Vengeance and rationality Arundhati Roy
The algebra of infinite justice
As the US prepares to wage a new kindof war, Arundhati Roy challenges the instinct forvengance Arundhati Roy Guardian Saturday September 29, 2001 In the aftermath of theunconscionable September 11 suicide attacks on the Pentagon and the WorldTrade Centre, an American newscaster said: "Good andevil rarely manifest themselves as clearly as they didlast Tuesday. People who we don't know massacred people who wedo. And they did so with contemptuous glee." Then he brokedown and wept. Here's the rub: America is at waragainst people it doesn't know, because they don't appear much on TV.Before it has properly identified or even begun tocomprehend the nature of its enemy, the US government has, in a rush ofpublicity and embarrassing rhetoric, cobbled together an"international coalition against terror", mobilised its army, its airforce, its navy and its media, and committed them to battle. The trouble is that once Amer icagoes off to war, it can't very well return without having foughtone. If it doesn't find its enemy, for the sake of the enraged folksback home, it will have to manufacture one. Once war begins, itwill develop a momentum, a logic and a justification of itsown, and we'll lose sight of why it's being fought in the first place. What we're witnessing here is thespectacle of the world's most powerful country reachingreflexively, angrily, for an old instinct to fight a new kind of war. Suddenly,when it comes to defending itself, America's streamlinedwarships, cruise missiles and F-16 jets look like obsolete, lumberingthings. As deterrence, its arsenal of nuclear bombs is no longerworth its weight in scrap. Box-cutters, penknives, and coldanger are the weapons with which the wars of the new centurywill be waged. Anger is the lock pick. It slips through customsunnoticed. Doesn't show up in baggage checks. Who is America fighting? On September20, the FBI said that it had doubts about the identities ofsome of the hijackers. On the same day President George Bush said,"We know exactly who these people are and whichgovernments are supporting them." It sounds as though the presidentknows something that the FBI and the American public don't. In his September 20 address to the USCongress, President Bush called the enemies of America"enemies of freedom". "Americans are asking, 'Why do theyhate us?' " he said. "They hate our freedoms - our freedom ofreligion, our freedom of speech, our freedom to vote andassemble and disagree with each other." People are being askedto make two leaps of faith here. First, to assume that The Enemyis who the US government says it is, even though ithas no substantial evidence to support that claim. Andsecond, to assume that The Enemy's motives are what the USgovernment says they are, and there's nothing to support thateither. For strategic, military and economicreasons, it is vital for the US government to persuade its publicthat their commitment to freedom and democracy and theAmerican Way of Life is under attack. In the current atmosphere ofgrief, outrage and anger, it's an easy notion to peddle. However, ifthat were true, it's reasonable to wonder why the symbolsof America's economic and military dominance - the WorldTrade Centre and the Pentagon - were chosen as the targetsof the attacks. Why not the Statue of Liberty? Could it bethat the stygian anger that led to the attacks has its taproot not inAmerican freedom and democracy, but in the US government'srecord of commitment and support to exactly the oppositethings - to military and economic terrorism, insurgency,military dictatorship, religious bigotry and unimaginable genocide(outside America)? It must be hard for ordinary Americans, sorecently bereaved, to look up at the world with their eyes full oftears and encounter what might appear to them to beindifference. It isn't indifference. It's just augury. An absence of surprise.The tired wisdom of knowing that what goes aroundeventually comes around. American people ought to know that itis not them but their government's policies that are sohated. They can't possibly doubt that they themselves, theirextraordinary musicians, their writers, their actors, theirspectacular sportsmen and their cinema, are universally welcomed. Allof us have been moved by the courage and grace shown byfirefighters, rescue workers and ordinary office staff in the dayssince the attacks. America's grief at what happened hasbeen immense and immensely public. It would begrotesque to expect it to calibrate or modulate its anguish. However, itwill be a pity if, instead of using this as an opportunity to tryto understand why September 11 happened, Americans use it as anopportunity to usurp the whole world's sorrow to mourn andavenge only their own. Because then it falls to the rest ofus to ask the hard questions and say the harsh things. And for ourpains, for our bad timing, we will be disliked, ignored andperhaps eventually silenced. The world will probably never knowwhat motivated those particular hijackers who flew planesinto those particular American buildings. They were notglory boys. They left no suicide notes, no political messages;no organisation has claimed credit for the attacks. Allwe know is that their belief in what they were doing outstripped thenatural human instinct for survival, or any desire to beremembered. It's almost as though they could not scale down theenormity of their rage to anything smaller than their deeds. And whatthey did has blown a hole in the world as we knew it. In theabsence of information, politicians, political commentatorsand writers (like myself) will invest the act with their ownpolitics, with their own interpretations. This speculation,this analysis of the political climate in which the attacks tookplace, can only be a good thing. But war is looming large. Whateverremains to be said must be said quickly. Before America placesitself at the helm of the "international coalition againstterror", before it invites (and coerces) countries to activelyparticipate in its almost godlike mission - called Operation InfiniteJustice until it was pointed out that this could be seen as an insultto Muslims, who believe that only Allah can mete out infinitejustice, and was renamed Operation Enduring Freedom- it wouldhelp if some small clarifications are made. For example,Infinite Justice/Enduring Freedom for whom? Is this America'swar against terror in America or against terror in general?What exactly is being avenged here? Is it the tragic lossof almost 7,000 lives, the gutting of five million square feetof office space in Manhattan, the destruction of a section of thePentagon, the loss of several hundreds of thousands of jobs, thebankruptcy of some airline companies and the dip in the New YorkStock Exchange? Or is it more than that? In 1996, MadeleineAlbright, then the US secretary of state, was asked onnational television what she felt about the fact that 500,000 Iraqichildren had died as a result of US economic sanctions. She repliedthat it was "a very hard choice", but that, all thingsconsidered, "we think the price is worth it". Albright never lost herjob for saying this. She continued to travel the worldrepresenting the views and aspirations of the US government.More pertinently, the sanctions against Iraq remain inplace. Children continue to die. So here we have it. The equivocatingdistinction between civilisation and savagery, betweenthe "massacre of innocent people" or, if you like, "a clash ofcivilisations" and "collateral damage". The sophistry and fastidiousalgebra of infinite justice. How many dead Iraqis will it take tomake the world a better place? How many dead Afghans forevery dead American? How many dead women and children forevery dead man? How many dead mojahedin for each deadinvestment banker? As we watch mesmerised, Operation EnduringFreedom unfolds on TV monitors across the world. Acoalition of the world's superpowers is closing in onAfghanistan, one of the poorest, most ravaged, war-torn countries inthe world, whose ruling Taliban government is shelteringOsama bin Laden, the manbeing held responsible for the
September 11 attacks. The only thing in Afghanistan thatcould possibly count as collateral value is its citizenry.(Among them, half a million maimed orphans.There are accounts ofhobbling stampedes that occur when artificial limbs areairdropped into remote, inaccessible villages.) Afghanistan'seconomy is in a shambles. In fact, the problem for an invadingarmy is that Afghanistan has no conventional coordinates orsignposts to plot on a military map - no big cities, no highways, noindustrial complexes, no water treatment plants. Farms havebeen turned into mass graves. The countryside is litteredwith land mines - 10 million is the most recent estimate. TheAmerican army would first have to clear the mines and build roads inorder to take its soldiers in. Fearing an attack from America, onemillion citizens have fled from their homes and arrived at theborder between Pakistan and Afghanistan. The UN estimates thatthere are eight million Afghan citizens who need emergencyaid. As supplies run out - food and aid agencies have been askedto leave - the BBC reports that one of the worsthumanitarian disasters of recent times has begun to unfold. Witnessthe infinite justice of the new century. Civilians starving todeath while they're waiting to be killed. In America there has been rough talkof "bombing Afghanistan back to the stone age". Someoneplease break the news that Afghanistan is already there. And ifit's any consolation, America played no small part inhelping it on its way. The American people may be a little fuzzyabout where exactly Afghanistan is (we hear reports thatthere's a run on maps of the country), but the US government andAfghanistan are old friends. In 1979, after the Soviet invasion ofAfghanistan, the CIA and Pakistan's ISI (Inter ServicesIntelligence) launched the largest covert operation in the history ofthe CIA. Their purpose was to harness the energy of Afghanresistance to the Soviets and expand it into a holy war, an Islamicjihad, which would turn Muslim countries within the SovietUnion against the communist regime and eventually destabilise it.When it began, it was meant to be the Soviet Union'sVietnam. It turned out to be much more than that. Over the years,through the ISI, the CIA funded and recruited almost 100,000radical mojahedin from 40 Islamic countries as soldiers forAmerica's proxy war. The rank and file of the mojahedin wereunaware that their jihad was actually being fought on behalf ofUncle Sam. (The irony is that America was equally unaware that itwas financing a future war against itself.) In 1989, after being bloodied by 10years of relentless conflict, the Russians withdrew, leaving behinda civilisation reduced to rubble. Civil war in Afghanistan raged on.The jihad spread to Chechnya, Kosovo and eventually to Kashmir. TheCIA continued to pour in money and military equipment, but theoverheads had become immense, and more money was needed.The mojahedin ordered farmers to plant opium as a"revolutionary tax". The ISI set up hundreds of heroin laboratoriesacross Afghanistan. Within two years of the CIA's arrival, thePakistan-Afghanistan borderland had become the biggest producer ofheroin in the world, and the single biggest source of the heroinon American streets. The annual profits, said to be between$100bn and $200bn, were ploughed back into training andarming militants. In 1995, the Taliban - then amarginal sect of dangerous, hardline fundamentalists - fought itsway to power in Afghanistan. It was funded by theISI, that old cohort of the CIA, and supported by many politicalparties in Pakistan. The Taliban unleashed a regime of terror. Itsfirst victims were its own people, particularly women. It closeddown girls' schools, dismissed women from government jobs,and enforced sharia laws under which women deemed to be"immoral" are stoned to death, and widows guilty of beingadulterous are buried alive. Given the Taliban government's humanrights track record, it seems unlikely that it will in anyway be intimidated or swerved from its purpose by the prospect ofwar, or the threat to the lives of its civilians. After all that has happened, canthere be anything more ironic than Russia and America joining handsto re-destroy Afghanistan? The question is, can youdestroy destruction? Dropping more bombs on Afghanistanwill only shuffle the rubble, scramble some old graves anddisturb the dead. The desolate landscape of Afghanistanwas the burial ground of Soviet communism and the springboardof a unipolar world dominated by America. It made thespace for neocapitalism and corporate globalisation, againdominated by America. And now Afghanistan is poised to become thegraveyard for the unlikely soldiers who fought and won this warfor America. And what of America's trusted ally?Pakistan too has suffered enormously. The US government has notbeen shy of supporting military dictators who have blockedthe idea of democracy from taking root in the country. Beforethe CIA arrived, there was a small rural market for opium inPakistan. Between 1979 and 1985, the number of heroin addictsgrew from zero to one-and-a-half million. Even beforeSeptember 11, there were three million Afghan refugees livingin tented camps along the border. Pakistan's economy iscrumbling. Sectarian violence, globalisation's structural adjustmentprogrammes and drug lords are tearing the country to pieces.Set up to fight the Soviets, the terrorist training centres andmadrasahs, sown like dragon's teeth across the country, producedfundamentalists with tremendous popular appeal withinPakistan itself. The Taliban, which the Pakistan government has supported, funded and propped up for years, has materialand strategic alliances with Pakistan's own political parties. Now the US government is asking(asking?) Pakistan to garotte the pet it has hand-reared in itsbackyard for so many years. President Musharraf, having pledgedhis support to the US, could well find he has somethingresembling civil war on his hands. India, thanks in part to itsgeography, and in part to the vision of its former leaders, has so far beenfortunate enough to be left out of this Great Game. Had it beendrawn in, it's more than likely that our democracy, such as itis, would not have survived. Today, as some of us watch in horror,the Indian government is furiously gyrating its hips, beggingthe US to set up its base in India rather than Pakistan. Havinghad this ringside view of Pakistan's sordid fate, it isn't justodd, it's unthinkable, that India should want to do this. Any thirdworld country with a fragile economy and a complex social baseshould know by now that to invite a superpower such asAmerica in (whether it says it's staying or just passing through)would be like inviting a brick to drop through your windscreen. Operation Enduring Freedom isostensibly being fought to uphold the American Way of Life.It'll probably end up undermining it completely. It willspawn more anger and more terror across the world. For ordinarypeople in America, it will mean lives lived in a climate ofsickening uncertainty: will my child be safe in school? Will therebe nerve gas in the subway? A bomb in the cinema hall? Will mylove come home tonight? There have been warnings about thepossibility of biological warfare - smallpox, bubonic plague,anthrax - the deadly payload of innocuous crop-duster aircraft.Being picked off a few at a time may end up being worse thanbeing annihilated all at once by a nuclear bomb. The US government, and no doubtgovernments all over the world, will use the climate of war asan excuse to curtail civil liberties, deny free speech, lay offworkers, harass ethnic and religious minorities, cut back onpublic spending and divert huge amounts of money to the defenceindustry. To what purpose? President Bush can no more "rid theworld of evil-doers" than he can stock it with saints. It's absurdfor the US government to even toy with the notion that it canstamp out terrorism with more violence and oppression.Terrorism is the symptom, not the disease. Terrorism has nocountry. It's transnational, as global an enterprise as Coke or Pepsior Nike. At the first sign of trouble, terrorists can pull upstakes and move their "factories" from country to country in search ofa better deal. Just like the multi-nationals. Terrorism as a phenomenon may nevergo away. But if it is to be contained, the first step is forAmerica to at least acknowledge that it shares the planet with othernations, with other human beings who, even if they are not onTV, have loves and griefs and stories and songs and sorrows and,for heaven's sake, rights. Instead, when Donald Rumsfeld, the USdefence secretary, was asked what he would call a victory inAmerica's new war, he said that if he could convince theworld that Americans must be allowed to continue with their way oflife, he would consider it a victory. The September 11 attacks were amonstrous calling card from a world gone horribly wrong. Themessage may have been written by Bin Laden (who knows?) anddelivered by his couriers, but it could well have been signed by theghosts of the victims of America's old wars. The millionskilled in Korea, Vietnam and Cambodia, the 17,500 killed whenIsrael - backed by the US - invaded Lebanon in 1982, the 200,000Iraqis killed in Operation Desert Storm, the thousands ofPalestinians who have died fighting Israel's occupation of theWest Bank. And the millions who died, in Yugoslavia, Somalia,Haiti, Chile, Nicaragua, El Salvador, the Dominican Republic,Panama, at the hands of all the terrorists, dictators andgenocidists whom the American government supported, trained,bankrolled and supplied with arms. And this is far from being acomprehensive list. For a country involved in so muchwarfare and conflict, the American people have been extremelyfortunate. The strikes on September 11 were only the second onAmerican soil in over a century. The first was Pearl Harbour.The reprisal for this took a long route, but ended with Hiroshimaand Nagasaki. This time the world waits with bated breath forthe horrors to come. Someone recently said that if Osamabin Laden didn't exist,America would have had to invent him.
But, in a way, America did invent him. He was among thejihadis who moved to Afghanistan in 1979 when the CIAcommenced its operations there. Bin Laden has the distinctionof being created by the CIA and wanted by the FBI. In the courseof a fortnight he has been promoted from suspect to primesuspect and then, despite the lack of any real evidence, straightup the charts to being "wanted dead or alive". From all accounts, it will beimpossible to produce evidence (of the sort that would stand scrutiny ina court of law) to link Bin Laden to the September 11 attacks. Sofar, it appears that the most incriminating piece of evidenceagainst him is the fact that he has not condemned them. From what is known about the locationof Bin Laden and the living conditions in which heoperates, it's entirely possible that he did not personally plan and carryout the attacks - that he is the inspirational figure, "the CEO ofthe holding company". The Taliban's response to US demands forthe extradition of Bin Laden has been uncharacteristicallyreasonable: produce the evidence, then we'll hand him over.President Bush's response is that the demand is "non-negotiable". (While talks are on for theextradition of CEOs - can India put in a side request for the extradition ofWarren Anderson of the US? He was the chairman of Union Carbide,responsible for the Bhopal gas leak that killed 16,000people in 1984. We have collated the necessary evidence. It'sall in the files. Could we have him, please?) But who is Osama bin Laden really?Let me rephrase that. What is Osama bin Laden? He's America'sfamily secret. He is the American president's darkdoppelgänger. The savage twin of all that purports to be beautiful andcivilised. He has been sculpted from the spare rib of a world laid towaste by America's foreign policy: its gunboat diplomacy, itsnuclear arsenal, its vulgarly stated policy of "full-spectrumdominance", its chilling disregard for non-American lives, its barbarousmilitary interventions, its support for despotic and dictatorialregimes, its merciless economic agenda that has munchedthrough the economies of poor countries like a cloud oflocusts. Its marauding multinationals who are taking overthe air we breathe, the ground we stand on, the water we drink, thethoughts we think. Now that the family secret has beenspilled, the twins are blurring into one another and graduallybecoming interchangeable. Their guns, bombs, money and drugs havebeen going around in the loop for a while. (The Stingermissiles that will greet US helicopters were supplied by the CIA.The heroin used by America's drug addicts comes fromAfghanistan. The Bush administration recently gaveAfghanistan a $43m subsidy for a "war on drugs"....) Now Bush and Bin Laden have evenbegun to borrow each other's rhetoric. Each refers to theother as "the head of the snake". Both invoke God and use theloose millenarian currency of good and evil as their terms ofreference. Both are engaged in unequivocal political crimes. Bothare dangerously armed - one with the nuclear arsenal of theobscenely powerful, the other with the incandescent, destructivepower of the utterly hopeless. The fireball and the ice pick. Thebludgeon and the axe. The important thing to keep in mind isthat neither is an acceptable alternative to the other. President Bush's ultimatum to thepeople of the world - "If you're not with us, you're against us" - isa piece of presumptuous arrogance. It's not a choice thatpeople want to, need to, or should have to make. © Arundhati Roy 2001 Guardian Unlimited © Guardian NewspapersLimited 2001