The Socio-Cultural Dimension of an Emerging Nation-State

By Snake

The political landscape of  some nations of the world has been  clearly drawn  towards almost  similar patterns of aspirations.  It becomes incipient basically with a normative conviction and  becomes intensified with the "ought to be" assumptions  if and when  pre-conditions or prevailing  ones are not satisfied and unfavorable.  Scantily borrowing the analytical paradigm of Karl Marx of class struggle, although not necessarily founded on economic conditions,  hostilities ripening into a full-blown struggle  have been known to lead through a reasonable certainty of synthesized deconstruction i.e., reconstruction.

Conflicts leading to a greater struggle  provide the means and cause of a revolutionary movement.  In our modern times, we have for instance the Middle East imbroglio, the Kosovo  pit,  the Mindanao fiasco and similar situations.  The nations' struggles  are identifiably  inured by socio-cultural idiosyncrasies and derivatives other than the material economic dimension of  any Marxist analysis.

Although East Timor situation does not fit in the seam of any tailored analysis,  it provides as though with abundant similarities  save with   few peculiarities of  nations under colonial rule.  The colonial legacy of  various  imperial colonizers  provides a contrasting perspective  which either reinforces further the pre-conditions of struggle  or  deflects any further aspirations  which may disturb any obtaining  hypnotic development. Many years under Portuguese cloak  as against  the sweeping boldness of Indonesian dagger, the people of East Timor  had made an irreversible decision when they  affirmed  for independence during last year's United Nations ushered-in election.  This point in East Timor's history provides us now the compelling reasons for an area analysis in terms of strategic benefits for  various clients or merely inherent  necessity for primary agents in the ongoing reconstruction efforts of this emerging nation-state.

It is in the combination of various analytical approaches like historical, empirical,  normative or prescriptive frameworks that  shall guide this paper in producing a paradigm which would represent  at least  a workable socio-cultural praxis  of East Timor.

Socio-cultural praxis is an ontological usage  which is encompassing and diffuses into the basic points of life in a given environment.  It  is understood to mean the same  when it is mentioned as socio-cultural dimension.  What is then the breadth and width  of  understanding  socio-cultural praxis?  It  is  understood as the general societal make-up that even transcends  any purposive existence of the given society.  It includes inter alia  status, religion, race (ethnic),  morality,  way of life, law and order, education, language, symbols,  thought or ideals, and similar societal customs and traditions or what forms part of the unwritten law.

It cannot be denied that  an overwhelming majority of East Timorese voted for independence last year before the infamous chain of rampaging militia atrocities  leading to international military intervention that now continues as UN Peacekeeping Force. This  is a material fact and an unimpeachable political reality.

What remains unclear though is the substantial fact by which  the East Timorese  can reasonably hold or participate in the  strategic  perspective in terms of  leadership and governance, law and order, security, economy and  all necessary aliquot of the  emerging nation-state.  The microcosm of Timorese struggle  so far  is indisputably real. But the other  question now posits  on the thread that  runs the mill of  a budding independent nation which is its socio-cultural dimension.

There are verifiable factors that must be  looked into besides political or economic factors before we can stop being suspicious on the compatibility and the ability of  this nation to take-off from her present state.  This we concern ourselves with  literacy level, religion, discipline, idiosyncrasy,  customs and traditions, colonial way of life, and other relevant parameters. In a nutshell, the political sociology of the given environment that has prevailed  with more particularity during the Portuguese colonial years.  Although the same people were  under the Indonesian rule, they  had expressed their strongest rejection  by  voting independence from Indonesia which up to now  is being challenged by a small but not insignificant number of militia that can still derail any gain of independence.

Even the United Nations-led development scheme for this nation-state is now being frown upon with suspicion by the charismatic leader and the now the symbol of its struggle Xanana Gusmao when he reportedly  criticized  a sort of misguided picture of development that in the first place did not involve them in the drawing table.  He was  reportedly not happy at all with the display of "freewheeling" culture  which is obtaining in East Timor.

In the instant case,  East Timor reels  not only from the deconstruction but also with noticeable impact of its colonial past  putting herself in similar situation from the rest of  nations with   bitter colonial past who were pampered with false hopes or ill-fit  and  regressive development.  This  can be a great concern of education but what system should it be.   What is appropriate  as an educational system in East Timor must be consistent with what development  needs or national identity she wants to achieve. 

"...with an educated elite above them.  In the period between World War 2 and the 1975 Indonesian invasion, a number of East Timorese managed to gain an education in the colony's few schools. Some were mestizos, of Timorese and Portuguese parentage, others were Timorese from traditional ruling families, but the majority were native Timorese who gained their education through the Catholic minor seminary. The emergence of this small educated elite in the 1960s and 1970s ensured that, when the Portuguese left East Timor in 1975, these people with schooling, and nationalist aspirations, became the territory's leaders." (Timor Today on line, http://easttimor.com/).

The quest for national identity  entails a great deal of awareness of  symbols like  national hope and aspiration by the people who are inescapably identified  by  the same.  Literacy must at least be democratized to  bring up higher level of awareness.

"…mostly farmers, living in isolated areas, under traditional kings...  For centuries the East Timorese had been farmers, living in scattered hamlets and eating what they grew. Only a few coastal East Timorese were fishermen. Trading and shop keeping had for generations been in the hands of the Chinese. East Timor is extremely mountainous, so the majority of East Timorese had always lived in isolation, far from towns and foreign influences, tied to their fields and animistic practices. In spite of centuries of Catholic missionary work by the Portuguese, in 1975 animists still numbered as much as 72 % of the population. The local Timorese kings still played an important part in their lives and allegiances, whilst interference from Portuguese administrators and military was almost non-existent." (Ibid).

Language  is another factor  that needs wide attention. The same  aliunde captures almost the same observation: "...of diverse ethnic groups and languages...  There are 12 ethnic groups in East Timor each of which has its own language: 9 Austronesian language groups - Tetum, Mambai, Tokodede, Kemak, Galoli, Idate, Waima'a, Naueti; and 3 Papuan language groups - Bunak, Makasae, Fatuluku. The Tetum live in two separate geographic areas within East Timor. A simplified version of the Tetum language was utilised in Dili by the Portuguese as a lingua franca. This language has spread throughout East Timor so that Tetum, in its original or simplified form, came to be spoken by about 60% of the population. Though widespread, it is not understood by all."

The vestiges of colonial rule provide a self-defeating contrast.  The dependency nature of colonial relationship  as in the present case softens the euphoria of independence.  It is a hardly reconcilable fact that  " The Portuguese colonialists provided the colony with limited development. Portugal was itself a poor country, therefore could only devote few funds to East Timor", as against Indonesian rule of  sweep  infrastructure development. This negates  any Marxist analysis of  historical materialism but rather safely points to the Western paradigm of freedom and all its  dire consequences.

The socio-cultural praxis of East Timor  is one area of concern that  must become   a basis for any preconceived system.  But as  it  is held as a gospel truth that a foot cannot be had to fit the shoes.  Mainstream modern perspectives almost agree that  any system  would run berserk if and when it disregards the socio-cultural dimension of the native environment  for the main plausible and simple reason of incompatibility. 

 End