.


DYP loses seven members in a car accident


ANKARA - Turkish Daily News

The True Path Party (DYP) was still in shock on Sunday when the death toll of a traffic accident reached seven.

A group of DYP members in the Black Sea city of Sinop (Dikmen province) had a car accident on Saturday. They were on their way to meet DYP leader Mehmet Agar, who was visiting the province.

Seven DYP members, including former Sinop deputy Kadir Bozkurt, died.

"We are deeply saddened by these losses," said DYP leader Agar. The DYP has four seats in Parliament. Party leaders sent their condolences to Agar.


Turkey has finally found the young and charismatic leader for whom it has been longing for years, but it is still looking for a leader who can assume the role of a healthy opposition

Wanted: a strong opposition leader

  • Turkey strongly feels the need of an opposition leader and party for healthy, democratic politics, especially as the local elections draw near. In the absence of other powerful political parties and leaders, the results of the elections are a foregone conclusion

Esra Erduran

ANKARA - Turkish Daily News

Early signs of it manifested itself in the 1999 elections: The electorate was searching for new political figures and clean political parties. The leaders of the time turned a deaf ear to this demand and buried it at the ballot boxes in the 2003 elections.

None of the former leaders of the once-powerful center-right parties was able to pass the 10 percent national threshold, and Turkey's newly founded conservative democrat party that had Islamist roots, the Justice and Development Party (AK Party), easily came to power.

Early signs of it were obvious at political rallies for the 1999 elections: People attending the rallies of the now-defunct Virtue Party (FP) were carrying posters bearing the image of current Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan. While the FP's chairman, Recai Kutan, was addressing the crowds, people were chanting, "Prime Minister Erdogan," even though he had been banned. The 2003 elections paved his way to the Prime Ministry, emphasizing the fact that his long-term goal was about to come true.

After his political ban had been lifted and he was elected deputy to Parliament in the Siirt by-elections, Erdogan received a mandate from President Ahmet Necdet Sezer.

He was banned due to a speech speech he had made in the past. He was convicted on charges of violating Article 312 of the Turkish Penal Code (TCK), which for the most part covers crimes relating to freedom of speech and expression.

Since coming to power, he has successfully served as prime minister while Turkey has made important U-turns and enacted crucial resolutions. Due to his and the AK Party's performance, the party has increased its already significant percentage of the electorate.

PM is here, where is the opposition?

One year of AK Party governance has also highlighted the importance of the lack of a powerful opposition.

Turkey strongly feels the need of a new opposition leader and party as well as healthy, democratic politics, especially as the local elections draw near. In the absence of other powerful political parties and leaders, the results of the elections are a foregone conclusion.

Public opinion polls reveal that the AK Party will take almost all big-city municipalities. This shows that Turkey has finally found the young and charismatic leader that it has been longing for, but it is still looking for a leader who can assume the role of a healthy opposition.

CHP disappoints electors

The Turks elected Turkey's oldest party, the Republican People's Party (CHP), as the opposition. This result also marked the return of the CHP to Parliament.

In the 1999 elections, the CHP was left outside Parliament due to its failure to pass the 10 percent national threshold. This caused a number of people to vote for the party in the next elections with the feeling that the party established by Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, the founder of modern Turkey, should not be left outside the decision-making mechanism.

CHP leader Deniz Baykal claimed that he had altered his formerly aggressive manner and coined a new phrase, the "Anatolian Left," which blends the values of left and right according to Turkey's special circumstances.

A majority of people voted for Baykal's CHP since they felt they had no better choices available. They did not want to vote for the AK Party and they did not want to vote for the other leaders, a majority whose names were mentioned in conjunction with corruption allegations.

As a result of this mood, the CHP undertook the important mission of playing the role of the sole opposition against the AK Party. Yet it has failed, according to public opinion polls.

But which party?

The same public opinion polls reveal that the Turkish electorate sees no alternatives. Despite the change of the guard in the center-right parties, namely, the Motherland Party (ANAP) and the True Path Party (DYP), Turkish voters are still hesitant to support these two parties.

ANAP's Mesut Yilmaz and the DYP's Tansu Ciller stepped down in the aftermath of their failures in the 2003 elections.

Former DYP member Mehmet Agar, who was elected to Parliament in the elections, became the new DYP leader. After two other independent lawmakers joined the party ranks, the DYP was able to secure seats in Parliament.

Despite his strong personality, Agar suffers some shortcomings since he was implicated in the Susurluk scandal, which exposed illegal state-mafia-politics ties.

ANAP is suffering from the lack of a leader. As its convention approaches, ANAP has only one candidate running for party leadership, Nesrin Nas. She is trying to convince members that claims that she will serve as only as a caretaker leader until Yilmaz returns to the party are unfounded.

The Young Party (GP) and its leader, Cem Uzan, lost its rising popularity following a banking scandal that involved the Uzan family.

In light of this and in line with the demands of Turkish voters, Turkey needs a brand-new leader to run a powerful opposition party.


Turkey passes critical law on human rights boards

  • New law replaces non-civilian with civilian members.

ANKARA - Turkish Daily News

Turkey has quietly passed a critical piece of legislation on the establishment and duties of provincial and sub-provincial Human Rights Boards (HRBs) to improve the investigation of human rights violations.

"This is a giant step in launching what we hope will be an efficient examination and investigation mechanism for rights violation nationwide," a senior Prime Ministry official told the Turkish Daily News. "The new law replaces non-civilian HRB members with civilian members."

The law, published in the Official Gazette on Nov. 23, said the provincial HRBs will be made up of the mayor or deputy mayor, the provincial head or a selected representative of the political parties represented, university rectors or a lecturer, a lawyer or a public official who is a law school graduate, as well as representatives from the bar association, Turkish Medical Association, the chamber of industry or commerce, the provincial general assembly, other professional organizations, trade unions, local TV channels, newspapers and radio stations, village headmen, school-parent unions and local NGOs.

The HRBs will evaluate the issues brought to their attention by local authorities, examine and investigate rights violations and obstacles to the protection of human rights and liberties as well as the social, political and administrative reasons causing these violations and recommend solutions.

They will also prevent all kinds of discrimination and ensure that the administration treats the citizens in a tolerant and polite manner. Finally, the HBRs will submit a monthly summary of the work done.

The president of the provincial HRBs may invite individuals or the representatives of related public or private institutions to a meeting when necessary.

Under the new law, easily accessible information and application desks will be set up at the governors' offices in provinces and sub-provinces. A full-time employee with a legal background, appointed by the governor, will deal with rights complaints.

The HBRs will convene once a month, according to the law. However, a board may convene more often at the discretion of its chairman. The chairman and board members cannot participate in meetings where issues relating to themselves, their parents, offspring or spouses are being deliberated. No fees will be paid to the members.

To make the application process easier, the law allows authorities to lodge applications by petition, telephone, e-mail or via the applications boxes to be installed in different locations.

All HBR decisions will be taken up and finalized by the relevant public bodies and institutions without delay.


Uzans to face extradition to Turkey

  • Foreign Minister Gul says Turkey has initiated procedures for extradition of two fugitive members of the controversial Uzan Family who were discovered to be hiding in the United States

ANKARA - Turkish Daily News

Foreign Minister Abdullah Gul said yesterday that Turkey had iniatiated the necessary procedures for extradition of two fugitive members of the controversial Uzan family who were found to be hiding in the United States.

U.S. authorities officially informed the Turkish government through Interpol that Kemal Uzan and Yavuz Uzan were determined to have been residing in the United States. Turkey immediately requested extradition of the two Uzans, and Gul announced at a press conference that Turkish authorities have begun the necessary procedures.

Kemal Uzan was found in San Francisco, and Yavuz Uzan was staying at the Waldorf Astoria Hotel in New York under an alias, daily Hurriyet reported.

The family previously owned the now-defunct Imar Bank. Turkey's banking watchdog, the Banking Regulation and Supervision Agency (BDDK), seized the bank after financial irregularities were discovered.

Police have been searching for members of the family for 113 days as part of an investigation into the bank's collapse. An Istanbul court issued an arrest warrant for the Uzans on Aug. 17.

The Uzan Group was using a double account registration accounting system that allowed them to embezzle funds equivalent to 3 percent of Turkey's gross national product (GNP).

Ashcroft guarantees Uzans return to Cicek

The case of the fugitive Uzans appeared on the agenda during Turkish Justice Minister Cemil Cicek's visit to Washington last week.

U.S. Attorney General John Ashcroft underlined during meetings with Cicek that the Justice Department was aware that the Uzans were being sought by Interpol. Ashcroft guaranteed Cicek that the U.S. administration would exert efforts to apprehend and extradite the fugitive Uzans to Turkey immediately if they were located within U.S. borders.


Former Halk Bank executives charged with corruption

  • The Prosecutor's Office files its first corruption case as a result of Parliamentary Corruption Commission reports on former Halk Bank executives

ANKARA - Anatolia News Agency

The Ankara Public Prosecutor's Office has filed its first corruption charges following Parliamentary Corruption Commission investigations into former Halk Bank executives, including the former CEO of the bank, Yenal Ansen. The Prosecutor's Office has also determined that four other cases fell outside its jurisdiction.

As the ruling Justice and Development Party (AK Party) and the opposition Republican People's Party (CHP) begin to discuss inquiries into former Prime Minister Mesut Yilmaz and some ministers, investigations conducted by the Prosecutor's Office as a result of reports sent by the Corruption Commission have started to be concluded.

Charges filed by Prosecutor Abdullah Ayhan include the illegal loans granted by the former CEO of Halk Bank and 10 other executives. They are charged with misuse of power and abuse of trust. If found guilty, the accused could be sentenced to a maximum of seven years and six months in prison.

Meanwhile, the Public Prosecutor's Office has also decided not to file charges in four cases because no criminal activity was determined to have taken place.

The Prosecutor's Office is continuing to investigate other cases noted in the Parliamentary Corruption Commission reports.

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