The circulation of AABBBA
in the period 1100-1350, and the special case of the sonnet
[A broad outline of
work, to be concretised at a later date.]
Ed Emery [SOAS]
My research studies the circulations of the verse form with
rhyme-endings AABBBA in early Europe and in the Arabo-Judaic lyric cultures of
al-Andalus, 1100-1300, together with the musics which accompany those verse
forms, insofar as they are retrievable for analysis. I seek to establish that
there are cross-overs from Andalus into early Europe and commonalities between
Andalusi and European AABBBA forms. I
seek further to show that the Italian sonnet is a special case of AABBBA, and
both in form and contents derives ultimately from those traditions.
To some extent the ground is well trodden - AABBBA has been studied in
terms of the “zajalesque”, a definition which pre-judges a possible
Arabic antecedent of the form which is a terrain of acrimonious debate and has
yet to be proven. See the literature survey below. In my MMus study I set about
identifying AABBBA exempla, and found them in a broad historical sweep reaching
from Ibn Gabirol (11th century), through Arab and Sufi poets (Ibn Arabi,
al-Shushtari), passing through the Italian ballata, the French carole,
through English popular theatre (mystery plays; Beggar’s Opera etc), to
poetic duelling in present-day Lebanon and the anthem of the United States of
America.
In most other fields of human endeavour the cross-overs from
Arabo-Judaic culture into early Europe are attested (science, astronomy,
architecture, medicine, astrology, mathematics, falconry, horse-rearing,
cuisine etc). It would be strange if the borders turned out to be impermeable
to music - even more so, since Arabic instruments (or derivatives therefrom)
are massively present in early Europe. My thesis aims to extend our understandings
of the reasons for the spread of the AABBBA-type verses.
There is a prima facie case for suggesting that the poetic form
of the sonnet derives from the strophic lyric forms of al-Andalus –
specifically, from the zajal / muwashshah form. It has been
suggested that the sonnet relates back to the epistolary verse-form of the tenzone;
in its earliest forms the tenzone appears to emulate the zajal
/ muwashshah form.
Morphological similarities can be traced between the sonnet and the zajal
/ muwashshah at the level of line-end rhyme patterns, internal rhyming,
verse structure, etc. There are also similarities at the level of performative
context (competitive rhyming, agonistic bravura, peer dialogue, codes of
deference etc).
The case for deriving the sonnet from Andalusi poem/song models would
be strengthened if we could show musical transmissions from Andalus into early
Europe.
As regards the musicological section of my research, my intention is
not to seek to establish direct lines of transmission. Instead I shall look at selected musical
forms in the medieval European tradition which have apparent similarities with
Andalusi verse forms, and which have not been sufficiently problematised by
researchers.
0.02
METHODOLOGY
At the present
stage of my research [April 2012] there is little or no evidence to prove
direct linkages between the AABBBA Arabic-Jewish traditions of muwashshah and zajal in
Andalus and AABBBA traditions in early Europe. Indeed a recent doctoral study,
albeit conducted without reference to Arab and Hebrew sources, concludes that a
polygenesis of forms is more likely than a direct transmission from Andalus to
early Europe.[1]
That
notwithstanding, I continue my search in databases – poetic anthologies of the
various national traditions – in order to identify the limits, boundaries
(temporal and geographic), extensions and variations of AABBBA. This is an
ongoing project, which will close at the time of finalisation of my thesis.
Where clusters of
AABBBA practice are found to exist, the logic of their aggregation will be
examined.
Various authors
have pointed to the similarities between the zajal / muwashshah
form and short-strophic forms such as ballata, virelai etc. I
propose to take this a stage further, by undertaking a structural analysis of
late-period muwashshahaat and the European canzoni, to elucidate
their principles of internal fracturings, word-play techniques, metrics etc
with a view to establishing whether we can argue for a common lyric language
shared between Arabic, Hebrew and Romance verse forms.
Since all these
verse forms are predicated on the existence of a musical substrate, I shall
extend the analytic work that has already been initiated by others (Monroe,
Wulstan etc), with a view to identifying the musical principles of the AABBBA
form. Analysis will be conducted on extant medieval notations, and on current
repertoires of North Africa that claim Andalusi antecedents. I shall begin this
work with the BBBA section of the AABBBA form, since it is historically
distinctive and presents performative curiosities.
Thus I shall be
working in musical repertoires such as Carols, Cantigas, North African Andalusi
repertoires, Arabic Sufi repertoires and Hebrew liturgical repertoires. This
may involve fieldwork trips.
There will be a
specific concern for dance forms, since AABBBA is dance-song format of circle
dance plus lead-singer plus chorus-response. Various repertoires of circle
dance, both historical and contemporary, will be examined, extending through to
virelai and rondeau treatments in French music (Machaut et al).
Since Arab
musical instruments are known to have spread out from Andalus into early
Europe, I shall continue my work on diffusion of instruments, particularly in
the “popular” spectrum of social music. Particular attention will be paid to
the rebec (Arabic: rebab), and the pipe and tabor.
The field of literature is enormous; the
following account lights on some of the more significant contributions.
-- The Arabist position
Julián Ribera [1912], in a study of the zajal
verses of the Cordoban poet Ibn Quzman noted the similarities between the zajal
and certain Romance lyric forms, and theorised an initial phase, following the
Arab/Berber conquest of Andalus, in which the Arabic lyric was influenced by
the Romance, a process which was reversed in the 11th and 12th centuries. [2]
Ramón Menéndez Pidal [1938] first
popularised the notion of “zajalesque” to signal an Arabic precedence in lyric forms,
with the effect that the “Arabist” thesis tended to overshadow possible origins
in Middle Latin religious lyrics.[3]
S.M. Stern
[1959] argues for all the muwashshah poetry written in Spain, whether in
Arabic or in Hebrew, to be studied as a whole, as a shared area of cultural
production. A retro-relationship with
pre-existent Romance lyric forms is necessarily implied in the Romance-language
kharjas (outgoing verses) of these muwashshahaat, but no forward
trajectories are proposed. His account has the additional merit of bringing the
itinerant Andalusi polymath and poet Ibn Ezra into the research picture.[4]
One problem of the Arabist position is
that only with difficulty can the thematic topoi of Arabo-Andalusi
poetry be found in troubadour poetry. Abu Haidar [2001] deals comprehensively
with this problem.[5]
The historical development of these
debates is detailed in Otto Zwaartjes [2001].[1][6]
-- Possibility of
musical-lyrical cross-overs
Peter Dronke
[1968] gives a wide-ranging and humane reading of medieval lyrics in various
“national” cultures of Europe. A prime function of the medieval lyric was to
accompany dance (dance-songs), a popular and ineradicable practice, as
evidenced in ecclesiastical condemnations. He argues for the ubiquity and
longevity of the carol and the rondeau as dance-songs, characterised
particularly by variant usages of refrain. Observing that the formal
characteristics of triple segments followed by a vuelta (“turning line”)
and refrain, he invokes parallel forms with the same characteristics (Italian
secular ballatas, Italian religious laudes, French virelais,
Spanish cantigas, the English carol, and the colloquial Arabic zajal.
Regarding trajectoris of derivation, he opts (unreferenced) for a precedence of
Romance forms later adopted as strophic verse into Arabic poetics.[7]
Musical cross-overs are addressed in Liu and Monroe [1989], where song
texts from the Arabo-Andalusi tradition are examined in relation to extant
melodies from North Africa. [8]
Regarding specific genres, although they
are not our primary area of concern, it should be noted that Le Gentil [1954]
explores the possibility of two “zajalesque” forms, the virelai and villancico,
having Arabic origins. He reaches no firm conclusion. On the other hand the New
Grove Dictionary entry on virelai suggests that “convincing studies
suggest a line of descent from 11th-century Arabic song in north Africa and
Spain” (p. 775, s.v. virelai).[9]
Further regarding specific genres, Wulstan on cantigas.
A protagonist of the Arabist position, Maria Rosa Menocal [1981],
offers a useful survey of positions outlined in Roger Boase, The Origin and
Meaning of Courtly Love, but offers little to further discussion of musical
(rather than literary) crossovers.[10]
In a recent contribution to the debate,
Miriam Capaldo’s 2010 doctoral thesis La strofe zagialesca nella lirica
profana romanze delle Origini challenges the Arabic derivation of Romance
lyric forms implied and pre-judged in the term “zajalesque”. Drawing on
secondary studies and offering no primary Arabic or Hebrew material, she
concludes that the evidence points to “a polygenesis of the Arabic and Romance
strophic forms”, with no genetic links in either direction.[11]
-- The “Early Music”
and “French Music” nexus
Christopher Page of Cambridge is an
obvious port of call for understandings of medieval music and its practices.
Not least because in some senses his work (with Gothic Voices) defines what is
understood performatively as “medieval music” [Leech-Wilkinson].
In XXX he cites the fact of the Arab instrumentarium that was
imported wholesale into early Europe. However, elsewhere he has been unwilling
or unable to address the question of Arab influences on the musics of early
Europe. For instance, in Page [1997] he writes a chapter on the tunings of the
Arab-derived rebab without a single reference to the detailed work of
al-Farabi on the same matter.[12] Page [2011]
is notable for the fact that his chapter defining “The Geography of Medieval
Music” explicitly excludes the Arab-ruled areas of Spain.[13]
The PhD of Ardis Butterfield [1987][14] was
supervised by Christopher Page, and follows onto the terrain that he has opened
[see Page [1989] ]. There is no denying her major contribution to the study of
French song; however her important work on the enté refrain in French
song is somewhat marred by the lack of cross-referencing to similar citational
and refrain practices in the zajal / muwashshah repertory.[15] Similarly
her close reading of the poetic competitions in the puy of Arras would
be enriched by reference to other poetic duelling / corresponding traditions in
early Europe, including those of Andalus.[16]
-- Musicality of AABBBA
The musicality of AABBBA lyric forms has been a source of puzzlement
to commentators. As Marrocco [1956] observes, although the name canzone
clearly implies a musicality, “…we do
not possess a single secular composition, monophonic or polyphonic, written in
Italy during the thirteenth century”. He concludes: “We are presented then with
a most difficult choice” – either (a) the music of the canzone in Dante’s time was improvised, and no
notation was felt to be needed; or (b) the canzone was no longer sung
but recited to an improvised musical accompaniment” [p. 713] [17] This
position was reinforced by Aurelio Roncaglia [1978], whose strong stand against
musicality of early Italian lyric forms is iterated in M. Santagata [1979] “Che la
poesia profana del Duecento sia, fin dalle origini siciliane, nuda di veste
musicale mi sembra un dato da considerare […] ormai
acquisito”. [18]
However a counter-position emerges from
Elena Abramov-van Rijk, who has written on the subject of the sung rendering of
poetry in Italy (“parlar cantando”), for
instance citing a sonnet by Niccolo de' Rossi in which he lists singers of
poetry.[19] A
comparative reading of the zajal tradition in Lebanon and elsewhere
suggests that cantillation may have been the form of delivery, but I am
not aware of published work on this. [20]
-- Instrumentation
The circulation of Arab instruments (or
derivations therefrom) in early Europe should provide a fruitful field of
research for potential crossovers. Insofar as dance-song is a popular form,
cheaper and simpler accompanying instruments may have been the instruments of
choice. The rebec (Ar. rebab) is a case in point, and its history
and development is documented in Mary Remnant [1989].[21]
The pipe and tabor are a known
border-crossing combination for the accompaniment of dance, and are addressed
in Humphries[1989]. [22]
-- Poetic duelling
Poetic duelling is one key to
understanding the diffusion of AABBBA. The literature on poetic duelling is
extensive. A key area of research is the Troubadour poetic competitions, and
these are analysed in Harvey and Paterson [2010]. However this is a literary
rather than a musical treatment.[23] In the case
of the sonnet, Giunta [2002] explores its duelling aspect, again in literary
terms, in relation to the tenso tradition.[24] For the
musicality of poetic duelling, the present-day zajal cultures of
Lebanon and Palestine recommend themselves for a comparative reading (televised
poetic competitions, national art form, performances by poets at weddings).
Nadia Yaqub [2007] offers a detailed account.[25]
--
Mathematics of poetry
There are reasons for
believing that numerology plays a significant part in the verse structuring of
medieval poetry. In the case of Dante’s Divina commedia and the
originary Sicilian sonnets these are examined in Pötters [1998 and 2005]. [26]A similar
approach could usefully be applied to the muwashshah poetry of the
mathematician and astrologer Abraham Ibn Ezra, but I know of no work that
treats of it. [27]
0. 04. EXPECTED CONTRIBUTION TO THE DISCIPLINE
The discipline (understood as medieval lyric, medieval song and
medieval music) is characterised by exclusions, lack of linguistic and musical
competences, willed shortsightedness and worse. In Menocal’s words [1981], “The
dichotomy of scholarly endeavours has created a near vacuum in cultural
interaction where once there were three cultures in intimate contact”. I expect
to be able to create a more unitary conception of the fields of poetic, sung
and musical practice as they operated in early Europe, and in relation to the
Arab-Jewish cultures of al-Andalus. I also expect to effect a substantial
expansion of the analytical terrain of the sonnet.
____________________________________
5.1.4. Structural
aspects of Italian tenzone
5.1.6.
Considering the zajalesque
5.2.1. Social
milieu of the sonnet: royalty
5.2.2. Social milieu of the sonnet: cross-class
5.2.4. Social
milieu of the sonnet: the sonnet as correspondence poetry – the Sicilians
5.2.5. Social
milieu of the sonnet: sexuality of the sonnet
5.3.2.1. Optics
5.3.2.2. Natural
phenomena
5.3.3. Plato’s Phaedo
5. 4. Thematics and personifications of the
sonnet
5. 4. 3.
Thematics: The sonnet in relation to the cantigas de escarnho e mal dizer
5. 4. 4.
Thematics: The performative “I”
of the sonnet
5. 4. 5.
Thematics: The sonnet in a context of proto-theatricality
5.5.2. Structural aspects: musicality of the sonnet
5.5.3. Structural aspects: terminology of the sonnet
5.5.4. Structural aspects: multiplicity of caesura
5.5.5. Structural
aspects: the hendecasyllable
5.6. The sonnet in practice – two repertoires
5.6.0 Opening
remarks pending future work
5.7. Provisional conclusions
regarding the sonnet within the AABBBA tradition
5.7.1. Social context
5.7.2. Structural questions
5.7.3. Genre
characteristics of the sonnet
5.7. 4. Circuits
of knowingness
5.7. 5.
Musicality
5.0.0.
Propaideutica
Three of the greatest cosmologists of
the Middle Ages provide accounts (philosophical novels) in which adepts engage
in an ascent through the heavenly spheres in order to reach a higher level of
consciousness (gnosis), which requires rationality to be enhanced by the
additional stage of faith in order to reach the heights. Thus Dante Alighieri
(the Divina Commedia), Ibn al-‘Arabi (The Alchemy of Happiness[28]), and
Abraham Ibn Ezra (Hay ben mekits, being a Hebrew rendering of Avicenna’s
Hayy Ibn Yaqzan[29]). All three
writers, for a significant part of their poetic output, chose to use the
AABBBA-type lyric formats which were associated with popular dance. Of this
dance we know little, except that it had a widespread diffusion, and was a
circle or chain dance, involving a lead singer and a chorus of dancers,
possibly engaging in improvisational verses and shared choruses. At some level,
without assuming necessary derivations, this argues for arenas of philosophical
and lyric practice which, if not shared, are at least concordant. To my knowledge this general framing has not
previously been addressed by science.
5.0.1
Preface
Verbal sparring,
although a constant in widely diverse human societies, takes specific forms in
early Europe, notably in the territories that we now know as Spain, Portugal,
France and Italy. Necessarily strophic, since each versifying unit implies the
presence of two or more interlocutors, the poems of agonistic poeteering tend
to have a threefold form of header + developmental segment + refrain
or iteration. In the form known as tenso the poem as a whole
concludes with a double envoi which is the recourse to judgement, in
which the countervailing debating positions are submitted to a judge or jury to
decide who is the winner. Some of the poems in the tradition have a
structuring binary-ternary principle
(twoness+threeness), which can be observed in the genres of zajal, cantiga,
ballata, laudes and sonetto. The terminology for the
constituent parts of these verses (refrain, main body, burden etc) tends to be
ill-defined and confused in each of the national repertoires, both in modern
critical literature and in medieval writings on poetry. For the purpose of this
MPhil Upgrade I have produced a chapter on the sonnet as a special case
within the poetic duelling tradition characterised by AABBBA-type verse
structures.
The Italian
sonnet appears to be part of the AABBBA tradition – in its twoness and
threeness, for instance, and in its existential proximity to the ballata
form within the threefold nexus of sonetto/ballata/canzone which were
the “formes fixes” of early Italian
vernacular poetry. However, since it falls outside of the AABBBA form in
sensu stricto, here it is treated as a subset – separate, distinct, but
also inseparable.
Various attempts
have been made to establish the derivation of the sonnet. Michele Amari relates
it to the Sicilian strambotto.[30] Others relate it to the tenso of the Provençal troubadours. The
critical literature will be reviewed briefly. However, when posed solely in
terms of similarities of lyric structures, these attempts have difficulty in
establishing probative connections in the series zajal > troubadours
> tenso > sonnet.
This sparseness
of evidence requires the researcher to expand the possible evidential base, in
order to bring in other factors that range beyond the merely prosodic.
Adopting the
notion of “thickness of description” [Geertz] to extend the field of analysis,
I examine the sonnet in in respect of its behaviours (the social
conventions of poeteering); its intellectual habitus (the intellectual
and scientific ideas engaged in and engendered through sonneteering discourse);
and the nature of its performative moment (in particular, the
performative “I” of the poet-antagonist); this latter to be inflected,
diachronically, by the particular economics of patronage pertaining at
particular periods.
It is in the
instance of behaviours (poetic duelling; correspondence poetry etc) that
correlations may best be instanced in the series zajal > tenso >
sonnet; consequently these are privileged in the account that follows, in
which I address the socio-cultural phenonenology of the sonnet as a means of
production of social capital. The system of peer exchange is examined briefly,
and variously, in relation to sonnet, zajal / muwashshah and tenso.
Mainstream Italian
poesy at the time of the “Sicilian school” operated a threefold stable of poetic forms, the canzone, ballata
and sonetto. The names of the first two clearly bear musical
connotations; however in the course of the 13th century the musical aspect
appears to become lost and they come to be literary forms. Nevertheless
analysis has to be conducted with music in mind.
The archaeology
of the vernacular lyric in Italy – the “poetry of the origins” (Contini)[31] – offers a number of principal repertoires (viz. the sonnet at the
Sicilian court; the dialogic contrasto (e.g. “Rosa fresca aulentissima”); and the sonnet among
Tuscan poets including Dante). They are distinguished by (a) the fact of an implicit
two-way communication – as dialogue poetry, correspondence poetry and
agonistic poeteering; (b) the structural presence of the AABBBA rhyme
principle; and (c) the exhibition of poetry as a private/public
performative act. These three separate features are foundational in the
history of the Italian vernacular lyric.
Provençal
literary models (cansos / canzoni) were adopted at the Sicilian court of
the Holy Roman Emperor Frederick II (1194-1250). The court notary Giacomo da Lentini
(fl. c.1210-60) was a key poetic innovator (one of a group of court poets), and
it is to him that the invention of the sonnet is traditionally attributed. The
sonnet becomes, immediately at its inception, a vehicle for correspondence
poetry and for poetic “duelling”, involving two, three, or even more participants (the practice known as
tenzone, related to the Provençal tenso). Eighty years later the
sonnet maintains its force as the favoured means of literary interchange
between circle of young poets around Dante Alighieri, in registers that range
from the high and spiritual to the low and earthy. Those poets then broke with
the old traditions and stripped the sonnet of its formalistic excesses, so that
it transits into a new condition, with the Dolce stil novo. Thereafter
it develops into its canonical form with the sonnets of Petrarch, whereupon the
writing of sonnets becomes a rite of passage for men (rarely women) of culture
through the ages. The sonnet is a remarkable socio-literary product – a compact
and intensely worked “package of thought in action”. In socio-poetic praxis it functions also as a means
of production of social capital.
The sonnet
occupies a pivotal position in the development of European poetic practice. A
congelation of various pre-existing practices, it becomes a forme fixe
with rules that have lasted to our present day (rules which, we find, are
merely confirmed by any attempts at variation).[32]
The form of the sonnet
is characteristically 14 hendecasyllable lines, with a rhyming structure ABAB
ABAB CDE CDE or variants thereof. Unlike the Italian ballata, it lacks
the “header” lines characteristic of
zajalesque verse. It is not directly in line with AABBBA forms, but
exhibits commonalities with them. Lines are generally divided by caesura; there
is a “twoness+threeness”, and there may be a “turn of thought” in the transition from
the ABAB to the CDE section.
A hundred years
after its original emergence, there were many variant forms of the sonnet in
existence. These are listed in the Summa of Antonio da Tempo.[33]
(a)
Relation to the Provençal canso
Although direct
lines of derivation have not yet been established in the critical literature,
the presumed roots of sonnet practice are to be found in the verse-structures
of coblas and the inter-poet exchanges known as tenso,
pre-existing in Provençal troubadour poetry. In this interpretation the
broken-out stanzas of canzoni (coblas sparsas) are given a
distinctive Sicilian inflection in c.1230.[34]
In addressing
originary derivations forms for the sonnet, a number of possibilities suggest
themselves. They include the following:
(a) The Provençal
tenso tradition is exemplified in four extant tenso / partimen
poems involving the poet Gaucelm Faudit (c.1170 – c.1202) (see Appendix
1). Examination of the rhyme structure of the Gaucelm Faidit–En Rembaut
hints at the kind of rhyming structures pertaining in sonnets using the scheme
ABBA ABBA CDE CDE, albeit in permutation.
A specificity of
the sonnet is the feature of a distinct threeness in the final 6 lines (for
instance ABAB ABAB CDE CDE). This needs to be accounted for via a wider search
among related forms, to establish the geographic and historical extensions of
this “threeness” (for instance in German
poetry it has a more or less clear terminus post quem).
1
Álrêrst lébe ich mir werde,
sît mîn sündic ouge siht
daz here lant und ouch die erde,
der man sô vil êren giht.
ez ist geschehen, des ich ie bat:
ích bin komen an die stat,
dâ got menischlîchen trat.[35]
This satisfies
the condition of binary + tertiary which characterises the sonnet.
[Note: In
terms of his proximity to the Scuola siciliana, Walter von der Vogelweide was a
court poet to Federico II, and received a grant of land as a gift from the
emperor.]
(c)
Threads of continuity. For example Giacomo da Lentini’s wordplays
Contemporary with
the Sicilian school was the flourishing poetic culture of the city of Arras in
Northern France. As described by Ardis Butterfield, this was the largest centre
of poetic production in Europe.[36] Its practitioners included all strata of society – kings and commoners,
men and women alike. The earliest records date from the 1190s. Here the
tradition was of poets meeting in sessions, where they would often recite in
competition with each other, and after judgement by some appointed person, the
winner would be declared “prince” of the gathering.
The competing
poets of the Arras puy used complex internal divisions of the line in
order to display bravura. Two sonnets by Giacomo da Lentini exhibit elaborately
similarly worked internal rhymings. For instance the following verse (for the
full text see Appendix 2 below):
[E]o viso – e non diviso – da lo viso,
e per aviso –
credo ben visare;
però diviso – ‘viso’ – da lo ‘viso’,
c’altr’è lo viso – che lo
divisare.
(d)
French poetic tradition
Threads of
continuity with the French poetic tradition are evident in lexical usages.
Provençalisms are prominent in the poetry of the Sicilian School, and then
passed on to Dante and his contemporaries
(e)
Rhetorical figures in the Sicilian School
The division of
the canzone (pace Dante) are fronte, sirma, which
are divided by the diesis (and pedes and versus). Both the
Italian sonnet and the canzone have marked internal break points (in the
sonnet, between ottava and sestina). Santagatta, writing in 1979,
wondered whether from this fact it might be argued that the sonnet was a
broken-out stanza of a canzone (Santagatta 1979, p. 68).[37]
In the sonnets of
Giacomo da Lentini there is a clearly-operating rhetorical figure, namely the
repetition of lexical items (single words, or aggregates of etymologically
related words, or entire phrases) from the ottava to the sestina
(also terzine – confusion of terms). In the practice of carrying over
lexical items from one verse segment to another we find an affinity with the
Provençal practice of coblas capfinidas (a new verse begins with the
last word of the preceding verse, generally taken as being a mnemonic aid among
poets) [See Leandro Biadene, Morfologia del sonetto.] A parallel change
is that between poetic units in which the sense ends at the end of the fronte
(before the diesis) and those in which it carries over across the
divide. Here again there is a marked development of practice between the
originary Sicilian School and the poets around Dante Alighieri.
In Italian
literature, tenzone is co-terminous with the sonnet (which is the
preferred vehicle of this form of discourse). However, since tenzone
implies competition with one’s correspondent (agonistic poeteering), sonnets in the tenzone
genre may have a heightened presence of certain features, compared with non-tenzone
sonnets.
These are
particularly apparent in the rhyme patterns, which are the pivotal point
of the poetic challenge, since the correspondent should reply by matching rhyme
patterns.
Thus we have
rhyme techniques such as the following:
– difficult rhymes – such as orso, -agna,
-oppa, -ampo
– rhyming by broken words, such as parla,
par l’à,
par là
– rhyming by truncated word endings, such as
el, -on, -am, -ech, -ob
– and others;
The tenzone
sonnet tends to be both virtuosic and formalistic, in the sense of having
complex lexical and rhyming patterns. This is already evident from the earliest
examplars, written at the Sicilian court c. 1230. However, at a certain point
in the sonnet’s development (Dante… the “petroso” or “stony” style) poets turn against this
formalism, which tends to operate at the expense of content and meaning. Hence
the development of the Dolce stil novo” [“Sweet new style”]
Further technical
variations of the sonnet include the use of words and phrases from other
languages; the writing of poems in another language; the writing of poems in
dialect forms.
5.1.5.
Problematics of the sonnet
(d) Is there a
relationship with mathematics in the structuring of the sonnet?
(e) The question
of whether we can assume public performance for the sonnet and canzone – or are
they purely literary?
(f) How do we solve the puzzle of the
written-out form of the sonnet, in which the last line of each terzina
is written out separately, with a follow-on indication from the previous lines?
5.1.6.
Considering the zajalesque
The zajal
and its cognate muwashshah is a strophic lyric form characteristic of
Arabic and Hebrew poetry in al-Andalus. Its rhyme scheme, broadly defined, is
AABBBA. Its principal exponent in Andalus was the poet Ibn Quzman whose poem
No. 62 (Edition of García Gómez: Panegyric for Abu-l-Husain ‘Ali az-Zarhuni) we
take as an exemplar:
0.
Al-ganna, lau
‘u’tina-ha, hiy ar-rah
1.
Wa-ishq al-milah
Nazalna
li-l-muzahi wa li-l-hidlan
Tara ma’ nisa wa-tara ma’ subyan
Wa-darat ash-shuraiba, wa-kan ma kan.
Hallu-ni min an-nasiha, ya nussah!
Fasadi
salah!
Similar verse
forms are found in Romance lyrics, notably in the Italian ballata, where the threefold structure of incipit, developmental body and
refrain can be observed. Thus the following, by Jacopone da Todi:
Que farai, fra' Iacovone?
Ôi venuto al paragone.
Fusti al Monte Pellestrina,
anno e mezzo en desciplina;
loco pigliasti malina
dónne ài mo la presone.
Probendato
en cort'i Roma,
tale n'ho redutta soma;
onne fama se 'n ci afuma,
tal n'aio 'mmaledezzone.
[etc]
Therefore the
term zajalesque is sometimes used to denote this kind of verse. However
the usage has been contested, since it implies a relationship of the zajal
and (for instance) the ballata which is yet to be proven.
The process of
exchanging poems within a court environment consolidates social relations and
enhances the social standing of the poets concerned. Thus
we can say that the sonnet functions as a “means of
production of social capital”. The
sonnet was (let's say from the 1230 to 1300) an
extraordinary mechanism for peer communication between urban and imperial
elites, with a currency that also extended rapidly into the lower social
orders. In particular it fulfils that function through the medium of tenzone
exchanges.
The
sonneteering in the poetic circles associated with Dante Alighieri takes place
between peer groups, of men of a similar age and outlook. In this they echo the
earlier extant corpus of sonnets, the scuola siciliana, in which the
participants were the court officials of the court of Federico II (and indeed
also the emperor himself, if we are to believe the manuscript ascriptions).
In the field of
agonistic poeteering it would be reasonable to speak of a “popolo della gara
poetica”,
spread across Europe and spread across classes. As stated above, it is, in a
sense, democratic – also because it takes place in the vernacular.
More
specifically, however, the nexus of agonistic poeteering, correspondence poetry
and AABBBA is similarly inseparable from the life of the royal courts of
Europe.
Crowned heads
were poets; indeed, the iconography shows them as such; and where the
iconography is absent, the kings and princes are portrayed as poets in the act
of canzoniere compilation – collections of poems in which kingly poems
(regardless of whether we believe the kingly ascriptions) are given pride of
place. This royal nexus, loosely defined, evidences a distributed network of
poeteering as a courtly procedure on a par with jousting, falconry, hunting,
board games etc. The Hohenstaufens, self-evidently, were related, and thus
kingly poetry becomes a kingly affair – although other crowned heads also
engaged. Thus King Diniz of Portugal (grandson of Alfonso X) engages in poetic
corrspondence in the genres of cantigas d’escarnho e mal dizer;[38] Kings also engaged with commoners.[39]
It would be
reasonable to speak of this field of poetry as being a Hohenstaufen thing.
Thus the sonnet
bears within it implicit political as well as poetical values. Furthermore, as
poetry it is both urban and urbane – as opposed to courtly or pastoral, for
instance. And in its commitment to science and knowingness [see below]
it further bears testimony to the imaginative power of the Federican project.
The cross-class
environment. Walther von der Vogelweide is on first name terms with Federico.
The kings and commoners of Butterfield’s Arras. The kings and commoners who are the
sonneteers.
The “correspondence” aspect of the sonnet in
turn presupposes a circle of persons capable of that discernment. It suggests a
closed circle of persons with shared cultural concerns. On occasion the circle
may become additionally closed by the employment of codes and private languages
(thus the trobar clus practices of the troubadours, brought into early
Italian practices; tending to create a closed environment implying an exclusion
of those who do not “know”).
Some poems speak
of people who have “intendimento” (“understanding”). Others Others speak of people who have bad knowledge – who are “di sí folle sapere”.
In another
exchange about love, Giacomo da Lentini says (in “Feruto sono isvariatamente”) “E chi lo mi volesse
contastare” – “and
whoever would wish to disagree with me about this”.
The debating element is clear, and the attribution of “knowledge” to one’s
interlocutor is a measure of peer deference and a mechanism for the production
of social capital. However, note that even when peer deference
appears to be implied between poets – as among the young poets of Dante’s circle – the
invocations of wisdom in one’s interlocutor (apostrophisation as ‘saggio’ – “wise” – etc) may actually be
ironic and mocking.
Some of the
earliest extant poems in the Italian vernacular are sonnets written by Giacomo
da Lentini (fl. c.1210-60), notary at the court of Frederick II (1194-1250,
Holy Roman Emperor and King of Sicily). They are influenced by pre-existing
models from the Provençal poets. Notable in his output are correspondence poems
in the macro-poetic structure known as tenzone – specifically, a five-poem
exchange between himself and the the Abbot of Tivoli. And also a three-way tenzone
between Giacomo da Lentini, Jacopo Mostacci and Pier della Vigna.
Crucially, in the
course of the sonneteering correspondence process, the sonnet lays down the
terms of its own definition and development. In other words, in the development
of the ars poetica of the sonnet, the sonnet itself is used as the
medium of polemic and critical readjustment;[40] it functions as a means of production of a poetics. There are many
examples of poets using the sonnet-form in order to criticise the practices and
philosophies of other poets Cavalcanti’s attack on Guittone; critical exchange with
Orlandi. Cino da Pistoia.[41] It is in this context
that the outer limits of the sonnet experience are defined.
The sonnet is
equally at home in both the high and the low register. From the austerely
spiritual to the earthily sexual.
Contrary to what
one would assume from the extant manuscript tradition, the sexuality of the
sonnet is not all heterosexual. There are the many homosexual sonnets of
Michelangelo, as well as six attributed to Nicola Muscia da Siena (c. 1285).[42]
Furthermore the
male gendering of the sonnet is somewhat nuanced. Yes, the sonnet / tenzone
was generally men’s stuff (with the girls marginally in attendance), but there is a
notable switch of focus in Dante’s later poems, where he makes women the
addressees and interlocutors of his poems about love. [“Donne ch’avete intelletto d’amore”; note a similar advocacy
in the Convivio]
The existential
core of sonnet practice is a seeking after knowledge, a proposition and
interrogation of scientific or quasi-scientific concepts (likewise of gnostic
and religious concepts). As such, the sonnet represents a package of thought,
and is to be viewed as a vector of scientific discourse, an airing and testing
of scientific concepts [concepts which, customarily, turn out to be well-worn topoi].
Insofar as the sonnet can be appreciated as a tool, it is a tool for proposing,
testing and debating ideas. It is a medium of intellectual discourse between
persons of discernment. Later this aspect takes on a parodic slant.
The Italian
sonnet partakes of the ethos of 13th-century scientism – the new knowledges,
related to vision, optics, visual representation, magnetism, number, planet
movements, astrology, Greek-derived philosophy etc.[43] These knowledges are intrinsically link to Arab and Jewish scientific
traditions (partly in translation of the Greek tradition). Aristotle, al-Farabi etc. To
this extent it is anti-papal. [Note also: Cavalcanti
the atheist; Immanuello Romano the “bad Jew”.]
We can speak in
terms of a “performance
of knowledge”.
In correspondence the poets would use formulae such as “I am writing to you in
the hopes that your knowledge can enlighten the following question”. Thus “Solicitando un poco meo
savere... a voi mando per determinare…” “Solicitando un poco meo
savere / e con lui mi vogliendo diletare”. These epistolary formulae, commonly found at the start of sonnets, imply
peer deference, and indeed should be examined in the light of medieval
letter-writing conventions.
As regards the
intellectual content of the Norman Sicilian court, the following abbreviated
account is indicative:[44]
A translator
called Eugenius, evidently a Greek, “was one of the most famous men in the [Norman]
kingdom”. He had already translated most of Ptolemy’s Optics from
Arabic into Latin. Another translator
was Henry Aristippus, a Latin secular clerk who was to become archdeacon of
Catania. He produced the first Latin translation of Plato’s Phaedo (1160)
and translated the fourth book of Aristotle's Meteorologica, which
analyses questions of the hot, the cold, the dry and the moist.[45]
Therefore in the
last phase of Norman rule, the Norman court has at its disposal fundamental
texts of ethics, natural science, theories of optics and vision etc. Thirty
years later (1220-30) the first sonnets emerge from the corps of courtiers,
notaries and bishops associated with the Hohenstaufen Sicilian court of
Federico II. For example the tenzone exchange between the court notary
Giacomo da Lentini and the Abbot of Tivoli – men we can assume to have the same
social standing and intellectual interests as Henry Aristippus, Archdeacon of
Catania.
As
regards Arab-Jewish relations at the post-Norman (Hohenstaufen) Sicilian court
of the emperor Federico II,[46] the verdict is unequivocal: there were continuous
cultural contacts with Muslims and Jewish savants, involving translations of
scientific and philosophical texts, the posing of scientific and intellectual
questions, the transit of scholars from many countries, and a genuine lively
interest in what the “East” had to offer.
However, at the
level of poetic structures and literary thematic commonalities, there is
precious little evidence of contact with Arab cultures. [In passing one should
also note that among the extant Arabic poets of pre-Norman Sicily, there is not
much evidence of muwashshah / zajal strophic verse.[47]]
From the extant
texts it is clear that the early sonnets are involved with matters of human and
natural science (including the science of love). We could perhaps push the
argument further, to suggest that these intellectual concerns arise in
concomitance with the Socratic dialogues that were translated at the Norman
court – dialogues which enact a very particular method of seeking after and
representing human knowledge.
This gives a
slightly different shading to the observations by Zyg Baránski, that “the poets of the ‘Sicilian School’ had attempted to weave
strands of philosophical matter into their love poetry” and “It is clear that serious
efforts were being made in Italy to give at least a ‘scientific veneer’ to poetry”,[48] which do not seem to do full justice to the intense intellectual
interest of the time. The scientific interest seems to run deeper than these
remarks would suggest.
A correct
appraisal of the cultural habitus of the sonnet needs to extend outwards
into a “thick
description”
of the intellectual mileu in which it was created. Already I have referred to
the scientific interests of Frederick II, as manifested in the Sicilian court.
The reference can now be narrowed, for instance to the field of optics,
conceived as including light, vision, anatomy of the eye and psychophysics.
5.3.2.1
Optics
The Islamic
philosopher Ibn al-Haytham [c. 965-1040] [known as Al Hazen, unclear whether he
was Arab or Iranian] is an obligatory point of reference in this regard. His
ground-breaking Optics [Kitab al-Manazir], translated into Latin,
is already cited in the work of Roger Bacon [c.1214–1294] and hence has a
currency in European thought. We can take three quotations from the Optics,
to see how they fit with the intellectual climate of the Federican court:[49]
On the phenomenon
of perceived beauty Ibn al-Haytham says: “The sun, the moon, and the stars look beautiful
without there being in them a cause on account of which they look beautiful and
appealing other than their radiant light. Therefore, light by itself produces
beauty.”
[Optics II, 3, 202][50]
On the subject of
artistic representation: “How can artists succeed in giving their work a similarity to nature that
is, strictly speaking, impossible?” [Optics, III][51]
On the subject of
human visual perception: People perceive the world as readers – taking
the signs and transforming them into internal images that have no equivalent at
all in the external world. [Optics][52]
From the
literature it appears that these concerns were current at the court of
Frederick II – with the novel addition that here they were combined also in a science
of love. The “courtly love” discourses of the Provençal poetry come to be inflected further with an
examination of the phenomenology and reasons of love.
The evidence from
the Sicilian sonnets is clear. The poets debate how it is that the image of the
beloved, travelling through the eyes, can come to excite feelings of love. For
instance, Giacomo da Lentini: “Or come pote sì gran donna entrare / per gli ochi mei che sì piccioli
sone?”
[“Now,
how can such a large lady enter through my eyes, which are so small? – XXII]
and “e
li occhi in prima genera[n] l’amore / e lo core li dà nutricamento” [“It is the eyes which in
the first place generate love / and the heart then gives it nourishment” – XIX].[53]
Baránski notes
that these scientific aspects are explored in Rossend Arques [2000] and Enrico
Musacchio [2003].[54] Noting the need for further work, he adds: “In any case, it is clear
that extensive further research needs to be undertaken on the philosophical
character of Romance vernacular poetry.”
5.3.2.2.
Natural phenomena
A similar
interest emerges in other sonnets, for instance regarding the question of magnetism.
Peter of Maricourt was the author of a famous letter, Epistola de Magnete,
in which he described some of the earliest European experiments with magnetism.
The work of Petrus Peregrinus [c.1269] explains the operations of magnetism and
compasses, which were of immediate interest in a medical world concerned with
shipping and trade. We find this interest in magnetism emerging in one of the
extant sonnets.
Or the interest
in meteorological phenomena, as in Lentini’s sonnet (see next section), which should be
read in the light of Aristotle’s Meteorologica
5.3.3.
Plato’s Phaedo
What is important
is that these scientific interests are also manifestly represented in the
intellectual concerns of the early Sicilian sonnets. For instance in the
relentless iterated discourse about the relation between love and the faculty
of vision, as in Giacomo da Lentini’s sonnet:
Ben è alcuna fiata om amatore
senza vedere so ’namoramento,
ma quell’amor che stringe con furore
da la vista de li occhi à
nas[ci]mento.
More
specifically, however, the translation by Henry Aristippus of Plato’s Phaedo (1160)
is particularly interesting. If we set the Phaedo alongside the extant
sonnets of Giacomo da Lentini, it is hard to avoid the sense that there are
consonances. First, because the exuberance of natural science investigation in
general (the power of magnetism; of the ability of sunlight to pass through
glass, etc.). Then specific phenomena: (a) visibility and invisibility in the
discussion of the soul ; the discussion of things being larger and smaller (“Or come pote sì gran
donna entrare / per gli ochi mei che sì piccioli sone?”); (b) the tension
between hot and cold [“Snow can never [...] admit the cold, and still be what it was” [Phaedo, p. 149]
(“A
l’aire
claro ò vista ploggia dare, / ed a lo scuro rendere clarore; / e foco arzente
ghiaccia diventare, / e freda neve rendere calore”); (c)
gemmatology, as in “Diamante, né smiraldo, né zafino, / né vernul’altra gema prezïosa,” etc;
And, to extend a
point in the light of what we have said about the structure of the sonnet, it
is tempting to see some relation between the structure of the sonnet and the
whole discussion on twoness and threeness in Plato.
Gaze is to be
understood here both literally and figuratively.
The court of
Federico II was concerned with gaze and the science of light and vision. In
this, it drew on Arab cultural traditions. This was literally true in the case
of the castles built by Federico – for instance the enigmatic Castel del Monte,
which has a distinctince “see and warn” look-out point, copied from the Arab desert castles of the Umayyad
period. It was also figuratively true, in the sense that the early Federican
sonnets are built around the notion of “love enters through the eyes”, and therefore is an
action mediated through light and vision (hence the puzzle of whether blind
people can truly love). Thus the science of light, reaching the West from Arab
theorists such as Hisham, as documented by Hans Belting.[55]
There is a
subsidiary line of interest – whether the poetry of the “Sicilian” court of Frederick II
could have been affected, inflected by the Arabic and Hebrew cultures existing
in Sicily at the time. A difficult terrain of analysis.
Subject to the
caution that “Arabic” may also mean “Berber”, there is substantial evidence that the Sicilian court of Frederick II
exhibited cultural sympathies with, and cultural borrowings from, Arabic
culture. I
Regarding this
vexed and tendentious matter of Arabo-Norman relations, two separate realms of
influnce have to be examined. On the one hand, Arabic cultural survivals from
the pre-Norman period; on the other, ongoing Arabic cultural contacts during
the Norman and Hohenstaufen periods.
Two substantial
evidences of the multilingual capacities of the first Norman dynasty (King
Roger II of Sicily, 1095-1154) have come down to us. The quadrilingual
tombstone of the mother of the clerk Grisanthe (Latin, Greek, Arabic and
Judeo-Arabic).[56] And the parchment mapping the land ownership scheme of Palermo prior to
the building of the cathedral. Furthermore, the coronation cloak of the Holy
Roman emperors, created by the state silk industry in Sicily (in the manner of
Byzantium), carries around its hem a dedicatory text in Arabic, in Kufic
script; and early coins of Federico II also bear Kufic script.
Negotiations over
(expropriations of) land ownership would have involved court officials in
direct contact with the Arab-speaking populations of the island, and we might
reasonably assume a mutual comprehension of community manners and mores.
Notarial
practices would also have been in play (for instance matters related to land
ownership, marriage, inheritance etc), in relation both to the Arab community
and the Jewish community of the island, and this would have brought the
literate representatives of the various communities into relation with each
other.[57]
The generality of
critical literature ascribes the origins of the sonnet to troubadour poetry and
tenso, with no further specification.
There exists a
strong body of tenso poetry in the Galician-Portugese tradition
associated with the court of Alfonso X of Leon and Castile. In particular the
poetry (sung and/or accompanied) of insult and mockery, the cantigas
d'escarnho e de mal dizer.
The sonnet has
the possibility of insulting exchanges – for instance the famous tenzone
consisting of six mutually-insulting sonnets exchanged between Dante and Forese
Donati. This needs accounting for.
5.
4. 4. Thematics: The performative “I” of the sonnet
In examining the performative
“I” of the sonnet, I move
from observations by Bakhtin (the hero of the novel) to identify the “I” of the sonnet, who will
then be counterposed to the communitarian “we” of the other leg of the threefold sonnet-ballata-canzone
nexus – the ballata and laude.
5.
4. 5. Thematics: The sonnet in a context of proto-theatricality
In addition the
performative “I”
in tenso and sonnet practice embodies a proto-theatricality.
Where there is
language there is speech; implicit in speech is performance; performance
implies audience. The sonnet is a speech-act implying a public. It is predicated
on writing-for-distribution (correspondence poetry), writing-for-a-public and
writing-for-archiving (the sonnets recorded and anthologised in collected
mss.). As such, its performance implies a proto-theatricality.
There is arguably
a human need for theatricality. However in mediaeval times, theatre as such was
in its infancy (emerging slowly from the ecclesiastical “Quem quaeritis” tableaux and popular
festive and carnival manifestations). The theatrical moment was provided by
other and different means. For instance the Arabic maqamat (al-Harizi),
the Hebrew machberot (al-Charizi), and their equivalent European forms
(Boccaccio, Decameron etc), prosimetrum forms combining both prose and
verse in a continuous narrative, which assume an assembly of cultured persons
able to enjoy, appreciate and contribute to literary exchanges.
It could be
argued that the peer-to-peer tenzone exchanges of court officials at the
Sicilian court of Federico II embody similar principles of proto-theatricality,
and that the sonnet is a (special-case) form of public theatricality. This
would be particularly true if the exchanges were ever true to the tradition,
and were conducted orally rather than in writing (although, as far as I know,
we have no evidence for this).
The concision of
the sonnet ranks alongside the invention of the italic font (c. 1500) for
enabling a more intense and compact reading experience.
Virtuosic
performance in matters of poetic complexity (extravagant rhymes, internal
rhyming etc) eventually come to obscure the content of the poem, and are
abandoned (dolce stil novo). Formalistic performance versus meaning.
The sonnet is
part of a threefold stable of formes fixes that indicate musicality (ballata,
canzone, sonnet). Critics deny that it has musicality (other than its
inbuilt textual musicality). However we note the practice of parlar cantando
in the 13th-14th centuries. The sonnet could be located in the realm of the “half-sung” which is also the
technique of zajal performance.
The sonnet is a
semi-public vehicle for the proposition of a human question; at its midpoint it
characteristically entails a change of thought; it is likely to have a gnomic
ending, and in later sonnets this may be proverbial or citational.
Wilhem Pötters of
the University of Wurzburg has made much of the co-presence of the figures 11
and 14 in the sonnet. His claim is that a relationship to Greek pi can
be deduced from the figures (thus 22/7, giving 3.1428571…), and that therefore
the sonnet contains an inbuilt structural reference to pi. There are
reasons for treating the claim with caution. First, there are variant forms of
the sonnet which depart from the 11/14 model – as described in the ars
poetica of Antonio da Tempo. Second, even in the originary sonnets of
Giacomo da Lentini, the hendecasyllable has a tendency to present as a
dodecasyllable, which argues against a precise mathematical concern. However,
that said, there is no doubt about the mathematical interests of the court of
Frederick II (for instance, relations with the mathematician Fibonacci
(1170-1250).
The canonical
sonnet is based on a ratio of 11 to 14 (14 lines of hendecasyllables), which
some have read as referring to the geometric relationship of Greek pi
(measurement of the circumference of a circle, a problem that exercised
medieval minds). 11 > 14 implies 22 > 7, and the division of 22 by 7
gives the medieval closest equivalent to pi.[58]
This is, in
effect, an invitation to consider the whole question of numerology in medieval
poetics. For instance, the great Jewish polymath Abraham Ibn Ezra, as well as
being a prolific writer of muwashshahaat (of considerable prosodical
complexity), was also an astrologer, astronomer and mathematician with a keen sense
of numerial relationships. It would be surprising if this fact were not
reflected in the structures of his poetry, although I have not studied the
matter and know of no studies that have done so. [A study is currently being
conducted in Paris.]
5.5.2. Structural aspects: musicality of the sonnet
If we are to
posit musical continuities of any kind, we need to establish whether there is
such a thing as a musicality of the canzone/ballata/sonnet nexus in
Italy.
This possibility
is specifically denied by some. Giacomo da Lentini, in Contini’s account, was the
person who took the initiative “di trasferire temi e stilemi occitanici in un volgare d’Italia, sottoponendoli
del resto a una fertile euristica […] Naturalmente il Notaio si riconnete a una
fase poetica ormai del tutto litterario, svincolata dalla melodia”. [59]
Aurelio Roncaglia
also took a strong stand against musicality. Iterated in M. Santagatta (1979) “Che la poesia profana
del Duecento sia, fin dalle origini siciliane, nuda di veste musicale mi sembra
un dato da considerare […] ormai acquisito”.
However a
counter-position emerges from the work of Elena Abramov-van Rijk, who has
written on the subject of the sung rendering of poetry in Italy (“parlar cantando”). For instance she
cites a sonnet by Niccolo de' Rossi in which he lists singers of poetry:
Io
vidi ombre e vivi al paragone
provarsi di cantar meglio e piu
bello
ço fu Casella, el Guergo e
Quintinello,
Mino, Lippo, Segna lor compagnone
el buon Scochetto … [etc]
There is a clear
tradition in Italy of poetry being sung; what this says about the relation of
verse to music is a separate matter – as also is the question of the nature of
that singing (for instance the “sung”
versus the “half-sung”).
Regarding the
musicality of the canzone, W. Thomas Marocco [1956] offers the conundrum
that, despite the fact that its name (and commentaries about it) indicate a
musical treatment, musically notated versions of canzoni are not to be
found in the Trecento. I suggest that this is, precisely, because the canzone
was half-sung (“cantillated”), in the manner of duelling poets today in
Lebanon. Then (as now) it would have been resistant to notation – indeed nobody
would have thought of notating it, because it was not that kind of institution.
As in the above-cited work, parlar cantando.
5.5.3. Structural aspects: terminology of the sonnet
The Dantean
terminology of the sonnet strikingly resembles Arab terminology of the art of muwashshah
and zajal (stanza-beyt, frons-matla’, caudatus etc). The similarities also apply in Spanish poetic
terminology of the period.
5.5.4. Structural aspects: multiplicity of caesura
The early sonnets
have a stylistic characteristic which involves internal fracturing of the line,
with internal rhyming. Thus, in Giacomo da Lentini:
Angelica
figura – e comprobata, / dobiata – di ricura – e di grandezze, [XXXVII]
and
[E]o
viso – e non diviso – da lo viso, / e per aviso – credo ben visare; [XXIX]
The later muwashshah
/ zajal tradition (for example Abraham Ibn Ezra, Ibn al-‘Arabi) exhibits a
similar internal fracturing of lines, with internal rhymings. Potentially this
phenomenon could provide evidence of linkages of poetic repertoires. A
comparative analysis of this phenomenon (including its implications for the
musical accompaniment, and taking into account also troubadour poetry) will be
undertaken at a later stage of this thesis.
5.5.5.
Structural aspects: the hendecasyllable
Since classical
times there has existed a well developed catalogue of terminologies of prosody,
as applied to poetry, prose, drama and rhetoric. [synalefe, enjambement etc].
These are matters
which shift and develop according to changes in fashion and the taste of the
times. An instructive comparative study might by an analysis of the global
spread of hip-hop rhythms, radiating out to the rest of the world from West
Coast USA and finding themselves inflected locally by local traditions. However
that would be beyond the remit of the present study.
Nevertheless, for
the Italian “poetry of the origins” the nettle has to be grasped. There is, in
italian prosody of the canzone and sonetto the hendecasyllable.
Its developmental history and the history of its subdivisions (into sub-units
of three, four, five and seven) needs to be accounted for. To that history a
further ingredient needs to be added – the pauses, gaps and silences that are embodied
within hendecasyllabic verse (caesura). The power of verse is dictated as much
by its empty spaces as by its content.
On
hendecasyllables in early Italian vernacular poetry: “[I] vari tipi di verso
italiani (endecasillabo, ottonario ecc) risalgono, con la mediazione ora certa
ora probabiledi precedenti adattamenti nelle letterature d’oil e d’oc,
a misure praticate dalle poesia latina ritmica del Medioevo” (Menichetti, Metrica
italiana, p. 40)
On caesura in
early Italian vernacular poetry: “Non siamo in grado di precisare a parte da
quale momento i poeti italiani abbiano preso coscienza della cesurabailità
tendenziale dell’endecasillabo” (Menichetti, Metrica italiana, p. 473)
This invites a
further investigation:
5.6. The sonnet in practice
5.6.0.
Opening remarks pending future work
For the further
development of this chapter, my intention is to select two small groups of
sonnets in an originary period 1220-1320. [see Appendices 2 and 3]
which form an operating whole, in the sense that they are a set of poetic
correspondences (tenzoni) between groups of poets. The first group is
from the “Sicilian” court of the emperor
Federico II, and involves exchanges between leading clerics, court officials
etc, among whom the perceived originator of the sonnet, Giacomo da Lentini
[fl.c.1210-1260]. The second group involves the young Dante Alighieri [1265
–1321]and his friends, in and around Florence c.1300. These sonnets post-date
by 30-50 years the “invention” of the sonnet (c. 1230), and pre-date the Petrarchan sonnet.
Examination of this poetic milieu and its written output provides a good anchor
point for developing a general analysis of the phenomenology of the sonnet and
its location within the broader European poetic / lyric tradition. That
analysis is not contained in this present document.
5.7. Provisional conclusions: the sonnet
within the AABBBA tradition
5.7.1.
Social context
The sonnet is
committed to the vernacular. It has a democratic vocation. It is open to all.
The fact of the inter-poet nature of its enactment also makes it
quintessentially a public act (also a public statement), as is confirmed by the
anthologisation of sonnets in the manuscript tradition.
A form of verse –
AABBBA – which has a wide area of currency (Andalus, Provence, Italy, North
Africa) in the period 1100-1300 is modified and then consecrated at the royal
court of Sicily in the form of the sonnet, whose production thereafter becomes
a rite of passage for men (rarely women) of power.
The sonnet is
practised by royalty and court officials. It then extends to lower social
orders. It exists as part of a network of court production involving various
branches of the Hohenstaufen dynasty (Federico II, Alfonso X, Deniz I etc). The
spread of AABBBA-type poetry can be said, in part, to be a Hohenstaufen thing.
Inherently
democratic (in the vernacular; not requiring accompaniment by musicians; etc),
it extends to lower social orders. It is available to everyone.
The social
practices of the sonnet (correspondence poetry, poetic duelling; peer
deference; praise and insult; etc) link it to poetic practices of the Iberian
peninsula.
The sonnet is a
locus of “praise”, but can also switch to
the mode of “insult”. Laus and vituperation, in Latin rhetoric. A process similarly exemplified in the
Portuguese-Galician cantigas de escarnho e mal dizer.
The sonnet is a
means of production of social capital – peer deference; complimernts to fellow
poets and social superiors; etc.
The economics of
patronage change during the early life of the sonnet. Created first among the
courtiers of a culturally committed king, later it becomes a means of
expression of men driven into exile and unsupported. Its duelling enactment
becomes no longer a court “performance”, but an enactment of homosical peer solidarity. Its economics of
patronage are radically different from those of the zajals of Ibn
Quzman, which are largely patron-driven.
The sonnet
presents the poet as a very particular “I” – homosocial, urban, with a gaze on women which
moves above the occasionally crude carnality of troubadour poetry and vests
itself with a veneer of science and knowingness.
5.7.2.
Structural questions
Structurally the
sonnet has many features in common with the muwashshah and zajal
of the Iberian peninsula. Rhyme patterns, internal rhyming, citational
practices etc.
The sonnet
becomes fixed into canonical form very early. As genre. It is a precisely-operating
and intense package of meaning, implying dialectics (position and change of
position; position and answer etc). Its compactness is akin to that of italic
font.
The single sonnet
exists as part of a meta-poem, of all other sonnets (from which it draws its
fields of possibility), but also of other sonnets nested in the given poetical
enactment (of tenzone – correspondence with fellow poets, whether named
or otherwise).
The sonnet
embodies the tradition of competitive poeteering by means of rhyme. It shares
this with other poetic duelling cultures, but appears to have a direct and
specific line of continuity to the Andalusi and Ibero-Lusitanian tradition.
5.7.3.
Genre characteristics of the sonnet
The sonnet, as
part of the canzone/ballata/sonnetto nexus, emerges as a
genre, takes canonical form, and tends to exclude / crowd out other forms.
The sonnet bears
a flavour, or “tinge”,
which helps to explain its spread and consolidation as genre. For instance, it
bears “imperial” connotations.
The creation of
the sonnet signals a concern for “correct and suitable languages for poetry” (Dante, De vulgari
eloquentia), a concern which it shares with other poetic milieux of the
period (Moshe Ibn Ezra, Abraham Ibn Ezra, Al-Harizi, Alfonso X).
The sonnet is a
publicly performative act; implicitly embodied in tenzone practice, each
poem is part of a greater “meta-poem” of mutually referring and citational poems. It implies immediately webs
and networks. It is also subject to the “act of diwan / canzoniere” – in other words, is
written partly with a view to anthologisation.
The sonnet is
quasi-theatre. It implies dialogue. It could be theatrical in a court setting.
The poetic
duelling traditions include elements of parody, irony and self-irony, also found
in the sonnet.
The sonnet has
internal citational practices, and may embody proverbial phrases in its exit
lines.
5.7.
4. Circuits of knowingness
The sonnet is
integrated in circuits of knowingness, in the period 1100-1300. Thus, the great
interest in natural phenomena matches the Federican project of inquiry into
natural phenomena. It represents a lay expression of the new scientific
questioning of nature. The lay person becomes science-literate.
Insofar as the
sonnet is a medium for debate on matters of scientific knowingness, it
establishes its own special niche within the sciences – in creating and
debating a “science” of love. This
particularly involves love’s mediation and theorisation by means of the science of optics – the
science of light and vision – an area in which the principal texts are those
arriving from Muslim scientists.
5.7.
5. Musicality
Criticism has
indicated that the canzone has no tradition of musical annotation in the
Trecento. Some authors argue that it was therefore devoid of musicality. I
propose that it was rendered in “half-sung” fashion (parlar cantando)
and would thus have been resistant to notation; and notation was not felt to be
necessary. The same applies in modern traditions of poetic duelling.
For various
reasons the sonnet loses the musicality that was implicitly its birthright as
part of the canzone/ballata/sonetto nexus. Various explanations: the
growth of a literate urban class; the decline of patronage; the impositions of
migration and exile, in which musicians are not available to the poet; etc.
The sonnet is
contiguous with the AABBBA ballata forms in the social milieu of the laudisti
di Santa Maria (for instance in and around Bologna). There is a possible
relationship with Spanish musical practice via the Dominicans, with their
headquarters in that city.
Ends
Universitas adversitatis
Last updated: 31 December 2012
__________________________________________________
1. Ara.m digatz, Gaucelm
Faidit,
Cals val a bona
domna mais,
Qan
ha marit q'es pros e gais,
E
vol de drut penre chauzit!
E
dui cavalier pro e gen
An
en lieis lor entendimen,
E
l'us es enemics mortals
Del
marit, l'autr' amics corals
Chascus
fai per lei son poder --
Chauzetz
qal deu miels retener.
2. En
Raimbaut, d'aqest joc partit
Pren
lo miels, e.l sordei vos lais
Q'eu
dic per dreit, e non biais,
Qe.l pro enemic
del marit
Deu
la domna, s'a pretz valen,
Retener,
e l'autre.ill defen --
Que
dizetz q'es amics corals
Del
marit, et eu dic qu'es fals
Vas
si e vas leis, per q'aver
No.l
deu la domna, ni voler.
[etc, continuing
with the same structure]
______________________________________________
XIX
a
Solicitando
un poco meo savere
e
con lui mi vogliendo diletare,
un
dubio che mi misi ad avere,
a voi lo mando
per determinare. 4
On’omo dice c’amor
à potere
e li coraggi
distringe ad amare,
ma eo no [li] lo
voglio consentire,
però
c’amore no parse ni pare. 8
Ben
trova l’om una amorositate
la
quale par che nasca di piacere,
e zo vol dire om
che sia amore. 11
Eo no li saccio
altra qualitate,
ma zo che è, da
voi [lo] voglio audire:
però ven faccio
sentenz[ï]atore. 14
XIX c
Amor è un[o]
desio che ven da core
per abondanza di
gran piacimento;
e
li occhi in prima genera[n] l’amore
e lo core li dà
nutricamento. 4
Ben è alcuna
fiata om amatore
senza
vedere so ’namoramento,
ma
quell’amor che stringe con furore
da
la vista de li occhi à nas[ci]mento. 8
Che
li occhi rapresenta[n] a lo core
d’onni cosa che veden bono e rio,
com’è formata natural[e]mente; 11
e
lo cor, che di zo è concepitore,
imagina,
e piace quel desio:
e
questo amore regna fra la gente. 14
XXII
Or
come pote sì gran donna entrare
per
gli ochi mei che sì piccioli sone?
e
nel mio core come pote stare,
che
’nentr’esso
la porto là onque i’ vone? 4
Lo
loco là onde entra già non pare,
ond’io gran meraviglia me ne dòne;
ma
voglio lei a lumera asomigliare,
e
gli ochi mei al vetro ove si pone. 8
Lo foco inchiuso,
poi passa difore
lo suo lostrore,
sanza far rotura:
Così per gli ochi
mi pass’a
lo core, 11
no
la persona, ma la sua figura.
Rinovellare mi
voglio d’amore,
poi porto insegna
di tal crïatura. 14
XXVIII
[L]o viso mi fa
andare alegramente,
lo bello viso mi
fa rinegare;
lo viso me
conforta ispesament[e],
l’adorno viso che mi fa
penare. 4
Lo
chiaro viso de la più avenente,
l’adorno viso, riso me fa
fare:
di
quello viso parlane la gente,
che nullo viso [a
viso] li pò stare. 8
Chi
vide mai così begli ochi in viso,
né
sì amorosi fare li sembianti,
né
boca con cotanto dolce riso? 11
Quand’eo li parlo moroli davanti,
e
paremi ch’i’ vada in paradiso,
e
tegnomi sovrano d’ogn’amante.
14
XXIX
[E]o
viso – e non diviso – da lo viso,
e per aviso –
credo ben visare;
però diviso – ‘viso’ – da lo ‘viso’,
c’altr’è lo viso – che lo
divisare. 4
E per aviso –
viso – in tale viso
de
l[o] qual me non posso divisare:
viso a vedere
quell’è
peraviso,
che no è altro se
non Deo divisare. 8
’Ntra viso – e peraviso – no è diviso,
che non è altro
che visare in viso:
però mi sforzo
tuttora visare. 11
[E] credo per
aviso – che da ‘viso’
giamai
me’ non pos’essere
diviso, 14
che
l’uomo vi ’nde
possa divisare.
______________________________________________
1a. DANTE DA
MAIANO TO VARIOUS POETS
Provedi, saggio,
ad esta visione,
e
per mercé ne trai vera sentenza.
Dico:
una donna di bella fazone,
di cu’ el meo cor gradir molto
s’agenza,
4
mi fé d’una ghirlanda donagione,
verde, fronzuta,
con bella accoglienza:
appresso mi
trovai per vestigione
camicia di suo
dosso, a mia parvenza. 8
Allor
di tanto, amico, mi francai,
che
dolcemente presila abbracciare:
non
si contese, ma ridea la bella. 11
Così,
ridendo, molto la baciai:
del
più non dico, che mi fé giurare.
E
morta, ch’è mia madre, era con ella. 14
1b. REPLY BY
DANTE ALIGHIERI
Savete
giudicar vostra ragione,
o om che pregio
di saver portate;
per
che, vitando aver con voi quistione,
com so respondo a
le parole ornate. 4
Disio
verace, u’ rado fin si pone,
che
mosse di valore o di bieltate,
imagina
l’amica oppinione
significasse
il don che pria narrate. 8
Lo vestimento,
aggiate vera spene
che fia, da lei
cui disiate, amore:
e ’n ciò provide vostro
spirto bene; 11
dico, pensando l’ovra sua d’allore.
La figura che già
morta sorvene
è
la fermezza ch’averà nel core. 14
2A. DANTE DA MAIANO TO DANTE ALIGHIERI
Per pruova di
saper com vale o quanto
lo mastro l’oro, adducelo a lo foco;
e,
ciò faccendo, chiara e sa se poco,
amico,
di pecunia vale o tanto. 4
Ed eo, per levar
prova del meo canto,
l’adduco a voi, cui paragone voco
di
ciascun c’have in canoscenza loco,
o
che di pregio porti loda o vanto. 8
E
chero a voi col meo canto più saggio
che
mi deggiate il dol maggio d’Amore
qual’è, per vostra scienza, nominare: 11
e
ciò non movo per quistioneggiare
(ché
già inver voi so non avria valore),
ma
per saver ciò ch’eo vaglio e varraggio. 14
[?
attribution contested]
3a. DANTE ALIGHIERI TO VARIOUS POETS
A
ciascun’alma presa e gentil core
Nel
cui cospetto ven lo dir presente,
In
ciò che mi rescrivan suo parvente,
Salute
in lor segnor, cioè Amore. 4
Già
eran quasi che atterzate l’ore
Del
tempo che onne stella n’è lucente,
Quando
m’apparve Amor subitamente,
Cui
essenza membrar mi dà orrore. 8
Allegro
mi sembrava Amor tenendo
Meo
core in mano, e ne le braccia avea
Madonna
involta in un drappo dormendo. 11
Poi
la svegliava, e d’esto core ardendo
Lei
paventosa umilmente pascea:
Appresso gir lo
ne vedea piangendo. 14
3b. REPLY BY
GUIDO CAVALCANTI
Vedeste,
al mio parere, onne valore
e
tutto gioco e quanto bene om sente,
se
foste in prova del segnor valente
che
segnoreggia il mondo de l’onore, 4
poi
vive in parte dove noia more,
e
tien ragion nel cassar de la mente;
sì
va soave per sonno a la gente,
che
’l cor ne porta senza far dolore. 8
Di
voi lo core ne portò, veggendo
che
vostra donna alla morte cadea:
nodriala
dello cor, di ciò temendo. 11
Quando
v’apparve che se ’n
gia dolendo,
fu ’l dolce sonno ch’allor
si compiea,
ché
’l su’
contraro lo venìa vincendo. 14
3c. REPLY BY
DANTE DA MAIANO
Di ciò che stato
sei dimandatore,
guardando, ti
rispondo brevemente,
amico meo di poco
conoscente,
mostrandoti del
ver lo suo sentore. 4
Al
tuo mistier così son parlatore:
se
san ti truovi e fermo de la mente,
che
lavi la tua coglia largamente,
a
ciò che stinga e passi lo vapore 8
lo
qual ti fa favoleggiar loquendo;
e
se gravato sei d’infertà rea,
sol
c’hai farneticato, sappie, intendo. 11
Così
riscritto el meo parer ti rendo;
né
cangio mai d’esta sentenza mea,
fin che tua acqua
al medico no stendo. 14
______________________________________________
[1] “En conclusión, aunque mucho quede todavía por investigar,
los resultados de este trabajo nos llevan hacia la idea de una poligénesis de
las estrofas árabes y románicas”. Miriam Capaldo, doctoral thesis, La strofe
zagialesca nella lirica profana romanza delle Origini, Scuola di Dottorato
europea in filologia romanza, 2006.
[2] Ribera y Tarrago, Ramón, Discursos leidos ante la Real Academia Espan~ola en la recepcio´n pu´blica del Sen~or D. Julia´n Ribera y Tarrago´ el di´a 26 de mayo de 1912, Impr. Ibe´rica, Madrid, 1912. ALSO: Ribera y Tarrago, Ramón, Cancionero de Abencuzma´n.]
[3] Menéndez Pidal, Ramón., “Poesía árabe y poesía europea”, Bulletin Hispanique, vol. 40, no. 4, Bordeaux ; Paris, 1938.
[4] Stern, S.M., “The muwashshahs of Abraham Ibn Ezra”, in Hispanic Studies in honour of I. Gonzales Lubera, OUP, Oxford, 1959.
[5] Abu Haidar, Jareer, Hispano-Arabic Literature and the Early Provençal Lyrics, Curzon, Richmond, Surrey, 2001.
[6] Heijkoop, Henk, with Otto Zwartjes, Muwaššah?, zajal, kharja: bibliography of strophic poetry and music from al-Andalus and their influence in East and West, Brill, Leiden, 2004.
[7] Dronke, Peter, The Medieval Lyric, D.S. Brewer, Cambridge, 1968, 3rd ed. 1996, pp. 186-206.
[8] Liu, Benjamin M. and. Monroe, James T., Ten Hispano-Arabic strophic songs in the modern oral tradition: music and texts, University of California publications in modern philology, v. 125, University of California Press, Berkeley and Oxford, 1989.
[9] Pierre Le
Gentil, Le virelai et le villancico: le problème des origines arabes,
Collection portugaise, Les Belles Lettres, Paris, 1954.
[10] Menocal, María Rosa, “Close Encounters in Medieval Provence: Spain's Role in the Birth of Troubadour Poetry”, Hispanic Review, Vol. 49, No. 1, Williams Memorial Issue (Winter, 1981), pp. 43-64
[11] Miriam Capaldo, La strofe zagialesca nella lirica profana romanze delle Origini, doctoral thesis, University of Siena. Summarised on-line at http://www3.unisi.it/ricerca/dottorationweb/filologia_romanza/abstract/abstract_capaldo.pdf. [Accessed 13.viii.2012]
[12] Page, Christopher, “Jerome of Moravia on the Rubeba and Viella”, in Music and Instruments of the Middle Ages: Studies on texts and performance, Variorum, Aldershot, c1997. See also: Page, Christopher, The Owl and the Nightingale: Musical life and ideas in France 1100-1300, Dent, London, 1989.
[13] Page, Christopher, “The Geography of Medieval Music”, in Everist, Mark, The Cambridge Companion to Medieval Music, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2011. In fact the author documents only those traditions with extant noted music, but the point remains nonetheless.
[14] Butterfield, Ardis, “Interpolated lyric in medieval narrative poetry”, unpublished doctoral dissertation, Cambridge, 1987..
[15] Butterfield, Ardis, “Enté: A survey and reassessment of the term in thirteenth- and fourteenth-century music and poetry”. Early Music History, Vol. 22, 2003, pp. 67-103.]
[16] Chapter 8: Urban culture: Arras and the puys, in Butterfield, Ardis, Poetry and Music in Medieval France: from Jean Renart to Guillaume Machaut, Cambridge studies in medieval literature, no. 49, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2002.
[17] Marrocco, W. Thomas, “The Enigma of the Canzone”, Speculum, Vol. 31, No. 4 (Oct., 1956), pp. 704-13
[18] Santagata, Marco, Dal sonetto al canzoniere : ricerche sulla preistoria e la costituzione di un genere, Liviana, Padova, 1979. Also: Roncaglia, Aurelio, “Sul ‘divorzio tra musica e poesia’ nel Duecento italiano”, in L’”ars nova” italiana del Trecento, Certaldo, 1978, IV, pp. 365-97
[19] Abramov-van Rijk, Elena, Parlar cantando: the practice of reciting verses in Italy from 1300 to 1600,. Peter Lang, Bern and New York, c.2009.
[20] See Yaqub [2007]
[21] Remnant, Mary, Musical Instruments: An illustrated history: from antiquity to the present, Batsford, London, 1989. and Remnant, Mary, “The Use of Frets on Rebecs and Mediaeval Fiddles”, The Galpin Society Journal, vol. 21, (Mar., 1968), pp. 146-51
[22] Humphries, Richard, The pipe and tabor book, R. & K. Humphries, Linton, c1989.
[23] Harvey, Ruth, and Linda Paterson ; in collaboration with Anna Radaelli, Claudio Franchi et al, The troubadour tensos and partimens: a critical edition, D.S. Brewer, Woodbridge, 2010.
[24] Giunta, Claudio. Versi a un destinatario: saggio sulla poesia italiana del Medioevo, Il Mulino, Bologna, 2002; and Giunta, Claudio, Due saggi sulla tenzone, Antenore, Rome, 2002 (Miscellanea erudita, no. 63)
[25] Yaqub, Nadia G.., Pens, swords, and the springs of art: the oral poetry dueling of Palestinian weddings in the Galilee, Brill, Leiden, 2007.
[26] Pötters, Wilhelm, Nascita del sonetto: metrica e matematica al tempo di Federico II, Longo, Ravenna , c1998. And Pötters, Wilhelm, The circle of Love: Dante`s Divine Comedy as a celebration of the value of Greek Pi.
[27] Sela, Shlomo, Abraham Ibn Ezra and the Rise of Medieval Hebrew Science, Brill, Boston, MA , 2003.
[28] Asín Palacios, Miguel, Islam and the Divine Comedy, trans. and abr. Harold Sunderland, London, 1926.
[29] Robert Singerman, Jewish Translation History: A bibliography of bibliographies and studies, John Benjamins, Amsterdam, Philadelphia, 2002.
[30] Amari, Michele, Carteggio di Michele Amari, Roux Frassati, 1896.
[31] Gianfranco
Contini, Letteratura italiana delle origini, Sansoni, Firenze, 1970
[32] Penguin Book of the Sonnet [Ref]
[33] Antonio da Tempo, Summa artis rithmici vulgaris dictaminis [1332]
[34] “Formalmente il genere
della tenzone è di chiara ascendenza provenzale rimonta* cioè all’uso da parte dei
trovatori, a partire deo secoli XII-XIII per corrispondere tra loro, di stanze
isolate di canzone (coblas sparsas). Ma nella ricezione di questo uso canonico, la tenzone di tipo siciliano
rivela sul piano delle forme e su quello contenutistico, la propria forza
originale”. Contini, Gianfranco, Letteratura italiana delle
origini, Sansoni, Firenze, 1970.
[35] Walther
von der Vogelweide in Frings, Theodor, Minnesinger und Troubadors, Akademie-Verlag,
Berlin, 1949.
[36] Butterfield, Ardis, Poetry and music in medieval France: from Jean Renart to Guillaume Machaut, Cambridge Studies in Medieval Literature, no. 49, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2002.
[37] Santagata, Marco, Dal sonetto al canzoniere : ricerche sulla preistoria e la costituzione di un genere, Liviana, Padova, 1979.
[38] “Songs of scorn and insult”. As recorded in the Cancioneiro da Biblioteca Nacional, the Cancioneiro da Vaticana and (with musical notation) the Pergaminho Sharrer 137 of his songs, in the three main genres of Galician-Portuguese lyric, are extant, including some with musical notation). Sharrer, H.L.: ‘Fragmentos de sete Cantigas d'amor de D. Dinis, musicadas: uma descoberta’, ibid. [incl. illustration].
[39] Walther von der Vogelweide’s poems directed to Federico II; the man-to-man poetic exchanges involving King Diniz etc.
[40] The parallel with the critical self-awareness of the novel in Bakhtin’s account of genre is compelling, here. This includes the sonnet’s capacity for parody and comment on itself.
[41] Roberto Rea, Cavalcanti poeta: uno studio sul lessico lirico, Nuova cultura, Roma: c.2008.
[42] Note also the poems of Guittone d’Arezzo, pre- and post-recantation; the explicit homoerotic sonnet of de’ Rossi. The love-related exchanges between Dante Alighieri and his friends.
[43] “Sì come dice lo Filosofo nel principio de la Prima Filosofia, tutti li uomini naturalmente desiderano di sapere.” [Dante Alighieri, Convivio, Trattato primo, capitolo I.
[44] Summarised from R.H.C. Davis, The Normans and their Myth, Book Club Associates, London, 1976.
[45] Source text at: http://ebooks.adelaide.edu.au/a/aristotle/meteorology/book4.html
[46] Charles H. Haskins, “Science at the Court of the Emperor Frederick II”, The American Historical Review, vol. 27, no. 4, July 1922, pp. 669-94.
[47] S. M. Stern, “A twelfth-century circle of Hebrew poets in Sicily—I”, The Journal of Jewish Studies, vol. 5, no. 2, 1954-.
[48] Baránski, Zygmunt G.., "'Per similtudine di abito scientifico': Dante, Cavalcanti and the sources of medieval 'philosophical' poetry", note 14, p. 43.
[49] Cited in Hans Belting, Florence and Baghdad: Renaissance Art and Arab Science, Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Mass. and London, 2011, p. 108. See also Mahmoud Al Deek, "Ibn Al-Haitham: Master of Optics, Mathematics, Physics and Medicine", Al Shindagah (November–December 2004) [Refs.]
[50] Ibn al-Haytham, Optics, in Hans Belting, op. cit.
[51] Ibid.
[52] Ibid.
[53] See: Enrico Musacchio, “Passione d’amore e scienza ottica in un sonetto di Giacomo da Lentini”, Letterature Italiana antica, 4, 2003, pp. 337-69.
[54] Musacchio, Enrico, “Passione d’amore e scienza ottica in un sonetto di Giacomo da Lentini”, Letterature Italiana antica, 4, 2003, pp. 337-69.
[55] Belting, Hans, Florence and Baghdad: Renaissance Art and Arab Science, Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Mass. and London, 2011.
[57] As an additional Arabist twist – this time in an Andalusi frame – it is noteworthy that Palermo once had a church of San Michele and San Lorenzo "in Indulciis". This appears to be a reference to an Andalusi quarter, on which, for the time being, we have no further information.
[58] See also Dante Alighieri, Divina commedia – Paradiso: “Dentro da sé, del suo colore stesso, / mi parve pinta de la nostra effige: / per che ’l mio viso in lei tutto era messo. // Qual è ’l geomètra che tutto s’affige / per misurar lo cerchio, e non ritrova, / pensando, quel principio ond’ elli indige, // tal era io a quella vista nova… Trans: “For I therein, methought, in its own hue beheld our image painted: steadfastly I therefore por'd upon the view. As one who vers'd in geometric lore, would fain measure the circle; and, though pondering long and deeply, that beginning, which he needs, Finds not; e'en such was I, intent to scan the novel wonder…:”
[59] Contini, G., (ed.), Poeti del Duecento, Ricciardi,
Milano-Napoli, 1960, 2 vols..