* Little indication has been shown that the CCP will open itself to elections on a wider scale. Although this is not out of the question, even if it should occur, the CCP will still wield sufficient political and media leverage to dominate in elections. The greatest hope for democracy emanates from within the party itself, where the National People�s Congress has taken to actively debating issues instead of merely rubber-stamping previous rulers� decrees, as it had during the 1960s and early 1970s. The NPC is rapidly developing opposing political blocs and a multitude of agendas instead of a single monolithic party line.
*The spread of information via the Internet is unlikely to compel the Chinese people to adopt more objective and libertarian political stances. Chinese Internet services are publicly managed, with tens of thousands of cyberpolice constantly �filtering� material that opposes the party line. Personal details of users and records of their site visits are also kept as a potent monitoring tool, which renders the Internet dangerous as a public forum of discourse. Even Enter Stage Right, the magazine that publishes some of G. Stolyarov II�s articles, is illegal in China.
