The Fluidity of Ethnicity: The Case of Nepali and Newar Identity in the United States
Bina Gubhaju
The Fluidity of Ethnicity: The Case of Nepali and Newar Identity in the United States
Bina Gubhaju
"I have been searching for the true meaning of exactly what is means to be a Newar. Who is a true Newar? Can a last name alone justify our claim to be Newars? Is it just me who is searching for the true meaning of Newarism?"
The above quote was taken from an article entitled "Ji Newa? Am I Newar?", written by Dr. Tulsi Maharjan. Maharjan is a former president of Nepa Pasa Pucha (1995-1997) a Newar based cultural organization founded in order to preserve and promote the Newar culture in the United States. Maharjan represents a confused Nepali-American who is struggling to maintain his identity as a Newar in the United States. The piece from the article brings to the surface some of the major issues that are relevant to the following paper. The confusion that he has encountered coming to the United States supports the notion of a shifting character of ethnicity. It shows that the boundaries of an ethnic group may vary depending on the individual, the situation, and context.
The concept of ethnicity changes depending on the situation and context as it is the people in the society who define the boundaries of ethnicity. In a situation such as that of immigrants, they are attempting to create an ethnicity for themselves in a place away from their homeland. The people themselves create this new sense of identity by talking about these notions and setting boundaries for themselves, just as Maharjan has done for himself in the article that he has written. Maharjan's identification of the various categories, such as language, religion, nationality, tradition, in determining Newar ethnicity also shows that ethnicity is a very broad category inclusive of many different characteristics. Once again these characteristics may change depending on the context. Especially in an immigrant situation, the boundaries of ethnicity broaden. Nationality, a very large category, becomes an important aspect of identification. Nationality, which is not an appropriate definition of ethnicity in the homeland, since everybody is of the same nationality, is pronounced in a foreign country. In a place away from one's homeland, one is defined by one's nationality.
This study looks at the change of ethnicity as it pertains to the Nepali immigrant population in the United States. As will be evident, since the Nepali population here find themselves in a setting wherein they are only one of the many minority groups, the definitions of caste and ethnicity are very different in the United States than in their homeland. As a result, the ethnic and caste differences that are so distinct in Nepal start to disappear in this new environment. A new ethnic group "Nepali" emerges, overwhelming previously important ethnic group or caste identities. However, the case of the Newars in the United States presents an interesting contradiction because their identity rather than merging into the larger Nepali population becomes more salient in this particular context.
It is clear from their responses that the Nepalese rely on the large and established Indian community, which the Nepalese have not been able to form yet. Interviews also indicate that seeing someone from India is almost like seeing someone from Nepal. Therefore, the Indian culture is much more alike in the United States than it would be in Nepal.
Further discourse on identity also showed that "Nepali" was one of the categories used by some to identify their ethnic group. It seems as if coming to the United States has sharpened their conception or notions of ethnicity. Essentially, they have created a new sense of identity after coming to another country. They begin to use the term in a much more inclusive sense. Identity is created in terms of opposition. In Nepal the ethnic group "Newar" was created as a result of an opposition to the dominant group - the Bahun and Chettri. Here, in the case of the Nepali immigrants, there is a change of national context which changes the opposition. The Nepali immigrants are part of a larger category of South Asians. In accordance with the American discourse and category of ethnicity many identify as 'South Asian' or 'Nepali' and use religion as a critical element of identity. These categories become relevant in the United States, whereas in Nepal there was no such need.
The way that we live here is mostly we belong to our ethnic community and all my friends who are here. With them what happens is the actual daily living we live in our family and we share with the people here and at work, so in respect it does not really matter to me but I still see a very big difference about how we live back in Nepal and how we live out here and it's a different world (Rama).
There is some kind of tension and animosity between different groups in Nepal. I think it is less here than what you see in Nepal. The reason may be in Nepal there area sizable number of people so they can do well on their own but here the Nepalese are a very small minority and again if you start having these ethnic divisions....you are so small in number and you feel very vulnerable. There is more of a sense of community here, even though once in a while you hear people of certain ethnic groups saying things and there is a segregation in their social life. I don't think it is a major problem here (Krishna).
That (caste) applies much less than it does in Nepal. Here, we as Nepalese come together whereas in Nepal we kind of separate within our own groups. Here, we are much more together. A lot of Nepalese marry one another here. The sense of nearness is here because we live in a foreign land I guess (Hari).
Both Rama and Krishna have used the term "ethnic community" to refer to the Nepali population. They have categorized all Nepalese as a single ethnic group, despite their geographical, linguistic, and ethnic diversity. Language seems to be the unifying force for the group. All of the Nepalese who come to the United States are able to speak Nepali. Their common language unites the people together, as well as sharing a similar background such as their Nepali nationality and culture. Michael Hutt (1997) writes, "The Nepali language is the basis of Nepali ethnic identity outside Nepal; it is the primary basis for self-identification with the Diaspora community (116)." The Newars, who have their own language, often speak in their own language whenever they are in the presence of other Newars. They use their unique language as an important marker of solidarity. Other ethnic languages such as Sherpa, Gurung, Tamang are also used by members of those groups. However, many of the ethnic languages, such as Newari, seem to be slowly disappearing in the United States. It is possible that even Nepali fluency will disappear by the next generation due to the smallness of the Nepali community. Most of the second generation Nepalese-Americans do not know how to speak Nepali. The possibility of losing Nepali language also depends on the arrival of new immigrants. Rama, Krishna and Hari's responses also suggest that it is not simply being able to speak Nepali that unites them, but also being citizens of Nepal. Nationality becomes an important aspect of ethnicity in an immigrant situation because that is how they are defined in this context.
Although most of the informants that were interviewed responded that there were no caste or ethnic divisions, there seems to be a heightened sense of ethnic awareness among the Newars and other minority ethnic groups of Nepal. Evidence of this can be seen in the few ethnically based organizations that exist. All of them are formed by people who are of a minority within the Nepali American population. Their minority status in Nepal seems to have brought about this feeling since their identity was already suppressed in Nepal. Thus, coming to the United States gives them the need to assert their identity. It is always the case that the people on the bottom are the ones that feel any type of discrimination since they are the ones who experience the difference. The caste and ethnic distinctions that are present in the United States are taken to be not outward discrimination but rather hidden feelings. The strong traditions of class hierarchy that are common in their homeland has become a very sensitive issue in the Nepali community of the United States. As mentioned previously, the majority of the people who come to the United States are of a high caste status, therefore, interaction among the people are only going to be on the same caste level and social status. One of my informants revealed a case in which she had brought a housekeeper (low caste) from Nepal and would take her along to most Nepali social gatherings. People began to criticize her for such behavior as inappropriate mixing of castes. She began to realize that although people try not show that there is any discrimination, it is inherent in most people. Also, one can see the prevalence of caste ideas in choosing marriage partners. Caste still seems to be an important criterion in finding suitable spouses even in the United States. Most people when interviewed said that it was suitable as long as the other person was a Nepali but they would most certainly prefer someone from their own caste and ethnic background.
The Newars, already a subordinate minority in their country, upon coming to the United States may have been influenced by the ethnic assertions of other minority groups in the United States. Since a Newar in the United States will always be considered a "Nepali", it seems that they are attempting to create an identity for themselves that distinguishes themselves from the dominant group.
In Washington D.C. there is in fact a Newar based organization called the Nepa Pasa Pucha which is an ethnically based organization that is directed towards the Newar community. It was established as an increasing population of the Newars in the United States felt the need to preserve their cultural heritage outside of Nepal. The fact that the Newars are struggling to maintain their identity in Nepal gives rise to the need for this particular group to assert their individuality.
In NPPA's annual magazine, DABUU, as well as on various Internet sites, many Newars have written concerning their ethnic identity. Articles such as "What does being a Newar mean to me?", "Am I a Newar", "Nostalgia", an editorial on "cultural pride" questioning their Newar identity have appeared in the magazine. Beena Maharjan in her article writes, "June 23, 1994 - the date I entered the United States. Ever since then I have been thrilled by the idea of meeting people from Nepal. I cross examine myself - 'ANYBODY from Nepal?' My desperate answer would be 'yes'. Nevertheless, deep in my heart, I am aware of my preference for Newars (beena.html)."
In conlusion, I would like to point out some of the limitations that were present in the study and look at ways in which it could have been improved. I would also like to suggest possibilities of further research on this subject. There were many limitations under which this study was conducted. First of all, the sample size for the fieldwork studies in the New York area, was rather small due to time constraints and difficulty of finding relevant informants. In order to make accurate judgments and conclusions a larger sample would have been helpful. I was only able to interview high caste Newars and Parbatiyas - predominantly of the Bahun caste. I was not able to locate people of other ethnic groups. It would have been interesting to examine how their views differed from the Newars and the Parbatiyas.
As a result of this thesis, I have learned a whole lot about my own cultural heritage. It is my hope that the Nepali culture, especially the Newar culture will continue the preservation of its heritage. It is reassuring to know that there are people like Tulsi Maharjan who are adamant about preserving the Newari culture in the United States. However, it is difficult to determine how much of this will be continued by the next generation. Considering that most of the second generation do not even know how to speak Nepali, much less Newari, the hopes for the future do not look very optimistic. Maybe a new influx of Nepali immigrants will change the situation. With the introduction of the lottery system in obtaining visas, a wider variety of Nepalese will be able to come to the United States. Although, most of them will have to be economically well off to afford to come all the way here, it still might bring in several other ethnic and caste groupings. With the wider variety of Nepalese from other ethnic and caste groups it would be interesting to see if there still remains an integration of all the "Nepalese", even with some members of a lower caste. Presently, almost all of the Nepalese are of the high caste and majority of them are Newars and Bahuns. It is yet to be determined what type of shift of ethnicity the future holds for the Newars in Nepal and the Nepalese immigrants of the United States.
