KKKK

ႸႠႥႪႤႢႭ

Coat of Arms

LINKS:

დედა ენა
DEDA ENA
First pure
Georgian Web site

Caucasica

Reverse Links

• Ghia Nodia
• Jason H. Elbaum
• Mikhail Vignanskii
• John Kohan
• Yuri Zarakhovich
• Raymond C. Finch
• McNair Paper
• Jack Matlock
• Tony Halpin
• Ronald Grigor Suny
• Cowen, R.
• Pattison, S
• Schroeder, K.
• Gray, Malcolm
• Montefiore, S.S.
• Urigashvili, Besik
• Steve James
• Stephen K. Batalden
• Elizabeth Fuller
• Glenny, Misha
• Bach, Wilfrid

Loyal or Dangerous? Georgians divided minorities into two categories, dangerous and non-dangerous. Likely territorial claimants were considered dangerous. By Ghia Nodia [Chairman of the Board of the Caucasian Institute for Peace, Democracy and Development] in Tbilisi. February 1997.
(c) Copyright: The Institute for War and Peace Reporting 1996.

Like most nationalists, the new Georgian leaders in 1989-91 considered minorities to be a headache. The first Georgian president, Zviad Gamsakhurdia, claimed to be a democrat, but his beliefs were closest to "Georgia for the Georgians."...

...The new government of Eduard Shevardnadze branded Gamsakhurdia's movement as "parochial fascism"...

"Presidential candidates"
[email protected] (Jason H. Elbaum)
(topical, smirk, original)
From the rec.humor.funny joke archives.

Hard to keep track of everyone who's running for president. There's the one whom everyone's calling a fascist. He's trying to get his name on the presidential ballot in Georgia, but the authorities are resisting. That's right, I'm referring to Zviad Gamsakhurdia, ousted president of formerly-Soviet Georgia.

Eduard Shevardnadze sharply criticized the anti-Semitic article in the newspaper "Noi." Criminal charges are pressed against the newspaper. SEGODNIA (Rus.): No. 146, 08/15/96. By Mikhail Vignanskii.

"...President Shevardnadze said that he was "ashamed that something like that could be published in his country where Jews and Georgians are proud of friendship and brotherhood." Shevardnadze stated that he is outraged with the article and is sure that the racist escapades will not remain unpunished. In his opinion the article shall be condemned by the public because it testifies that the seeds of the provincial fascism sown in the time of Zviad Gamsakhurdia have not been uprooted in Georgia..." (Translated by AM)

MAN FOR THE "MESS" : VOTERS MAKE SHEVARDNADZE THEIR ELECTED PRESIDENT, BUT WONDER HOW LONG THE WARM GLOW WILL LAST. (JOHN KOHAN/MOSCOW REPORTED BY YURI ZARAKHOVICH/TBILISI). TIME Magazine. November 20, 1995 Volume 146, No. 21.

"...No one would ever accuse Shevardnadze of shirking his duty. As Soviet Foreign Minister under Mikhail Gorbachev, he helped bring an end to the cold war. Then he returned in 1992 to the former Soviet republic of Georgia, where he had ruled for 13 years as Communist Party chief, to try and pick up the pieces after the country's first democratically elected President, the despotic Zviad Gamsakhurdia, was overthrown in a coup. Since coming home, Shevardnadze has had to contend with a civil war waged by supporters of the deposed President, a bloody conflict to restore control over the breakaway region of Abkhazia and the complete collapse of the economy and civil order in Georgia--all while surviving three brushes with death...."

The Strange Case of Russian Peacekeeping Operations in the near Abroad 1992-1994. Raymond C. Finch, III , Major, U.S. Army, FA, FMSO. Foreign Military Studies Office, Fort Leavenworth, KS. July 1996

"...The Russian Army conducted its first peacekeeping operation in Southern Ossetia, an autonomous region in the Republic of Georgia. The conflict originated in early 1991, when the Georgian national government refused to respect the autonomy of the Ossetian region. The newly-elected, ultra-nationalist, president of Georgia, Zviad Gamsakhurdia, began to enact legislation designed to create an ethnically-pure Georgian state. These actions prompted fear and an even greater demand for Ossetian autonomy, or possible union with their kin in the adjoining Northern Ossetian region of Russia..."

"...An even more adamant Abkhazian demand for sovereignty distracted Georgian paramilitary units from disrupting the situation in Southern Ossetia, and explains part of the Russian success there. The Abkhazian minority (some 17% of the population in Abkhazia), not content with mere preferential treatment in local government, began in early 1992 to lobby for complete independence from Georgia or for union with Russia.14 Again, the nationalistic rhetoric of former Georgian president, Zviad Gamsakhurdia, compelled the Abkhazians to seek a greater degree of autonomy. In July 1992, under the pretext of having to restore order in the region, Georgian paramilitary forces moved into Abkhazia and stormed the capital city of Sukhumi, forcing the local Abkhazian government to flee to the neighboring town of Gudauta. Fighting broke out in earnest between Georgian and Abkhazian units in August 1992...."

"...19. The threat referred to is the return of former Georgian president Zviad Gamsakhurdia to western Georgia. He timed his return well. Knowing that the majority of ethnic Georgians (Mengrelians), would be upset at the humiliation of signing a ceasefire with the Abkhazians, Gamsakhurdia planned to use this dissatifaction, and the internal squabblings of the Georgian parliament (which was reluctant to grant Shevardnadae emergency powers) as so much political capital. When the Abkhazians began their attack, forces loyal to Gamsakhurdia initially promised to assist the Georgians. They changed their minds, however, and instead proceeded to confiscate whatever weapons and ammunition they could steal from the retreating Georgian army. By mid October 1993, Georgia was in the midst of civil war, and it was only Russian military assistance which allowed Shevardnadze to defeat Gamsakhurdia's forces. In return, Georgia granted a host of concessions to the Russian government (ie. permanent stationing if Russian troops on Georgian soil, entry into the CIS)..."

MODALITIES OF THE NEW GREAT GAME -- CENTRAL ASIA AS AN EXTENSION OF THE MIDDLE EAST. McNair Paper Number 47 Chapter 3, January 1996 3.

"...In the case of Georgia, President Eduard Shevardnazde was also forced to sign a Treaty of Friendship and Cooperation, accept stationing of Russian troops in Georgia, and grant the use of three bases in his country. In return, Russia saved Shevardnazde's government from being defeated by the forces of the former dictator of Georgia, Zviad Gamsakhurdia..."

AN AGENDA FOR THE FUTURE. Antoni Kaminski Defense Ministry of Poland, Department for Strategic Research

"...But let me just mention the recent Georgian experience: there was Shevardnadze's commitment to have his party away from the CAS. And Georgians were beaten by a small minority of Abkhazians, then they were beaten by Gamsakhurdia; and Gamsakhurdia had his troops excellently armed with artillery and tanks and apparently the Abkhazians were also supplied with arms by someone. Then the day Shevardnadze decided to sign the access to the CIS suddenly his fortunes changed: from one day to another he started beating Gamsakhurdia's troops and possibly he will even recover the Abkhazian part of Georgia..."

Olivier Paye and Eric Remacle: "UN and CSCE Policies in Transcaucasia" in: Bruno Coppieters (ed.). Contested Borders in the Caucasus.

"...Since 1988, two types of conflict have erupted in Transcaucasia. The first may be described as a "struggle-for-power conflict". Here, the conflicting parties consist of a State's regular army and one or more non-governmental armed forces from the same State. These do not aim to change international borders, but rather to control state power. Such a "struggle-for-power conflict" occurred twice in Transcaucasia in recent times: in Georgia between the supporters and opponents of the first elected President, Zviad Gamsakhurdia (December 1991 - late 1993), and in Azerbaijan with the coup against the democratically elected President Elcibey (June 1993). Both successors of the ousted presidents were former communist leaders: Eduard Shevardnadze and Geidar Aliyev..."

The United Nations paid no attention to the so-called "struggle-for-power conflicts", i.e., the coups against elected presidents Gamsakhurdia in Georgia and Elcibey in Azerbaijan. Different explanations may be offered for this lack of attention. A first would be that these coups were perceived as purely internal affairs in which, according to a traditionally restrictive interpretation of Article 2, paragraph 7 of the UN Charter (principle of non-interference in domestic affairs), the UN is not called upon to act. According to a second interpretation, the great powers and the international community were simply not interested in intervening. Nothing in the UN Charter prohibits the Security Council from characterizing an internal conflict as a threat to international peace and security - as was done, for instance, in the cases of Somalia, Haiti and Rwanda - and from acting in these situations on the basis of Chapter VII (coercive measures). Unlike the ousting of President Aristide of Haiti, the coups against Gamsakhurdia and Elcibey were simply acceptable to the great powers, and especially to Russia..."

Democratic Politics and Policy Workshop. Jack Matlock, ex-US ambassador to Russia, Jan. 30, 1996

"...Yuri Shevchuk: And personally, did you have any role in President Bush's address to Ukrainian parliament, the famous Chicken Kiev speech? You were an ambassador at that time.

JM: Let me take them in reverse order, because some are simpler than others. I had no role in writing the speech; I saw it on the plane as we were flying to Kiev, and at that point you could make only minor adjustments, I tell about this in the book. Actually it didn't bother me all that much, because this was a speech which we had said very clearly before it came was directed not at Ukraine but at all of the non-Russian republics. Therefore, some of the comments made were not pointed at Ukraine. For example, the comments about suicidal nationalism referred to Georgia, and Gamsakhurdia's policies at the time, which were getting them into a civil war. His statement that freedom is not the same as independence was also meant as a warning that, okay, the independence forces, you make league with the communist nomenklatura to get independence, to prevent reform, you're going to have a problem, and we could see that, and Ukraine still hasn't solved that one..."

George Bush: The Unauthorized Biography --- by Webster G. Tarpley & Anton Chaitkin Chapter -XXV- THYROID STORM "

"...August 21: The Soviet putsch was a trying time for Bush, who staked a great deal on his deal with Gorbachov. A remarkable flare-up by Bush came in response to the opinion expressed by Zviad Gamsakhurdia, the president of the Republic of Georgia, that Gorbachov was part of the conspiracy behind the coup. Bush, asked for a reaction, was incensed:

Bush: --say to him he needs to get a little work done on the kind of statements he's making. I mean that's ridiculous. There's a man who has been also swimming against the tide, it seems to me, a little bit. And I don't want to go overboard on this, but he ought to get with it and understand what's happening around the world..."

Documents retrived using "Electric Library" search : Gamsakhurdia

• AIM: Armenian International Magazine

Tony Halpin, Juggling Loyalties: Armenian Community Is Caught in Georgia's., AIM: Armenian International Magazine, 02-28-1992, pp PG. Ethnic NewsWatch ? SoftLine Information, Inc., Stamford, CT

"...Already tenuous, relations between the two neighboring Caucasus republics of Armenia and Georgia were further put to the test following the sudden departure of ousted President Zviad Gamsakhurdia from northern Armenia, where he had found refuge for 10 days in Janu ary. His supporters in western Georgia took Armenians hostage, in the mistaken belief that Gamsakhurdia was being held prisoner in Armenia. Supplies through Georgia to Armenia were also disrupted, although it is unclear whether this was done by followers of the deposed president or his opponents..."

"...The community's leader, Van Baiburtian, editor of the Armenian-language newspaper Vrastan, found himself accused of "zviadism" by a rival Armenian, who stormed into his office with two armed men and demanded he resign his post. Baiburtian, who insisted he only developed relations with Gamsakhurdia to persuade him not to persecute Armenians and to reopen an Armenian school, succeeded in gaining the support of the government.

He also defended his efforts to keep Armenians neutral in the struggle for power in Georgia. "If there had not been the precedent of the Baku massacres, Armenians could probably have protested against Gamsakhurdia, but they felt afraid and couldn't take that step," he said. "Gamsakhurdia' s anti-Armenian moods were quite strong," he added.

"Even before the elections, Gamsakhurdia was strongly anti-Armenian, anti-Kurd. He bulldozed ethnic minorities into quitting the republic. "

Baiburtian admitted that many Armenians had voted for Gamsakhurdia, who won 87 percent of the national vote, but he said they did so out of fear of reprisals if the Armenian quarter of the city was seen not to have supported him.

"...Added Barbutian: "Under Gamsakhurdia, I told Armenians, `let's wait for this period to come to an end and not have conflicts with the Georgians'. Even if Gamsakhurdia had quit his post, the conflict would have remained like a burning wound. With the fanaticism of the people here, there were many who really wanted to pull the Armenians into the conflict..."

"...Gamsakhurdia was an unpredictable person, while with the new regime I myself feel more comfortable. They seem to be normal and civilized people..."

Tony Halpin, Interview: Across the Border., AIM: Armenian International Magazine, 02-28-1992, pp PG. Ethnic NewsWatch ? SoftLine Information, Inc., Stamford, CT

[Interview with T.Sigua]

"... > Will you try to extradite him [Gamsakhurdia] later to stand trial in Georgia?

< A number of political organizations and unions in Georgia have asked for an international medical symposium to be conducted to discuss the psychological state of Mr. Gamsakhurdia. There were some documents about his state of health, but at that time the psychological profession was under the Soviet authorities, so I am not inclined to confirm documents issued by Soviet physicians. If Mr. Gamsakhurdia turns out to be mentally ill, then there will be no question of him being extradited to Georgia.

> How will you carry out this examination?

< If Gamsakhurdia goes to the West, we will probably ask that highly qualified physicians [in his host country] check his mental state. Probably Georgian doctors will go, too.

> Does that mean he will be put on trial?

< The question of whether or not Mr. Gamsakhurdia will be tried depends not solely on the provisional government but on the whole people of Georgia. I personally think that if no verdict of mental illness is found, then no one has the right to relieve Gamsakhurdia from his enormous responsibility. It is not just a thief we are talking about but the first president of Georgia who has managed in a period of one year to lead us to ethnic and civil war. The prosecutor general's office has stated that the accumulated material concerning Mr. Gamsakurdia is enough to try 10 presidents.

> There has been much speculation that you plan to restore the Georgian monarchy or to invite former Soviet Foreign Minister Eduard Shevardnadze (a Georgian) to become president. Is there any truth to this?

< ...As far as Mr. Shevardnadze is concerned, there has been no invitation to him to return to Georgia as president, and he had not expressed anything that could prompt us as to his intention of becoming president. What he has said is ready to promote to the fullest extent the democratic forces over totalitarianism. Mr. Shevardnadze has high international reputation and he can play his role in the democratization of the republic. We can already feel that support since, from January 12, there have been numerous proposals from foreign embassies in Moscow concerning the establishment of embassies in Georgia. Another step taken by Mr. Shevardnadze is his donation of $100,000 toward the restoration of the center of Tbilisi, damaged in the fighting. But there has been no invitation to him from the provisional governmental nor proposals from Shevardnadze's side..."

"...In multinational Georgia, the exclusionary nationalism of former dissident Zviad than integrating. In his words, non-Georgians were "foreigners. " Their protests were seen to be the handiwork of the Kremlin, which was waging war on the republic. Fearful of Communist designs on his republic, surrounded by armed men, his house guarded by vicious dogs, Gamsakhurdia saw enemies everywhere. A particular target of his wrath was the internationally respected diplomat Eduard Shevardnadze, who had been falsely portrayed as a martyr to democracy, he said. After Gamsakhurdia sent a telegram to the United States regretting George Bush as its choice of president, both foreign minister Giorgi Khoshtaria and prime minister Tengiz Sigua left the government. They were replaced by the men many believe to be close to the Georgian "mafia," politicians and criminals that ran much of the "second economy" under the Soviets..."

"...The presidential election [of 1991 -- Ed] itself was marred by an undemocratic election law, smear campaigns and violence. One popular candidate, Jaba Isoeliani [ aka Jaba Joseliani - Sic. -- Ed.], was excluded by law from running. Others had their offices raided or were beaten up. Tens of thousands of young Georgians organized into paramilitary bands, some loyal to Gamsakhurdia, others to his rivals..."

"...On December 22, the president's opponents launched armed attacks on the parliament building where Gamsakhurdia was holed up in a basement bunker. The most prominent leaders of the armed forces were Kitovani, commander of the National Guard, and Chanturia, leader of the paramilitary unit called mkhedrioni (Horsemen) [! -- Ed.]..."

"...On his side, the president could claim the legitimacy of election sand his own enormous popularity. On their side, the opposition condemned Gamsakhurdia as a dictator who had sabotaged democracy in Georgia and led the country into ethnic and civil war. In the fissiparous politics of Georgia, where about 130 parties compete for power, ordinary Georgians faced a brutal dilemma: either pushing for a militarily backed dictatorship, with the usual democratic trappings, or supporting a popularly elected president who had shown tyrannical tendencies..."

"...Divided politically and ethnically, the peoples of Georgia are experiencing the costs of an intolerant nationalism that progressively excludes more and more of the country's inhabitants from full participation in the fledgling democratic polity..."

• Economist

Cowen, R., Divided they fight.., Vol. 318, Economist, 03-02-1991, pp 52. Copyright 1991 by Economist Newspaper, NA, Inc. Text may not be copied without the express written permission of Economist Newspaper, NA, Inc.

"...Mr Gamsakhurdia has said Georgian citizenship might be given only to those who can show that their ancestors lived in Georgia before 1801..."

"...Yet Mr Gamsakhurdia's behaviour in power has given rise to fears that dictatorship is rising in Georgia along with nationalism. Rivals are denounced as traitors. The local press is given over to singing the praises of his government. Anyone insufficiently enthusiastic in his support- -like the respected former leader of the Rustaveli Society (a group associated with his Round Table)--finds himself removed from office or, in other cases, in jail. Mr Gamsakhurdia has even suggested that citizenship, and therefore property rights, in a future independent Georgia should be restricted to those who can show that their ancestors lived in the area before 1801..."

Schroeder, K., First things second.., Vol. 320, Economist, 09-21-1991, pp 61. Copyright 1991 by Economist Newspaper, NA, Inc. Text may not be copied without the express written permission of Economist Newspaper, NA, Inc.

"...Many of the voters who put him in office have since changed their mind. His opponents say he is increasingly paranoid and has adopted the tactics of his former tormentors. Newspapers have been shut, television stations taken off the air and opponents forced from office. Mr Gamsakhurdia has, says a long-standing acquaintance, ``a vision of himself as St George on a white horse, appointed by God to lead the Georgian people''..."

• Maclean's

Gray,Malcolm., Dictator or democrat?., Vol. 104, Maclean's, 10-07-1991, pp 36. Copyright 1991 by Maclean's Magazine. Text may not be copied without the express written permission of Maclean's Magazine.

"...About one kilometre to the west were opposition leaders, using the television studios that they have seized to denounce Georgian President Zviad Gamsakhurdia as a dictator. To the east, along a six-lane thoroughfare, loyalists at the barricaded state legislature swore that only Gamsakhurdia could lead Georgia to full independence.."'

"..Strongly held political positions are customary in Georgia, a sunny, mountainous republic whose 5.4 million residents can choose between more than 100 political parties. And Gamsakhurdia, a former dissident who has endured jail terms and solitary confinement during the long struggle for Georgian independence, has been one of his native land's most controversial political figures. Supporters of the 52-year-old president point to the overwhelming popular mandate that he received last May, when 87 per cent of participating voters awarded him a five-year term in office. But opposition leaders, including his former prime minister and foreign minister, say that Gamsakhurdia is becoming a dictator who is stifling democracy by jailing rivals and critics and taking control of the media..."

"...Tengiz Sigua, the former prime minister who was recently dismissed from Gamsakhurdia's government, added another element to the conspiracy theories swirling around Tbilisi. He cited Gamsakhurdia's swift co-operation with the hard-line coup leaders in August, particularly his attempt to dissolve the republic's 15,000-member national guard. But 1,500 men in the newly formed militia refused to obey that order, providing Gamsakhurdia's opponents with an armed force to support their demands. Sigua said that the Georgian president's motive for initially accepting the coup was simple: he thought that it would help him to develop his personal dictatorship. Gamsakhurdia denies that charge and, in fact, any suggestion that he is building authoritarian power..."

Gray, Malcolm, A dirty little war.., Vol. 104, Maclean's, 05-20-1991, pp 26.Copyright 1991 by Maclean's Magazine. Text may not be copied without the express written permission of Maclean's Magazine.

"...Now, the republic's president says that he wants to foster a market economy in the fertile land where the ancient Silk Road trade route still links Asia and Europe. Zviad Gamsakhurdia, the overwhelming favorite to retain his post in a May 26 election, is the most widely known politician among Georgia' s 5.4 million residents. But in the quarrelsome realm of the republic' s politics, where one measure of prominence is the number of bodyguards that a leader commands, the 52-year-old Gamsakhurdia is variously described as either a dictator-in-waiting, or the only man capable of taking on Moscow -- and winning..."

"...Gamsakhurdia, who has traded the jeans and casual shirts of his dissident days for carefully tailored, double-breasted suits, is the forceful leader of the Round Table..."

• New Republic

"...But now Tbilisi is grateful for the return of the "silver fox. " Georgia's revered capital was burned and scarred during the civil war that exploded at the end of last year: a veteran dissident (who had often been jailed and reportedly tortured by none other than Shevardnadze), Gamsakhurdia, a nationalist professor with a Hitlerian mustache, was elected president by a stunning 87 percent. But he then adopted the powers and language of his Bolshevik predecessors in the name of free Georgia; he ranted at his opponents, calling them "bandits and criminals." His prime minister, Tengiz Sigua, and the commander of the National Guard, Tengiz Kitovani, rebelled and fought their way down Rustaveli Avenue over Christmas to drive the tyrannical Gamsakhurdia from power..."

"...In this land of private armies, fought over for centuries by Russia, Persia, and Turkey, Shevardnadze, now 64, faces the real test of his career. He has managed to undo some of Gamsakhurdia's damage, garnering recognition by fifty-five countries and visits by German Foreign Minister Hans-Dietrich Genscher and, recently, Secretary of State James Baker. But there are no George Bushes or Jim Bakers in Shevardnadze's own country. In Ruritanian Georgia, everything is flamboyant, surreal, and somewhat absurd. The politicians here are half scholar, half bandit [but not Shevi !!! - Ed.]. The fallen Gamsakhurdia, who still lurks over the border in Chechen-Ingushia, is the son of Georgia's favorite novelist this century. His father habitually wore medieval Georgian costume even in the darkest days of Stalin's purges. The ex-president looks the very image of the late comic Peter Sellers playing the role of the dictator of a Caucasian nation..."

Montefiore, Simon, Zviad egg.., Vol. 210, New Republic, 02-21-1994, pp 9. New Republic is the property of New Republic and may not be copied without the express written permission of New Republic

"...Never did an unluckier man aspire to the bloody mantle of dictator than ex-President Zviad Gamsakhurdia of Georgia, whose New Year's Eve suicide ends, at 54, a bizarre career. Gamsakhurdia was the longtime dissident professor elected the first president of Georgia. Within six months his tyranny and apparent lunacy provoked the revolt that overthrew him. For the next two years he rebelled against the government of Eduard Shevardnadze and finally went too far and fell on his sword.

The first time I met Gamsakhurdia, I thought he looked exactly like the actor Peter Sellers playing the part of the crazed dictator of a small, wild Caucasian republic. He had a little mustache and the saddest eyes, but they were illuminated with the flickering energy of madness. He was slight, tall, gray-haired, deep-voiced, elegant, like an aging gigolo wilting at a tea dance. Initially, I presumed rumors of his madness were exaggerated by his critics, but when I knew him better, I knew better..."

"...Gamsakhurdia was faced with the choice of fleeing or fighting. Typically, he did both: first, he fled back to Chechenya. Then he returned to die in the fray like the Georgian knights of yore, whose heroic, ironclad ranks he so yearned to join..."

• Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists

• Bach, Wilfrid, Implementation of the Helsinki Final Act.., Vol. 3, Dispatch, 09-01-1992, pp 1. Copyright 1992 by Office of Public Communication. Text may not be copied without the express written permission of Office of Public Communication.

MMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMM