Albanian Tocharian B Glossary

 

 

Tocharian B: aknātsa

Word class: (a) (adj.); (b) (n.)

Meaning: (a) `foolish, stupid'; (b) `fool'

Paradigm: [aknātsa, -, aknātsai//aknātsanṛ, aknātsaṃts, aknātsaṃ]

Examples: (a) wnolmi [lege: wnolme] aknātsa `a foolish being' (2a6), mā-yśeñcañ aknātsañ = BHS ajānakāḥ (31a6/7=32a1);

   (b) aknātsaṃ = BHS bālāḥ (23b7), aiśmw akn[ā]tsa wat āṃtpi ksa ṣp mā=läṃ mäskentär `wise man or fool, the two are not different' (28b3).

Derivatives: aknātsaññe `ignorance': [ṣe]mi wnolmi tetrikoṣ ytariṃ ṣeṃ aknātsaññesa `some beings were confused [in their] ways out of ignorance' (29b5), aknātsaññentse nautalñemeṃ = BHS mohakṣayād (H-149-ADD.124a2 [Thomas, 1974:90]);

   aknātsaññeṣṣe `prtng to ignorance': [aknātsaññe]ṣṣe orkamñe kauṣeñc[antse] = BHS ajñānatimira-ghnasya (H-149.47b2 [Couvreur, 1966:162]);

   aknātsaññetstse `possessing ignorance': aknā[tsaññetse kselñemeṃ] = BHS avidyanirodhāt [lege: avidyānirodhat] (157a2);

   aknatsā-yāmor `+_ foolish deed, fool's deed' (255a7).

Etymology: TchA āknats `id.' and B aknātsa reflect Ptch *āknātsā- where the first *ā- is a reflex of the negative prefix *e(n)- whose vowel has undergone ā-umlaut (see 2e(n)-). In PIE terms we may have *ṇ-ǵneh3-to- `unknown, unknowing' (with the common change in Tocharian of a *to-stem to a *tyo-stem) [: Sanskrit ájñāta- `unknown,' Greek ágnōtos `id.,' Latin ignōtus `id.,' and Greek agnōs (gen. agnōtos) `unknown, unknowing,' all derivatives of PIE *ǵneh3- `know' (P:376-378)] (VW, 1972a:103, 1976:159). Alternatively Hilmarsson (1991:124-125) suggests the possibility that we have here an inner-Tocharian development whereby the agentive suffix -tsa has been added to the PTch verbal root *knā- `know' (cf. nān-). Those Indo-European forms in Hittite (ganess- `know'), Albanian (njoh `I know'), and Tocharian A (kña- `know') that have been explained as reflecting *ǵneh1- and thus necessitating a reconstruction *ǵnoh1- for the previous set of forms, are probably to be explained as *ǵnēh3- where the lengthened vowel is not colored by the adjacent vowel ("Eichner's Law").

See s.v.: See also nān-.


Tocharian B: anāsk-

Word class: (vi./vt.)

Meaning: G `breathe; inhale'; K `make breathe, resuscitate'

Paradigm: G Ps. IXa /ānāsk/e-/ [A -, -, anāṣṣäṃ///; Ger. anāṣṣälle]; Ko. IXa (= Ps.);

   K Ps. IXb /ānäsk/e-/ [A //ānäskem, -, -; MP //ānäskemtär, -, -]

Examples: trīwäṣlñe kuce satāṣṣäṃ tu anāṣlñe enkastär [] anāṣṣäṃ wat satāṣlñe keś yamastär . astarñe ṣiś [lege: piś] anāṣṣäṃ piś tu ṣaṃṣträ ([]) satāṣṣäṃ wat piś lykwarwa tuk piś ṣaṃṣtär ... ent=ānāṣṣäṃ melentsa `a mixture [is]: what he exhales, that he takes as inhalation; or he inhales and he counts [it as] exhalation; purity [is]: five [times] he inhales and he counts it [as] five or five times he exhales and he counts it [as] five ... whenever he inhales through the nose' (41b1-3), anāṣṣälle-satāṣṣälleṣṣe ime = BHS prāṇāpānasmṛti (H-149.289a5 [Thomas, 1972b:443, fn. 5]]); satāstsy anāst[s]i (unpubl. Berlin fragm. [Thomas, 1972b:ibid.]); ///ne nta pāskem [m]añyeṃ ānäskem wraṃ ta /// (574a4), /// otak tane lālyi ānäskemträ /// (574a5).

Remarks: The Grundverb is attested only in contexts where it is opposed to satāsk- `exhale.' In those contexts the meaning of anāsk- must be `inhale.' However the causative would seem to be attested in the sense `make breathe, resuscitate' (the context is that of a sea voyage and the resuscitation of servants after a near-drowning). Thus it seems likely that the basic meaning of the verb is `breathe' toute simple and only by contrast to satāsk- is the meaning specifically `inhale.'

Derivatives: anāṣṣälñe `breathing, inhalation' (41a1).

Etymology: There is no doubt that anāsk- is a reflex of PIE *haen(h1)- `breathe' [forms for which *haenh1- are necessary or probable: Sanskrit ániti `breathes,' ánila- `breath, wind,' Greek ánemos `breath, wind,' Latin animus `spirit, soul,' anima `breath, soul, life,' Old Irish aná `breath' (<*haenh1tlo-), Gothic uzanan `exhale;' forms for which *haen- are necessary: Latin hālāre `exhale' (< denominative *haens-l-eha- with unetymological h-), Hesychian ántai `ánemoi,' and antás `pnoiás' (if these are not to be corrected to aētai and aētás); indeterminate forms: Avestan åntya- `inhalation' and paråntya- `exhalation' (with prefixes ā- and pra-), Old Norse ǫnd (f.) `breath, life, soul' (= Greek ántai), OCS vonja `smell' (< *anyā-), Albanian ëj `swell' (P:38-39; MA:82)] (Couvreur, 1949:33, VW:144). VW and Hilmarsson (1986a:198), under the assumption that a vocalic laryngeal always gave PTch *ā, assume we have *haenh1-sḱe/o-. Alternatively Hilmarsson later suggests (1991:120) that we might have something like *h1on-haen(h1)-sḱe/o- where the initial ān- reflects the prepositional prefix `in.' The causative ānäsk- must be a new formation within TchB.

See s.v.: See also āñme1, āñme2, añiye, onolme, and possibly satāsk-.


Tocharian B: antāpce

Word class: (n.)

Meaning: `+_ firebrand'

Paradigm: [antāpce, -, -//]

Examples: pälketär-ne po kektseñe antāpce ramt enkältsa `his whole body blazed with passion like a firebrand' (8a5).

Etymology: Etymology uncertain. Perhaps with VW (1941:5, 1976:145) we have the intensive prefix e(n)- (the initial ā- is regular by ā-umlaut) + tāpce where tāp- reflects PIE *tōp- from *tep- `be hot' [: Sanskrit tápati `is warm, burns,' Avestan tāpaiti `is warm,' Albanian ftoh `cool off' (<*h4eps-top-eh1-sḱe/o-), Latin tepeō `am warm,' and possibly Hittite (or Luvian since this word sometimes occurs with the Glossenkeil) tapassa- `fever, heat' (note that this word is not spelled *tappassa- as we would expect by Sturtevant's Law is a derivative of PIE *tep-), etc. (P:1069-1070)]. Perhaps instead we have a loanword from some Middle Iranian source, *(h)antāp-, as suggested by Hansen (1940:145).


Tocharian B: alyiye*

Word class: (n.)

Meaning: `palm of the hand'

Paradigm: [-, -, ālyi/alīne, -, alஷne/-, -, aliṃ]

Examples: śuwoy katkemane ālisa weṃṣy=eṃntwe mīt śakk[är] `he would eat rejoicing, on [his] palm, excrement [as if] honey and sugar' (42b5), [ā]ntpi päśne sāu yaṣītr ālīn[e] `she placed [her] palms on [her] two breasts' (84b5).

Derivatives: alyiṣṣe* `prtng to the palm' (567b1).

Etymology: TchA āle `id.' and B aliye reflect PTch *āläi- or the like, a reflex of the widespread family of PIE *h3el- ˜ *h3ōl- `elbow' (so VW, 1941:11, Schneider, 1941:172; Hilmarsson, 1986:231). Typically *h3el- ˜ *h3ōl- are found extended by -n- or by both -i- and -n- in either order [: Sanskrit āṇí- (m.) `part of the leg just above the knee' (not the same word as āṇí- `linch-pin, axle-pin of a cart'), Greek ōlénē `elbow,' ōlēn `id.,' (Hesychian) o^llon (acc.) `id.,' ōlékrānon `point of the elbow' (< *ōlenokrānon by haplology), Latin ulna `elbow, arm' (< *olinā-), Old Irish uilenn `corner,' Welsh elin `elbow' (< *olīnā-), Gothic aleina `ell,' OHG elina `id,' Old Norse eln ˜ ǫln `id.,' perhaps Albanian llërë `elbow' (< *Vlénā-, if not an early borrowing from Greek ōlénē) (P:307-308; MA:176)]. For Tocharian we must start from a PIE *h3ōlni- (as in Sanskrit āṇí-) or *h3ōlnom (as in Greek o^llon), either of which would have give PTch *āllä > *āl (for the simplification of the neo-final consonant cluster, cf. yäl `gazelle' from PIE *h1élni-). This PTch *āl was extended by the productive PTch stem-formative *-äin-, whence regularly A āle and B alyiye (the secondary palatalization of -l- to -ly- before -i- is common, cf. the nom. pl. of the thematic kokale `wagon,' namely kokalyi). As Hilmarsson rightly points out, a semantic development from *`elbow' to *`lower arm' (as in Greek for instance) > *`inner surface of lower arm' > `palm of the hand' is well within the realm of possibility. (To be rejected as phonologically impossible are VW's (1976:161) connection with Lithuanian délna `palm,' OCS dolonъ `id.' and Stalmaszczyk and Witczak's (1990:39-40) connection with Old Irish asil `member.')


Tocharian B: astare

Word class: (adj.)

Meaning: `pure' [astare yām- `purify']

Paradigm: [m: astare ˜ āstre, -, (astareṃ ˜) āstreṃ/-, -, āstri/āstri, -, āstreṃ] [f: astarya, -, astaryai//-, -, astarona ˜ āstrona]

Examples: āstreṃ = BHS śuddha (31a5), sū rano ṣäp ipreräntse ānte snai tärkarwa astare klautka `and also the surface of the sky turned cloudless and pure' (350a4), mäkte ost poṣiyantsa [wa]wārpau [pa]paikau ā[s]tre `like a house surrounded by walls and painted clean' (A-2a4/5), astare nanāṣūsa klyiye tkācer wāltsoyä se curṇä kuse sal ṣarne yāmu tākoy tesa nāṣṣi istak ast[are] `a cleanly bathed woman or girl should grind [it]; this [is] the powder; whoever [has] dirty hands should treat [them] with it; should he bathe, instantly [he is] pure' (P-2b6).

Derivatives: astre-pälsko `having a pure spirit': = BHS śubhacittaḥ (12b8); astre-were `having a pure aroma' (300b2);

   astaräññe `purity': astarñe = BHS śubha (8b6), eṃṣketse āratsiśco yātatsiś astarñeś ṣeko `[one should trust in] the lasting cessation and the ability to practice purity for ever' [astarñeś = BHS śuddhaye] (30a2/3), astaräññe = BHS pariśuddhi (41a7), astaräṃñe = BHS viśuddhi (Y-3b3).

Etymology: TchA āṣtär and B astare reflect PTch *āst(ä)re but extra-Tocharian cognates are uncertain. Probably the PTch word is *āst-re and *āst- a verbal root (cf. kätkare `deep' from kätk- `+_ lower'). If so, we might see in it a derivative of PIE *h2eh1(-s)- `burn' [: Tocharian ās- `dry,' Latin āra `hearth, altar,' Oscan aasaí `in āra,' Hititte hassa- `fireplace, hearth,' Sanskrit āsa- (m.) `ashes' (< *`burnings')]. The Latin, Hittite, and Sanskrit nouns require a PIE *h2eh1s-o/eha- or perhaps *h2eh3s-o/eha- since we do not really know what happens when vowels are adjacent to laryngeals of competing "color" (Melchert, p.c.). In any case the Hittite geminate would be regular from either *-h1s- or *-h3s-. The Oscan form may require an earlier *ās-s-ā-.

   The *-s- here is an élargissement to the root *h2eh1- (or *h3eh3-) `burn' otherwise seen in Palaic - `be hot,' Iranian ātar- `fire' (< *`burner'), Latin ātrium, originally *`chimney-way over a hearth,' āter `black' (< *ātr-o- `blackened by fire'), Albanian vatër (f.) (< *ātrā-) `hearth' (whence vatra `hearth' in Slavic and vatra `fire' in Rumanian), Old Irish aith (f.) `kiln' (< *ā-ti-). (Of uncertain connections are Armenian ačiun `ash,' OHG asca, Old Norse aska, Old English äsce, all `ash' [< *asg-], and Armenian azazim `dry' and Gothic azgo `ash' [< *asgh-].) Particularly we should compare what would be the closest phonological equivalent, Latin ardeō `burn, glow, be on fire' (< *h2eh1s-(e)dh-eh1-) and Gaulish addas, if this means `he sacrificed' (< h2eh1s-dh-eha-s- `made burn,' cf. Eska, 1990:9-10, fn. 19). The Tocharian adjective would then be *h2eh1s-dh-ro- (Adams, 1995, MA:87). Semantically we would have *`burning' > *`brilliant' > `pure, clean.' For the semantic change, see the examples in Buck (1949:1079-1081) and also Khotanese sura- `clean, pure' from older Iranian, e.g. Avestan, suxra- `red (from fire)' and related to *suk- `burn' (cf. Khot sūjs- `burn').

   Not with Schneider (1941:37, fn. 2) should we connect this word with Greek astēr `star' nor with VW (170) do we have ā-str-e with ā- the intensive prefix (we would expect *e- except before a syllable with -ā-) plus *ster- as in Latvian stars `branch, ray,' OCS strěla `arrow' and OHG strāl `arrow, ray.'

See s.v.: See also possibly ās-1.


Tocharian B: āñme*2

Word class: (n.)

Meaning: `self; inner being, soul'

Paradigm: [-, añmantse, āñm//]

Examples: walo aknātsa su märsau ṣañ āñm atsaik ñem Araṇemi `the king [is] a fool; he [has] forgotten indeed his own name, Araṇemi' (81a2/3), /// ̇ ̇s ̇ yaitkor po āñmtsa pāṣṣat `keep [this] command with all thy heart' (95a4), [k]u[se ai]ś[i]tär kartse [añ]mantse [añmantse = BHS ātmana] (305a1), yamaskenträ onmiṃ kwipeññenträ āñme ka `they regret and they are ashamed [of] themselves' (K-3a3), yāmi speltke po āñmtsa āñme ket tsälpātsi tākoy `may he strive with all [his] soul whose soul [is] to be redeemed!' (K-8a4), krui añme mā nesäṃ kete ñäke tsälpālñe pälskanāträ `if there is no self, of whose redemption will he think?' (PK-12I-b5 [Thomas, 1979:43]).

Derivatives: añmaṣṣe `personal': añmaṣṣana toṃ läkl[enta] `personal sufferings' (7b5), twe ñi lare añmaṣṣe `thou [art] to me personally dear' (241b4);

   āñm-nākälñe* `self-reproach' (K-3b2).

Etymology: TchA āñcäm (oblique āñm-) and B āñme (AB āym- both represent āñm- with dissimulative denasalization of the first nasal) reflect a PTch *āñc(ä)me, most probably (as if) from a PIE *haen(h1)tmen-. This *haen(h1)tmen- is a conflation of *ētmen- [: Sanskrit ātmán- (m.), Old English ǟšm (m.), OHG ātum (m.), all `breath' (P:345; MA:82)] and the widespread, and essentially synonymous, family of *haen(h1)- `breathe' (P:38-39; MA:82). The underlying verb is preserved in Sanskrit ániti `breathes,' Gothic uz-anan `exhale,' Old Irish anaid `rests, remains,' Albanian ëj (< *haen(h1)ye/o-) `blow [of wind],' TchB anāsk- `breathe, exhale,' q.v. We should note particularly those forms with a t-suffix of some sort: Avestan åntya and paråntya `inhalation' and `exhalation' (< *ā- and para- + antya-), possibly in the Hesychian ántai `ánemoi' and antás `pnoiás,' in Germanic *anÞō- (Old Norse ǫnd (f.) `soul, breath'), *anÞōjan (Old Norse anda `breathe,' Old English ōšian `breathe, smell'), *anÞan- (Old English anda (m.), OHG anta (m.) `envy; zeal,' Old Norse andi (m.) `breath, wind, spirit'), *anÞjan (Old English ēšian `breathe, smell'). (Other nominal derivatives with the same range of meaning are *haenh1-mo- [: Greek ánemos] (m.) `wind,' Latin animus `seat of feeling; character; seat of the will, intention,' anima `breath, wind, air; vital principle,' Old Friesian omma (< *anma) `breath,' possibly Sanskrit ánila- (n.) `breath, wind' (if from *ánima-)] and *haenh1-tlo- [: Old Irish anál `breath'].) A PIE *haen(h1)tmen- would have regularly given PTch *āni̯ti̯mi̯än- > *āñcmän- (nom. sg. *āñcme) which in both TchA and B gave *āñm- by loss of the medial consonant in the three consonant cluster. (In TchA the regular loss of the word final -e of the nom. sg. produced āñcäm with an anaptyctic vowel and no loss of -c-.) This etymology goes back in embryo to Sieg, Siegling, and Schulze (1931:138), in the connection of āñcäm and āñm-, and to VW (1941:12), in its Indo-European connections (he reconstructs *antemo-). VW (1976:163-164) wrongly separates āñcäm, āñm-, and āym-.

See s.v.: See also āñme1, anāsk-, añmālale, añmālake, añiye, onolme, and ynāñm.


Tocharian B: ālp-

Word class: (vi.)

Meaning: `be reflected'

Paradigm: Ps. VI /ālpnā-/ [A //-, -, alpanaṃ; Ko. V /ālpā-/ [A -, -, ālpaṃ//]

Examples: [mä]kte orocce lyamne orkamotsai yaṣine meñantse ściriṃts läktsauña kos ālpaṃ warne entwe eṅtsi tot /// `as in the great pool in the dark night as much as the light of the moon and stars will be reflected in the water, then so much ... to take' (154b2).

Etymology: TchA ālp- `stroke lightly' (only attested once in the middle at A-153b5: /// prutkoti ñäkci war [] tmäṣ Viśākhāṣñi lapā ālpatt ats tmäk śärs täṣṣ oki caṣi āṣā///) and B ālp- would appear to reflect a PTch ālp-. Extra-Tocharian connections, if any, are uncertain. Starting from the TchA meaning, Isebaert (1977) relates this word to the Hittite adjective alpu- `smooth, rounded, dull, blunt' (cf. also alpue(s)- `become blunt, lose one's edge') an exact equivalent of Lithuanian alpùs `soft, weak,' and related to the Lithuanian verb al̃pti `faint, swoon,' alpėti `be in a swoon,' Sanskrit álpa- `small.' He assumes that Lithuanian preserves the oldest reconstructible sense `soft, weak' and that Hittite `blunt, polished' represents a semantic change in the direction carried further in Tocharian `stroke lightly; reflect.' The formal side of the equation is impeccable but the semantic change seems less so. The Hittite seems to show a development `weaken, soften [a point]' > `make dull, blunt' which does not seem to lead in any natural way in the direction of the Tocharian meanings. If the TchB `be reflected' is the more original meaning (and one must admit that the context of TchA ālpat is not as semantically determinative as one might wish) then ālp- might be related to Latin albus `white,' alb `am white,' Greek alphós `white appearance' (`white' in Hesychius), Welsh elfydd (m.) `earth, world' (< Proto-British *albíyo-) and words for `swan' in Germanic and Slavic (P:30; MA:641). The semantic development would then be something on the order of *`be white, shining' > `be reflected.' In any case, not with VW (622) a borrowing from some Paleosiberian source.


Tocharian B: ikäṃ

Word class: (number)

Meaning: `twenty'

Examples: waimene ikäṃ pkārsa wäntärwa `know the twenty difficult things!' (127b3), ikäṃ kṣuntsa .ṣuktañce [meṃ ne śa]k-śtwerne `in the twenti[eth year of] the regnal period, in the seventh month, on the fourteenth [day]' (LP-5a5).

Derivatives: ikäṃ-ṣe `twenty-one';

   ikäṃ-wi* `twenty-two' (ikante-wate* `twenty-second');

   ikäṃ-trai `twenty-three' (ikante-trīte* `twenty-third');

   ikäṃ-śtwer* `twenty-four' (ikante-śtarte* `twenty-fourth');

   ikäṃ-piś `twenty-five' (Ikante-pinkte* `twenty-fifth');

   ikäṃ-ṣkas* `twenty-six' (ikänte-śkaste `twenty-sixth');

   ikäṃ-ṣukt* `twenty-seven' (ikänte-ṣuktänte `twenty-seventh');

   ikäṃ-okt* `twenty-eight' (ikante-oktänte* `twenty-eighth');

   ikäṃ-ñu* `twenty-nine';

   ikäṃ-pikwalaññe `[one] twenty years old' (the legal age for Buddhist ordination): se ṣamāne menki-īkäṃ pikwalaṃñepi onolmentse wasaṃ pāt yamaṣṣäṃ pāyti `whatever monk ordains a being of less than twenty years of age, pāyti' (H-149.X.3a1 [Couvreur, 1954b:47]).

Etymology: TchA wiki `id.' and B ikäṃ would appear to reflect something on the order of PTch *w'īkän which in turn is from a PIE *(d)wi(h1)dḱṃti, a compound of *(d)wi- `two' (with or without an explicit dual marker *-h1-) + *d(e)ḱ(o)mt- `ten' + *-i a marker of the dual. (If the original form was *widḱṃti, the *-d- was lost early with accompanying lengthening of the preceding vowel.) Outside of Tocharian one should compare (P:1177; MA:404): Sanskrit viṃśatí-, Digoron Ossetic insäj, Khotanese bistä, Avestan vīsaiti (in Sanskrit the number has been converted into a regularly inflected i-stem; the variation in Indo-Iranian between *vinś- and *vīś- may be due to different treatments of the anomolous cluster *-dḱ- (Mayrhofer, 1976:198]), Armenian k`san, East Greek (here Homeric) eīkosi (< *ewīkosi where the -o- is analogical after the higher decades and the prothetic e- is mysterious), Doric (w)īkati, Latin vīgintī (with secondary -g- [another special development of *-dḱ-?] and regularized dual ending [as if from *-ih1]), Old Irish fiche (gen. fichet < *wiḱṃt-s, -os, with loss of *-d- but no lengthening of the preceding vowel), Albanian zet (< *wiḱṃti, again with no lengthening of *-i-).

   Whether the PIE preform that gave ikäṃ and wiki ended in *-ṃt or *-ṃti is a matter of some controversy (Pedersen, 1941:253, VW:572, and Hilmarsson, 1989a:121-125, opt for the former, Lane 1966:219, opts for the latter). Probably the word for `twenty' was explicitly marked as a dual while the less-marked singular (`ten') and plural (`thirty,' `forty,' etc.) were not explicitly marked for number (just as in Indo-Iranian) and that final *-mt and *-nt in thses forms were lost without a trace in Tocharian. Cf. *deḱṃt `ten' > B śak, A śäk. However *-nti (including *-nti < *-mti) was subject, after original *-nt had been lost, to a facultative apocope of *-i (one might compare Latin -it from *-eti and --unt from -onti and similar phenomena in Celtic [Cowgill, 1975:56-57]). Where *-i remained we have -ñc (as in the fuller forms of the TchA third person plural ending), where *-i was lost we have *-nt > *-nn > *-n (in B), > *-yn > *-y (in A). Thus PTch *w'īkänt gives ikäṃ in B but *wikäyn > *wikäy > wiki in A (see Hilmarsson, 1989a:123). For a somewhat different explanation, see Winter, 1991:116-117.

See s.v.: See also ikante, and a bit more distantly wi, śak, and kante.


Tocharian B: ek*

Word class: (nm.)

Meaning: `eye'

Paradigm: [-, ekantse, ek/eś(a)ne, eś(a)naisäñ, eś(a)ne/-, -, eśaiṃ]

Examples: eśane klausane ṣeycer-me kartstse yolo lkātsi klyaussisa `you had eyes and ears to see and hear good and evil' (108a6), mikou eśne `having closed the eyes' (134a6), se ekantse yumāne n[esaṃñe] = BHS dṛṣtaṃ (195b6), [eśanai]säña [lege: eśanaisäñ] win=aiṣṣeñca = BHS nayanābhirāmaḥ (524b5), ekantse = BHS cakṣu- (527a2), eśanene = BHS akṣi- (Y-2a3/4).

Remarks: The plural (acc.) eśaiṃ is obviously late and analogical to the (unattested) plural of klautso `ear,' namely (nom.) *klautsaiñ.

Derivatives: ekaṣṣe `prtng to the eye' (108b10);

   eśneṣṣe* `prtng to the eyes' (510b4);

   eśanetstse `having eyes': [e]śanetstse no mā lkāṣṣäṃ = BHS cakṣuṣmān vā no paśyati (H-149.236a4 [Sieg, Siegling, 1930-32:496]);

   eś-lmau `blinded' [lit. `the eyes set']: tsätkwaṃtsñeṣṣe surmesa eś-lm[au] ś[ai]ṣṣ[e] `a world blinded by the cataract of perverseness' (207b2).

Etymology: TchA ak (dual aśäṃ and B ek reflect PTch *ek from PIE *h3e/okw [: Sanskrit ákṣi (nt.), Avestan aši `both eyes,' Skr. ánīka- (nt.) `front side,' Avestan ainīka- (m.) `face' (< *h1eni-h3kw-o-), Armenian akn `eye,' Greek ósse `both eyes,' ómma `eye' (< *h3okwmṇ), Latin oculus `eye,' Gothic augo `eye' (< Proto-Germanic *agwo by metathesis?), Lithuanian akìs `eye' (dual akì), OCS oko `eye' (dual oči), Albanian sy (< *h3okwi- + -ōu ?), etc. (P:775-777)] (Meillet, 1911:150, VW:141; MA:188). Tocharian would seem to reflect a neuter *h3okw (dual *h3okwih1).

See s.v.: See also yneś, tärrek, and pratsāko.


Tocharian B: -erkatstse

Word class: (adj.)

Meaning: `testiculate'

Paradigm: [m: -erkatstse, -, -//]

Examples: /// tso staukkanatär-me śle yasar kalträ ... mäntak no tso-erkatse sa/// `their penis[es] become swollen and stand with blood; just so, however [one who is] penite and testiculate...' (FS-b5).

Etymology: An adjectival derivative in -tstse from an unattested *erk `testicle,' itself reflecting PIE *h4orǵhi- `id.' [: Avestan ǝrǝzi- (m.) `scrotum' (dual ǝrǝzi `testicles'), Armenian orjik' `testicles,' Greek órkhis (m.) `testicle,' Albanian herdhe (f.) `testicle (< *h4orǵhiyeha-; note that this Albanian form demonstrates the presence of an initial *h4-), Middle Irish uirgge (f.) `testicle' (< *h4orǵhiyeha-) (P:782; MA:507)]. The lack of palatalization in the Tocharian word, even though there is a PIE *-i-, would be regular in the nominative singular and accusative plural where that PIE *-i- precedes and is centralized by an *-(n)s (Adams, 1988c:15). For other cognates, see Watkins (1975). For the Tocharian, see Adams (1987a:4; MA:507).

See s.v.: See also erkatte.


Tocharian B: okt

Word class: (number)

Meaning: `eight'

Paradigm: [//okt, oktaṃts, okt]

Examples: k[le]śanma pkarsas känt-oktä `know the 108 kleśas!' (44b4), wärsaññe meṃne ikäṃ okne `on the twenty-eighth of the month of wärsaññe' (LP-2a2/3)

Derivatives: okt-meñantse-ne `on the eighth of the month';

   oktäññe +_ `eightfold' (?): srukoṣn oktäññe srukallentse ake yā/// (587a6);

   okt-tmane `eight myriads' [= `eighty thousand']: klokastäṃnmeṃ ok-tmane pletkar-c ysāra `blood poured forth from eighty thousand pores' (S-8a4);

   okt-tmane(n)maññe `+_ having eight myriads' (?): [o]k-tmanema[ñ]ñe [lege: oktmanenmaññe?] = BHS [aśīta-sa]hasra [compound not in M-W or Edgerton] (538b1), see Winter, 1991:129 [[>]either a miswriting for the expected *okt-tmanenmaññe or the second -n- has been lost by dissimilation amongst all the other nasals];

   ok(t)-yiltse `eight thousand' (401b3);

   ok(t)-pokai `eight-limbed' (74b5).

Etymology: TchA okät `id.' and B okt reflect PTch *okt(ä) from PIE *hxoḱtōu [: Sanskrit aṣṭā ˜ aṣṭáu, Avestan ašta, Armenian ut` (< *optō by influence of `seven'?), Greek oktō, Albanian tetë (< *oḱtōti-), Latin octō, Old Irish ochtn (with nasalization of the following word by influence of `seven' and `nine'), Welsh wyth (< *ochtī < *ochtū < *ochtō), Gothich ahtau, Lithuanian aštuonì, all `eight' (P:775; MA:402-403)] (Smith, 1910:13, VW:332-1, though details differ--particularly there is no reason with VW to see the B word a borrowing from A). PIE *-ōu regularly gives PTch *-u (Adams, 1988c:19) whence the rounding of the initial vowel. This PTch *-u is also to be seen in A oktuk `eighty' and probably in the rare B oktunte `eighth' (see s.v. oktante). The form of the word `eight' has influenced the shape of seven in B. Thus we have ṣukt with a rounded vowel and with a -k- unlike A ṣpät which is more regularly from PIE *septṃ. Otherwise, Winter, 1991:110-112.

See s.v.: See also oktatstse, oktante, oktamka, oktankar, and oktār.


Tocharian B: oppīloñ*

Word class: (n.pl.)

Meaning: `+_ threads, cords'

Paradigm: [//-, -, oppīloṃ]

Examples: pässaksa oppīloṃ tetarkuwa rano = BHS [mālā]guṇa-parikṣiptā api `like ones invested with the marriage-threads,' i.e. `marriageable women' (542a4).

Remarks: This line is given here as it was written by the original scribe of the MS. This rendition was apparently very literal, a word for word equivalence of the Sanskrit text it glosses. It has been heavily, and confusingly, corrected (or perhaps better, revised) by a second hand, presumably to provide a more intelligible rendition. Preceding pässaksa the corrector has written oppīloṃcceṃ below the line; the original oppīloṃ has been struck out and below written ṣṣe palīsa wat. Sieg, Siegling, and Thomas' reconstruction (1953:339, fn. 11 & 12), attempting to take all of these revisions into account reads: pässaksa [pässak]ṣṣe palīsa wat oppīloṃcceṃ tetarkuwa rano. However, the second pässak has to be supplied by Sieg, Siegling, and Thomas and it seems better to me to assume that we have here two attempts at correction or revision. In the first revision the original was amplified by adding -ṣṣe palīsa wat, giving: pässaksa oppīloṃṣṣe palīsa wat tetarkuwa rano `like [those] entwined [vel sim.] by a garland or a cord [vel sim.] of oppīloṃ` ( = `threads'?). Perhaps thinking this revision too involved, the corrector went back to the original but struck out oppīloṃ and inserted the more idiomatic derived adjective oppīloṃcceṃ (an acc. sg. in -eṃ as sometimes occurs) before its head noun. Thus we have: oppīloṃcceṃ pässaksa tetarkuwa rano `like [those] entwined [vel sim.] by a garland of oppīloṃ (= `threaded garland'?).' In any case it seem certain that BHS mālā- was seen as the equivalent of TchB pässak, -guṇa- of oppīloṃ and -parikṣiptā of tetarkuwa.

Derivatives: oppīloṃtstse*: (see discussion above);

   oppīloṃṣṣe: (see discussion above).

Etymology: Etymology unclear. It might be that we have an old compound of *h1opi- + pulu- or *pilu- `hair' [: Old Irish ul (< *pulu-) `beard,' Latin pilus `body hair' and Sanskrit pulakāḥ `the bristling of the hairs of the body due to pleasurable excitement' (P:850; MA:251)]. (For parallels for the semantic change `hair' > `thread,' see Adams 1988a). The original meaning of the compound might have been `over-thread' or the like, a possible designation for a particular kind of thread or of cord (Adams, 1990b:82-85). VW (339) is certainly wrong to think we have a case of an intensive prefix o- + pīlän- (with -pp- `secondary'), the latter related to Albanian palë `fold.' Hilmarsson (1991:140-143) also connects this word with *pel- `fold' and takes our word to be *en- + *pälän- `cover.' For him the whole collocation would mean `over' and translate Sanskrit pari-.

See s.v.: See also oppīläñ* and pali.


Tocharian B: or*

Word class: (nnt.)

Meaning: `wood'

Paradigm: [-, -, or//-, -, ārwa]

Examples: vṛddhisa orne `through the growth in the wood' (34a1), Dhanike ñem ṣamāne Ajātaśatruñ lānte amplākätte or kamāte `a monk, Dhanika [by] name, without king A.'s permission, gathered wood' (H-149-ADD.8a3 [Thomas, 1957:124]), rājavṛkṣä-stamaṃtse arwāmeṃ koṣkīye yamaṣlya `from [pieces of] wood of the rājavṛkṣa-tree a hut [is] to be made' (M-3a6).

Derivatives: oraṣṣe `prtng to wood, made from wood, wooden' (194b1);

   or-śacākare `ratification on a piece of wood': or-śacākare ākṣa (LP-2a3/4) [see also sa yakār].

Etymology: TchA or `id.' and B or reflect PTch *or which must be connected in some fashion to PIE *dóru `tree, wood' (so already Schneider, 1940:203) [: Sanskrit dāru (nt.) `wood' (gen. dróḥ ˜ drúṇaḥ), drú- (m./nt.) `wood, wooden implement' (m.) `tree, branch,' Avestan dāuru (nt.) `tree-trunk, piece of wood, wooden weapon' (gen. draoš), Greek dóru (nt.) `tree-trunk, wood, spear,' Albanian dru (f.) `wood, tree' (< *druha-eha-), drushk `oak,' drizë `tree' (*dri < *druha [an old collective] + -zë a diminutive suffix), Welsh derwen `oak' (plural derw), Gothic triu (nt.) `wood, tree' (< *drewo-), triggs `true' (< *dreuhai-), Old English teoru (nt.) `tar' (< *derwo-), OCS drěvo `tree' (< *derwo-), drъva (nom.pl.) `wood' (< *druha-eha), Lithuanian dervà (f.) `tar' (< *derweha), etc. (P:214-217; Hamp, 1978; MA:598)]. It is the nature of this connection that is in dispute. It is probably best to assume that the loss of PIE *d- began in the weak cases, such as the gen. where *drous would have given regularly PTch *reu (so Hilmarsson, 1986a) or that the initial *-d- was lost by misdivision of *to(d)dóru to *tod óru (as perhaps in akrūna `tears' and other neuter nouns beginning with *d-, see Hamp, 1967) or both. Not with VW (340) do we have a PIE *dru- (nt.) prefixed by the "intensive prefix ā-."


Tocharian B: auk1

Word class: (n.)

Meaning: `snake, serpent'

Paradigm: [auk, -, -//-, -, aukäṃ]

Examples: [arṣā]klo auk catä tsākaṃ `[if] a snake, serpent, or cat should bite' (503a2), auk = BHS ahi [in the calendrical cycle] (549a7).

Etymology: Etymology uncertain. Pisani (1941-42:24) connects this word with Armenian awj `serpent' (if < pre-Armenian *augwhi-) though the latter is usually related to the family of Latin anguis `snake' (cf. infra). Krause (1961) hesitantly suggests a connection with Sanskrit ójas- `force' (< *haeug- `grow,' cf. auk2). VW (153) compares Greek augē (f.) `bright light,' augázō `illuminate,' augázomai `see distinctly,' assuming TchB auk- would be to Greek aug- as Greek drákōn is to dérkomai `see distinctly.' However, even if drákōn is correctly connected with dérkomai (as `the one with the [baleful] glance' or the like), it is not clear that auk would have a similar history since it is not obviously an agent noun or a participle as drákōn might be.

   More likely is a connection with PIE words meaning `snake.' Pokorny (43-45, s.v. angu(h)i-) collects a number of Indo-European words meaning `snake,' `eel,' vel sim. which he takes to represent a single etymon (possibly two) whose multiplicity of shapes (presence or absence of *-n-, media vs. aspirata, labio-velar, vs. plain velar, vs. palatal) he attributes to taboo deformation and crossing. It is better to divide this group into four etyma (MA:529-530, 264): (1) *ha(e)ngwh(i)- `snake' [: Latin anguis (m./f.) `snake,' Lithuanian angìs (f.) `snake,' Old Prussian angis `nonpoisonous snake,' Armenian awj `snake,' OCS *ǫžь- `snake,' Middle Irish esc-ung `eel' (< *`water-snake,' ung < pre-Celtic *angwhō), OHG unc `snake,' and "Illyrian" ábeis `ékheis' (Hesychius)]; (2) acrostatic *h1ógwhi- ˜ h1égwhi- `snake' [: Greek ékhis (m./f.) `viper' (< pre-Greek *éghi-), ékhidna `id.' (< *ékhidnya), Armenian `snake, viper' (< *h1ēgwhi-), OHG egala `leech,' Welsh euod `sheepworm,' euon `horseworm' (< Proto-Celtic *egi-), Greek óphis (m.) `snake,' Sanskrit áhi- (m.) `snake,' Avestan aži- (m.) `id.' (the lack of a labio-velar in Greek ékhis and ékhidna must be attributed to contamination with groups three and four)]; (3) *Vnghel- or *Vnghur- (plus other suffixes) `eel' [: Latin anguilla `eel' (in its form influenced by anguis), Greek énkhelūs (f.) `id.' (influenced by ékhis), Old Prussian angurgis, Lithuanian ungurýs (assimilated from *angurýs), Finnish (borrowed from Baltic) ankurias, all `eel' (< *Proto-Baltic *anguriya-), OCSǫgulja ˜ jęgulja, Proto-Slavic *anguri- (Russian úgor', etc.), and Albanian ngjalë (< pre-Albanian *Vnghellā- [Hamp, 1969, though there is no reason to follow him in seeing it a borrowing from Slavic which, in any case has no similar form])]; (4) *h1eǵhi- `hedgehog' [: Greek ekhi^nos (m.), Armenian ozni (< *h1oǵhīnyo-), OHG igil (< *h1eǵhīlo-), Lithuanian ežýs (< *h1eǵhiyo-), and OCS ježь] (there is some folkloristic evidence that the hedgehog was a snake-killer par excellence so it may be that `hedgehog' is a derivative of a `snake' word but there are phonological difficulties). Probably in TchB auk reflects PIE *h1ógwhi- `snake.' Normally such a form would have given a PTch *ekw (PIE *-i- did not cause palatalization in Tocharian in the environment of either *-w- or *-s-; Adams, 1988c:15). auk (i.e. *ewk) is simply metathesized (much as Proto-Germanic *aug-an- `eye' is from PIE *h3okw-).


Tocharian B: aurtstse ˜ wartstse

Word class: (adj.)

Meaning: `broad, wide' [aurtsesa `fully']

Paradigm: [m: aurtstse, -, aurcce/aurtstsi, -, -/aurcci, --, -] [f: aurtstsa, -, aurtsai//]

Examples: ṣemeṃts aurtse lkātsy āñme `to some [there was] the wish to see widely' (9b6=10a2), tparyane tanki wartsane āṃtsne `high, very broad shoulders' (73a5/6), ts[e]n-uppālṣi piltāṣ ra eśne aurtsi `wide eyes like two petals of blue lotus' (575a2/3).

Derivatives: aurtstsesa (adv.) `fully': [ākṣa wertsya]ntse pelaikne śtwār= emprenm=aurtsesa `he announced fully to the assembly the law and the four truths' (1a4);

   aurtsäññe `+_ breadth': snay au[rtsñe] (74a5), kuse wña[re onolmi] eurtsñesa täñ krentewna `whatever beings spoke of thy virtues fully' (248a1/2).

Etymology: TchA wärts `id.' and B wartse reflect PTch *wärtse. The more common aurtse in TchB is a compound of the intensive prefix e(n)- + this *wärtse. The PIE antecedents of of this *wärtse are not altogether clear. VW (1961b:378-80, 1976:562-563) takes this word to be the exact equivalent of Sanskrit vṛddhá- `enlarged, augmented, big,' the past participle of vṛdh- which verb, however, is only certainly known in Indo-Iranian [: Sanskrit várdhati `enlarges, increases, strengthens,' Avestan varǝdaiti `makes larger,' and possibly in Albanian rrit `grow, increase, raise' (tr.), OCS roditi `parere' (P:1167; MA:249)].

   The older connection (Sieg, Siegling, and Schulze, 1931:19) with Sanskrit váras- (nt.) `width, breadth, expanse, space,' urú- `broad, wide' also deserves attention, despite VW's rejection [: also Gathic vouru `broad, wide,' Young Avestan uru- `id.,' Greek eurús `broad,' eũros (nt.) `breadth' (by metathesis from *werú- and wéros- respectively) (P:1165; MA:83)]. Possibly we have an adjective *urésto-, derived with regular ablaut processes from the neuter abstract *wéros-. This putative *urésto- would then have subsequently been transferred to the yo-stem adjectives. Hilmarsson (1991:169) starts from a PTch *wärä directly from PIE *urhxu- (though I would have supposed that such a form would have given PTch *orä instead) + the ubiquitous adjective forming suffix -tstse.


Tocharian B: aul-

Word class: (vt.)

Meaning: `+_ throw away, throw forward, thrust forward'

Paradigm: PP /aulo-/

Examples: krent wāṣmoṣṣe wassisā menkīce snai yase kwīpets parwāne auloṣsā `lacking the clothing of good friendship with the outthrust brows of shamelessness' (282a5).

Derivatives: aulñe `+_ throwing away, forward': [alyekepi] cmeltse aulñe = BHS anyabhavākṣepa (177a6).

Etymology: The Tocharian verbal prefix ā- + PIE *wel- `turn, twist' [: Sanskrit válati ˜ válate `turns oneself,' vṛṇóti `covers,' Armenian gelum `turn,' Greek eiléō (< *wel-n-ew-e/o-) `turn, wind,' eilúō `wind around, cover up,' Albanian vjel (< *welwō) `throw up,' Latin volō (= Albanian) `roll, turn,' Old Irish fillid `bends,' Gothic walwjan `roll,' Lithuanian veliù `full, mill (cloth),' etc. (P:1140-1143; MA:607)] (VW:153, though details differ). For the semantic development of *`twist' > `throw' one should compare the history of English throw (cf. its German cognate drehen).

See s.v.: See also wäl-1.


Tocharian B: kapille*

Word class: (n.)

Meaning: `+_ fever, illness'

Paradigm: [-, kapillentse, kappille//]

Examples: ñake no śtarce kaunaṣṣepi kapilletse [lege: kappileṃtse] sātke weñau `now I will speak of the remedy for the four-day fever/ sickness' (P-1b1/2), ñake trice kaunaṣṣe kapilleṃtse weñau `now I will speak of the three-day fever/illness' (P-1b4/5).

Derivatives: kapilletstse* `having a fever/illness' (P-4b5).

Etymology: In form a nominalized verbal adjective from an unattested, Class IV subjunctive stem, *kāpi-, representing a PIE *kap-ye/o- [: Greek káptō `gulp down,' Latin capiō `I take,' Albanian kap `take, grasp,' or Gothic hafjan `lift,' etc. (P:527-528)]; alternatively its synonym *ghabh- as in Latin habēre `have' (Hamp, p.c.)], thus `a taking' or `a seizing.' A similar semantic development is to be seen in German benommen or English numb, originally past participles of Proto-Germanic *(bi-)niman `take.' Less likely to my mind is Isebaert's suggestion (1981[83]):261) that we have here a reflection of a virtual PIE *kwōp-e-lyo- or *kwǝp-e-lyo- `+_ vapor, heat' from *kwēp- `boil, smoke, breathe' (cf. kāp-).

See s.v.: See also perhaps kāpar.


Tocharian B: karāk*

Word class: (n.[m.sg.])

Meaning: `branch'

Paradigm: [-, -, karāk//karākna, -, -]]

Examples: wrocc=āntseṃts karākna [lege: karākne?] (3a8), laitki atsi karakna [kus]e [nesäṃ] tne späntoṣä `vines, limbs, branches which are trusted here' (554a4).

Etymology: TchA karke and B karāk reflect PTch *kérākāin- and kérāk- respectively. (The PTch *e does not undergo ā-umlaut in TchA if stressed but does in B. The loss of the medial vowel in an open syllable is perfectly regular in TchA.) Both the phonological shape and the meaning suggest a possible connection of this word with 3kärk- `sprout.' The semantic relationship is comparable in many ways to German zweig `branch' < OHG zwīc `twig, sprout, cutting.' If so, PTch *kérāk might reflect a putative PIE root noun *KorhxK-s if, as is certainly possible, 3kärk- reflects *Kṛhxk-. In addition we might note Lithuanian kárka `upper arm,' Bulgarian krak, krak, Serbo-Croatian kra^k `leg, femur' (Balto-Slavic < *korhxko/eha-), Rumanian cra `leg,' borrowed from Slavic, and its derivative cracă `branch,' and possibly Albanian krah(ë) (m.) `arm, shoulder' (if < *krhxk-sḱ-eha- or *korhxk-sḱ-eha- with metathesis? [Hamp (p.c.) takes krah and related krëhë to be from *krṇks- and *krenks- respectively and related to Rumanian (via some substratum) creanga- (pl. crengi) `branch']). It would be reasonable to assume that we have a family of derivatives of *kreh1- `grow' (P:577; MA:248-249). Somewhat similarly Hilmarsson (H:83) takes the Tocharian word to be a derivative of PIE *gherh1- `sprout, protrude,' adducing OHG graz `sprout' and SC grána `branch' as cognates. Not with VW (189) from 2kärk- `bind' (cf. Lithuanian ker̃gti) with the B karāk borrowed in some fashion from A karke (< *korgo-).

See s.v.: See also kärk-3 and karāś*.


Tocharian B: karuṇasāri

Word class: (n.)

Meaning: `Dalbergia sissoo Roxb.' (a medical ingredient)

Paradigm: [karuṇasāri, -, -//]

Examples: (W passim).

Etymology: From BHS kālānusāri-.


Tocharian B: kānt-

Word class: (vt.)

Meaning: `+_ rub, polish by rubbing; rub away'

Paradigm: Ps. VI /kāntnā-/ [MPImpf. -, -, kantanoytär//]; Ko. V /kāntā-/ [MPOpt. -, -, kāntoytär//; Inf. kāntatsi]

Examples: śaumo ks=allek [k]omt tsonkaik tsankoy ka taursa kektseñ kāntoytär `may another person rise daily at dawn and rub [his] body with dust' (19b6), ciṣṣe saimäś kloyomar nauyto-ñ yāmor kāntoytär-ñ k[ṣā]nt[i] tākoy-ñ `I fall to thy refuge; may my deed come to naught, may it be rubbed away; may I have forgiveness!' (TEB-64-11).

Derivatives: kāntalñe* `rubbing, friction': ṣesa kāntal[ñ]emeṃ = BHS saṃgharṣāt (532a2).

Etymology: Etymology uncertain. VW (194) rejects a connection with either PIE *ghen- or *ken- `rub, scratch' suggested by Couvreur (1950:127) as too inconcrete. While both these roots have dental élargissements (*ghnedh- and *knedh-) the vowel of the enlarged root follows the *-n- rather than preceding it as demanded by the Tocharian data and in both cases the enlarged forms mean `bite.' If the original meaning of B kānt- was `polish by rubbing' one might connect it with PIE *(s)kand- `illuminate, glow' [: Sanskrit candati `illuminates,' candrá- `glowing, brilliant,' Albanian hënë `moon' (< *skandneha-), Latin candeō `shine, glow,' accendō, incendō `ignite' (< *-candō), Greek (Hesychius) kándaros `ember,' Welsh cann `white' (P:526: MA:514)]. In pre-Tocharian we would have *kand(n)ā- `+_ make glow' (transitive as in Latin).

See s.v.: See also possibly kānts-.


Tocharian B: kät-

Word class: (vt.)

Meaning: `strew (to some purpose),' e.g. `sow [seeds]'

Paradigm: Ps. VI /kätnā- (˜ käntā-)/ [A katnau, -, katnaṃ// -, -, kantaṃ; MPPart. kätnāmane; Ger. kätnālle]; Ko. V /kātā- ˜ kätā-/ [A -, -, kātaṃ// -, -, kattantär; MPOpt. -, -, katoytär//; Ger katalle]; Pt. Ia /śätā- ˜ kätā-/ [A -, śtāsta, -// -, -, śtāre; MP // -, -, ktānte]; PP /käto-/

Examples: śaktalye iṅauṃ kästwer katnau `I sow the seed night and day' (205a3), mäkte mäkci käṃtaṃ śaiṣṣentse tweyen aṣtsa `as they themselves spread the dust of the world on [their] head[s]' [käṃtaṃ = BHS kiranti] (545a4/b1), pippāl eneṃ kätnālle `pepper [is] to be strewn within' (FS-a6); [maitrey]eṃ kuse ysāṣṣāna pyapyaiṃ rā kātaṃ `whoever would strew maitreyas like flowers' (274a6); śtasta śatkalye [sic] pernerñe[ṣe] onolmets pontats kärtseśc `thou hast sown the glorious seed for the good of all beings' (203b2), [tau]r āṣtsa ktā[n]te po korsa `they scattered dust over [their] head[s] and over the whole of [their] throat[s]' (PK-NS-36A-a5 [Couvreur, 1964:247]).

Derivatives: ktormeṃ

Etymology: AB kät- reflect PTch *kät- from PIE *(s)ked- `scatter' [: Greek skedánnūmi/skídnēmi `scatter, strew,' English scatter, shatter, Lithuanian kedėti `burst,' and other, more dubious, cognates in Indo-Iranian, Albanian, and Slavic (P:919; MA:500)] (VW, 1963a:464-5, 1976:211; H:108-109 with differing details). As VW rightly points out the equation of Tocharian kätnā- and Greek skidnē- from PIE *(s)kedneha- is especially striking and significant.

See s.v.: See also śäktālye and possibly ktakat.


Tocharian B: käl-2

Word class: (vt.)

Meaning: `lead, bring' [NOUN epyac käl- (middle) `remember [something/ someone]']

Paradigm: G Ps. Xa /källāsk/e-/ [A -, -, källāṣṣäṃ// -, -, källāskeṃ; MP -, -, källāstär//; APart. källāṣṣeñca; Ger. källāṣṣälle]; Ko. V /kālā- ˜ kälā-/ [A -, kālat, kālaṃ//; MP kalamar, -, kalatär//; AOpt. kaloym, -, -//; MPOpt. -, -, kaloytär//; Inf. kalatsi; Ger. kalalle]; Ipv. I /päkālā- ˜ päkälā-/ [ASg. pkāla, Pl. (p)kalas; MPSg. pkalar, Pl. pkalat]; Pt. Ia /śälā- ˜ kälā-/ [A -, -, śala// -, -, śilāre; MP -, klātai, klāte// klāmte, -, klānte]; PP /kälo-/;

   K Ipv. II /(pä)śālā-/ [Pl. (p)śālat]; Pt. II /śālā-/ [MP śālamai, -, -//]

Examples: källaskeñ-c säkw `they bring thee good fortune' (588a2), ykāk ñiś kälāstär epyac poyśy añmālaṃṣke `then the Buddha remembers me sympathetically' (22b8), tane cärkenta klāsträ `he brings garlands here' (91b4), nauṣ cmela epiyacä källāsträ `he remembers earlier births' (523b3), sak ecce källāṣṣeñca = BHS sukhāvaham (182a1); tusāksa ecce kälamār [sic] cau ñäke `therefore I will now bring it forward' (PK-12J-b3 [Thomas, 1979:48]), alyekepi kaloym wat mīyäṣṣälyñe `or may I bring harm to another' (S-3b1); cwim nai kalas `bring [it] to him!' (107a10), ñiś epyac pkalat `remember me!' (28a1); makte pācer walo cwi comp lakle śala `the father king himself brought this suffering to him' (88b3), su ci klāte ñyātsene `he led thee into danger' (93b1), mäkte käryo[rttañc] klānte lw[ā] kc[a] `as the merchants led some animal' (24a6); ñiś yolaiññemeṃ tsälpāwa brahmalokäś tāu ytāri śālamai `I was freed from evil and I led the way to the brahmaloka' (19b7).

Derivatives: klormeṃ;

   kalalñe, only attested in the derived adjective kalalñeṣṣe: [epi]yac kalalyñeṣe yakne `the manner of remembering' (552a3).

Etymology: AB käl- reflect PTch *käl-, probably from PIE *kwel- [: Sanskrit cárati ˜ calati `moves (intr.), wanders,' (evidence of a set-root is provided by cáritum, caritá-, cīrṇá-, etc.), kárṣati `draws (to oneself), leads; plows,' kṛṣáti `plows, travels over,' Avestan čaraiti `moves (intr.); drives,' Greek pélō ˜ pélomai `come to exist, be' (Cretan télomai `will be'), Homeric teléthō `be,' poléō `go about (intr.); range over, haunt; turn over (the earth with a plow),' pōléomai `come/ go frequently,' Latin colere `cultivate, dwell in' (< either *kwel-e/o- or *kwol-e/o-), Albanian sjell `bring' (< *kwele/o-), qell `delay, hold up, detain' (< *kwoleye/o-, = Gk. poléō), kall `insert, put in,' për-kul `bend, crook' (< *-kwḷneha- or *-kwḷn(ha)ye/o-), and nominal derivatives in Celtic, Germanic, and Balto-Slavic (P:639-640; MA:606-607)]. The TchB subjunctive, relegated from the present by the iterative-intensive *kwḷse/o- (itself = Sanskrit kṛṣáti?), would exactly match Albanian kall `put in, insert,' Both would reflect an o-grade present. The subjunctive of AB 2käl- `lead, bring,' kālā- ˜ kälā- would reflect the same formation, only with the addition of the subjunctive *-ā- (or do we have here traces of the set-variant of this root?). The present of 2käl-, källāsk- (< *kwḷneha-sḱe/o-) matches Albanian -kul (< *kwḷnha-e/o- or *kwḷn(ha)ye/o-) in përkul `bend, crook.' The "causative" preterite to 2käl-, śālā-, though it is most probably an independent creation, matches Albanian solla (< *kwēl-), the past of sjell. This etymology, at least for 2käl- goes back to Pedersen (1941:183).

   Alternatively, and more traditionally, either 1käl- or 2käl- or both might be from PIE *kel- `put into motion' [: Sanskrit kāláyati/kaláyati `drives, carries,' Greek (o)kéllō `drive a ship on land,' kelēs `quick,' Latin celer `id.,' Gothic haldan `drive cattle to pasture,' etc. (P:548)] (VW, 1941:25, 1976:199-200; H:61-62).

See s.v.: See also källāṣṣuki and more distantly käl-1, and perhaps kalāk-.


Tocharian B: käsk-

Word class: (vt.)

Meaning: `scatter apart, scatter to destruction' (often with violence), `confuse [the mind]'

Paradigm: Ps. XII /käskäññ/e-/ [A -, -, käskaṃ//; MP -, -, käskantär//; MPImp. -, -, käskaññitär//]; Ko. V /kāskā- ˜ käskā-/ [A -, kāskat, kāskaṃ//; MP -, -, käskātär//; MPOpt. -, -, käskoytär]; Ipv. I /päkäskā-/ [MPSg. pkaskar]; Pt. Ia /käskā-/ [MP // -, -, käskānte]; PP /käsko-/

Examples: prentse yente käskan-me `in an instant the wind scatters them' (46a7=47b6), wäräñcäṣṣa mäṣce ra käskäntär `like a handful of sand they are scattered' (142a3), laursa eñcuwaññe tarne räskre tsopyeṃne käskaññītär-ne waiptār āśce po lykaśke `with an iron peg they roughly penetrated his skull; his head was scattered wide apart, all in little pieces' (22b5); cwi palsko käskāträ waiptār `his spirit will be scattered all about' (9b8); pkaskar-ñ waiptār (246b3); ṣem kautāte koklentse waiptār pwenta käskānte `the axle of the wagon broke and the spokes were scattered all about' (5a2); käskauw[a] = BHS vikṣiptāni (H-149.152b6 [Sieg, Siegling, 1930-32: 485]).

Derivatives: käskalläññe `+_ scattering' (PK6.A-a3).

Etymology: TchB käsk- reflects PTch *käsk- (as if) from PIE *gwhṇsḱe/o-, a derivative of *gwhen- `strike, slay' [: Sanskrit hánti `strikes' (pl. ghnánti), Avestan jainti `id.,' Hittite kwenzi `kills' (pl. kwnanzi), Armenian ganem `id.,' Greek theínō `kill,' Lithuanian geniù `strike,' Albanian gjanj `hunt' (= theínō and geniù), Old Irish gonim `wound, slay,' Lithuanian genù `drive [cattle],' OCS ženǫ `id.,' etc. (P:491-493; MA:548)] (Melchert, 1977:108). The PIE *-n- disappears before *-s- precisely as in mäsk-, q.v. Not with VW (210; also H:104-105) related to Tocharian kät- `scatter' (*kät-sk- would give **kätk-, not käsk-).

See s.v.: See käskor*.


Tocharian B: kuse

Word class: (a) (interrogative pronoun); (b) (relative pronoun)

Meaning: (a) `who, whoever, no matter who; (b) the one who, those who' (nom.)

Examples: (a) śrauddhauñe kuse ste `what is faith? (23a5), kuse [pi] ksa wesäñ kekamor orocce lant śarsäṣṣi `who [has] come to us that he might know the great king?' (81b3), kuse no sū yāmor kakraupau mā no yāmu `what deed is accumulated but [still] not done?' (K-3b5), kuse cau nāktsi arcanträ = BHS kas taṃninditum arhati (U-18b1);

   (b) [mā] sū nesäṃ kuse onwaññe tākoy `there is no one who is immortal' (2a2), /// ywārśkāññi pikulameṃ kuse rano maiwe[ño] `... those of middle years and also [those] who are young' (2a5), kly[omo] lkālñesa kuse kekenu tākaṃ tne | sū su kälpāṣṣäṃ śaiṣṣene tne yṣwarkaññe `the noble one, who is provided with insight, he alone achieves in the world here comfort' (14a7), kuse ñi yesñ=āksaṣle kuse wat no enäṣlyi tu pw=ākṣā[wa-me] `what I [was to] have announced to you, or what [was] to be instructed, all of it I taught you' (27b7), kuse parśi-ne wrattsai weṣṣi sū ñiś po-[aiśeñca nesau] `whoever [= no matter who] should ask him, he should reply [to him]: I am the all-knowing' (28b5), kuse pelaikneṣṣe krent ceu yerkwantai ...ṣpyārta `whoever turned the good wheel of righteousness' [kuse = BHS yaḥ] (30b3), sklok ket ra nai mā tsänkau ste kuse tne cmīträ mā srūko[y] `there must have arisen no doubt to him who would be born here and not die' (46b2), [sä]swe kuse tākaṃ māñye mäsketrä `whoever would be lord, finds himself a servant' (128b6), kuse = BHS evaṃ (201a5), k[us]e cek wärñai = BHS yat kiṃcit (H-149.47b6 [Couvreur, 1966:162]).

Remarks: Though masculine singular in form, kuse/kuce are used with all genders and both numbers--the same pattern that is to be found in its TchA interrogative (kus/kuc) and relative (kusne/kucne) counterparts, save for the existence of a nominative plural relative kucene. The relative pronouns are characteristically used correlatively with the demonstrative , just as mäkte ... mant `as ... so' and kos ... tot `as much ... so much.'

Etymology: TchA interrogative kus (acc. kuc) and the relative kusne/kucne (all relative pronouns in TchA have the particle -ne added to them--cf. B nai) and B interrogative-relative kuse/kuce reflect PTch *kuse/kuce (which were either enclitic or stressed, counter to the norm, on the final syllable). PTch *kusé is (as if) from PIE *kwusó (Meillet, 1914:18, VW:246, MA:456, cf. also Normier, 1980:256), a form to be seen also in Albanian kush `who' (both interrogative and relative). The parallelism with Albanian makes *kwuso a more likely antecedent of PTch *kuse than the phonologically equally possible *kwi(s)so (favored by Hilmarsson, 1987, H:196-197). The accusative *kuce reflects a putative PIE *kwutóm; the palatalization of the PTch *kuce is analogical, as it is in other masculine pronouns, after the distribution of palatalized and non-palatalized stem-final consonants in adjectives, e.g. trite/trice `third' (see Adams, 1988c: 122). The *-so/-to- is the regular demonstrative reinforcing the original interrogative/relative. (Tocharian is like most Indo-European groups in conflating interrogative and relative pronouns--there is no trace of the relative pronoun *yo- seen in Greek, Indo-Iranian, Balto- Slavic, or Celtic). One should compare, within TchB itself, the "pleonastic" kuse su as well as the typologically similar formations in Greek hóstis (< *yos kwis), Latin quisquis, and Hittite kuis kuis (both < *kwis kwis). See also P:647-648. In Indo-European terms the correlative pair kuse ... sū would have been *kwu-so ... so-u [: mäkte ... mant `as ... so' < *men-kwu-tō ... men-tō-u or kos ... tot `as much, many, long ... so much, many, long' < *kwot-s ... *tot-u or *kwehawot-s ... tehawot-u]. In each case, both terms of the correlation are strengthened by particles. In the case of the relative pronoun it is *so/to- or *-s while for the anaphoric demonstrative it is *u.

See s.v.: See also kuce, ket(e), kutameṃ, , kos, kwri, mäkte, mäksū, katu, and ksa/kca.


Tocharian B: keṃ

Word class: (nf.)

Meaning: `earth, ground'

Paradigm: [keṃ -, keṃ//]

Examples: l[kāṣṣäṃ] | ṣalesa stmau ramt tākaṃ kentsa [stmo]ṣäṃ `he sees, as if he were standing on a mountain [those] standing on the earth' [kentsa = BHS bhūmi-] (12a7), ñi ka yarke yāmyeṃ ṣek mā=lyekepi keṃ ramoṃ `they always did only me honor, they didn't bow [to] the ground for another' (33b4), keṃ miwäṃ räskre `the earth shakes roughly' (113a4), keṃtsa eprerne [sic] wat = BHS avanau ga[g]ane (195a4), Jambu-dvipäṣṣai ortstsai [lege: aurtstsai] tā kentsa yaṃ `he goes over that broad land of India' (345b2), saryat[e] ... kenne witskaṃ `he planted the roots in the ground' (388a1/2), kenmeṃ oko ysāre kälwāwa `I got fruit and grain from the earth' (476a2).

Derivatives: kenaṣṣe `prtng to earth or ground' (214b5);

   kenätstse `earthly, terrestrial': k[e]nättse = BHS -b[h]auma- (251b2).

Etymology: TchA tkaṃ and B keṃ reflect PTch *tken from PIE *dh(e)ǵhom- `earth, ground' [: Sanskrit kṣāḥ (f.) (stem kṣam-), Avestan zå (f.) (stem zǝm-), Greek khthōn (f.) (stem khthon-), khamaí `to the ground,' Albanian dhe (m.) (pl. dhera), Latin humus (< *homus), Old Irish dú (gen. don), Lithuanian žẽmė (f.), OCS zemlja (f.), Hittite tēkan (gen. taknas), etc. (P:414-415), Cuneiform Luvian tiyammi-, Hieroglyphic Luvian takami `to/in the country'] (Meillet, 1914:19, VW:506-7, MA:174). As in Hittite and Greek the word-final *-m of the nom. sg. *dh(e)hōm gave *-n and was then extended throughout the paradigm. Subsequently in Tocharian the acc. sg. (*dh(e)homṃ [analogical for phonetically expected *dh(e)hōm] > *tkemä(n) > *tkenä(n) [by extension of *-n]) was extended to the nominative.

See s.v.: See also keñiye.


Tocharian B: kene*

Word class: (n.[m.sg.])

Meaning: `+_ melody' or `tune'

Paradigm: [-, -, kene//]

Examples: wättänt kenene `in the wättänt melody' (514a4).

Remarks: The meaning is discussed by Winter (1962, fn. 45).

Etymology: TchA kaṃ and B kene probably reflect PTch *kene from PIE *hwono- [: OCS zvonъ `sound,' Albanian zë `sound, voice,' Armenian jain (< *hwonyo- or *hwṇyo-?) (P:490-491; MA:534)] (VW, 1962a:180, 1976:186). The PIE root vowel *-o- makes a connection with PIE *kan- `sing' (VW, 1941:25; H:129) much less likely.


Tocharian B: kepec(e)*

Word class: (n.)

Meaning: `+_ hem, edge of garment'

Paradigm: [-, -, kepec//]

Examples: mā wä[s]tsitse kepec ette lankaskemane yanmaṣṣälle `[he is] not to enter [a house] dangling the hem of [his] clothes' (322a3/4).

Etymology: Probably (with VW:214) a derivative of some sort of PIE *kop- `cut' [: Greek kóptō `knock, smite, cut off,' Albanian kep `chisel, chip off,' Lithuanian kapiù `tailor' (all < *kopye/o-, cf. P:931-032)]. Less likely is Hilmarsson's suggestion (H:131) of a PIE *kobh- hand on the basis of Lithuanian kabėti `hang.'


Tocharian B: keme*

Word class: (nm.)

Meaning: `tooth'

Paradigm: [//kemi, -, kemeṃ]

Examples: śtwer śkänmaṣṣ=āstreṃ keme[ntsa yaitoṣ] kointsa `with [thy] mouth decorated with four decades of pure teeth' (248b2/3), srukalyñeṣṣe koyn kakāyau tekiṣṣeṃ kemeṃtsa po treṣṣäṃ śaiṣṣe `gaping open [his] mouth with teeth of death, he eats the whole world' (282b4).

Derivatives: kemeṣṣe* `prtng to a tooth; ivory (adj.)': [ta]ñ kemeṣṣepi se[r]k[entse] = BHS tvaddantapankty- (H-ADD.149.79b5 [Couvreur, 1966:178]), se ṣamāne ayāṣṣe kemeṣṣe sucīkar yamastär `whatever monk should make himself a needlecase out of bone or ivory' (H-149.X.3b4 [Couvreur, 1954b:49]).

Etymology: TchA kam and B keme reflect PTch *keme from PIE *ǵómbho- `tooth' [: Sanskrit jámbha- (m.) `tooth,' jambhya- (m.) `molar tooth,' Greek gómphos (m.) `tooth; bolt, dowel,' gomphíos (m.) `molartooth,' Albanian dhëmb (m.) `tooth,' dhëmballë (f.) `molartooth,' OCS zǫbъ (m.) `tooth,' Latvian zùobs `tooth,' Lithuanian žam̃bas (m.) `edge, brim,' OHG kamm `comb,' etc.; Sanskrit jámbhate/jábhate `crush, destroy,' Albanian dhëmb `it hurts, aches' Lithuanian žembiù `cut,' OCS zębǫ `tear up, rip to pieces' (P:369; MA:594)] (Schulze, 1923, VW:186).


Tocharian B: kosi*

Word class: (n.[m.sg.])

Meaning: `cough'

Paradigm: [-, kosintse, kosi//]

Examples: [r]aiwepi memīl[oṣe]pi ysārccepi kosintse `for a slow, damaging, bloody cough' (497a4), in a list of maladies: kosi [] yäktāñmä [] - leñene (497a6).

Etymology: (As if) from PIE *kwehas-u-en- (for the n-stem extension, see Adams, 1988d) and derived from PIE *kwehas- `cough' [: Sanskrit kās- (f.) and kāsá- (m.) `cough,' kāsate `he coughs,' Albanian kollë `cough (< *kwehasleha-), Middle Irish cassacht, Welsh pas, Breton pas, Cornish paz, all `cough' and all from *kwhas-t-, OHG huosto, Old English hwōsta, Old Norse hōsti, all `cough' and all from *kwehas-t-on-, Lithuanian kósiu (Old Lithuanian kosmi) `cough,' Latvian kāsẽju `id.,' Lithuanian kosulýs, Latvian kãsulis and Russian Church Slavonic kašelь (< *kašьlь), all (noun) `cough' (P:649; MA:133)]. The Balto-Slavic cognates provide the closest formal match to Tocharian, namely *kwehas-u-.


Tocharian B: kaume*

Word class: (n.)

Meaning: `(fresh) shoot'

Paradigm: [//-, -, kaumeṃ]

Examples: /// [mā] snai keumeṃ ñyäkcyāna [sic] ramt stāna Nandaṃ wärttone (275a1), kaumeṃtsa rera[ko]ṣäṃ `covered with fresh shoots' (563b8).

Etymology: TchA kom and B kaume reflect PTch *keume (as if) from PIE *koudmo-, a derivative of *(s)keud- `shoot, throw' [: Sanskrit códati `drives, hastens,' Albanian hedh `throw' (< *skeudō), Old Norse skjōta `shoot, shove,' Old English scēotan `shoot, throw; dash forward,' OHG sciozan `throw, shoot, move quickly,' Middle High German hossen `run quickly,' etc. (P:956; MA:581)]. Particularly compelling semantically are such deverbal nouns in Germanic as English shoot (VW:229).


Tocharian B: klutk-

Word class: (vi./vt.)

Meaning: G `turn' (intr.); K `make, change, turn [someone/something] into; augment, intensify'

Paradigm: G Ps. VII /kluttänk/e-/ [MP // -, -, kluttankentär]; PP /klutko-/;

   K Ps. IXb /klutkäsk/e-/ [A -, -, klutkäṣṣäṃ// -, -, klutkäskeṃ; AImpf. // -, -, klutkäṣṣiyeṃ; APart. klutkäṣṣeñca; MPPart. klutkäskemane]; Ko. IXb [= Ps.] [Inf. klutkästsi]; Pt. II /klyāutkā-/ [A -, klyautkasta, klyautka//; MP -, -, klyautkāte// klyautkāmte, -, -]; PP /keklyutku-/<

Examples: kauc ette kluttankentär toṃ pwenta cākr ente spārtaṃ kus=ette tākaṃ kauc toṃ kluttankentär kaucmeṃ nänok etteś `up and down the spokes turn when the wheel revolves; whatever will be down, up they turn from high again to down' (30b6/7); wī pwārine kl[utk]au [ra]mt wsaṣṣäṃ lklessu `as [if he had] been between two fires, the suffering one dwells' (9a7); | war yokaiṣṣe witskaṃ waiwäṣṣäṃ-ne nänok ñwecce klutkäṣṣä[n-n]e `the water of thirst wets its roots and makes it become new again' (11b3); wāya ci lauke tsyāra ñiś wetke lykautka-ñ [lege: klyautka-ñ] pāke po läklentas [sic] `he has led thee afar and separated me [from thee] and made me share all sufferings' (496a6/7), wismai klyautkasta brāhmaññai wertsyai `thou hast made astonished the brahmanical assembly' (TEB-58-23); pilycalñeccu wroccu rṣāka purwar wesmeṃ | śaṣkäs lykwarwa keklyutkusai onkorñai tā `zealous and great seer! enjoy from me this sixteen times intensified porridge!' [śa]ṣkäs lykwarwa keklyutkusai = BHS ṣodaśaguṇitam] (107b7).

Derivatives: keklyutkormeṃ: pratiharintasa ceyna takar[ṣk]aṃ kekl[yu]tkormeṃ `by these wonders having made them believers' (108b9).

Etymology: TchA lutk- `id.' and B klutk- are obviously to be related but exactly how is a question. It is usually assumed that A lutk- results from dissimilatory loss from *klutk- (retained in B) but the loss of a highly salient initial consonant in such a fashion is unlikely. More probable to my mind is to assume an original *klutk- that that became *tlutk- in pre-TchA by dissimilation and subsequently lutk- by regular loss of *t- before *-l- (much like *glakt- `milk' > *dlakt- > lact- in Latin). Semantically PTch *klutk- would appear to belong to the widespread PIE *kwel- `turn, revolve, sojourn, dwell' [: Sanskrit cárati `revolve,' Avestan čaraiti `versatur,' Greek pélomai `am in motion, go; come, rise' (with Aeolic p-), télos `end' (< *`turning point'), telé(i)ō `finish,' pólos `pivot, axis' [= B kele, q.v.], poléō (intr.) `go around, range, haunt,' (tr.) `turn up the soil' (of a plow), Latin colō (< *kwelō) `cultivate, tend, dwell,' Albanian sjell (< *kwelō) `bring, fetch,' qel (< *kwoleyō) `come (late),' and nominal derivatives in Celtic, Germanic, Baltic, and Slavic (P:639-640)]. PTch *klutk- presupposes a PIE *kwl-eu-T-(sḱe/o-), probably to be seen again in Albanian qeshë `I was' (in pre-Modern Albanian kleshë) if from *kwleuT-sṃ (the -o- of the Albanian optative qofsha may reflect *kwlēuT-). Exactly the same series of élargissements is to be seen in B mlutk- `crush' from PIE *mel- (MA:607). VW (267), following Pedersen, suggests the same root origin but is wrong in seeing a particular relationship with Greek teleutáō `finish, achieve.' Hilmarsson, on the other hand, relates them (H:144-145) to ON hljóta `be allotted, attain' but the semantic connection seems unilluminating.

See s.v.: See also klautke, klautk-, and, more distantly, \käl1-, käl2-, kokale, and kele.


Tocharian B: klyaus-

Word class: (vt.)

Meaning: `hear, listen to' [periphrastic causative klyauṣtsi ai- `give (someone) to hear']

Paradigm: Ps. II /klyeus/e-/ [A -, -, klyauṣäṃ// -, -, klyauseṃ; MP -, -, klyyauṣär// -, -, klyausentär; AImpf. klyauṣim, -, klyauṣit// -, -, klyauṣ(i)yeṃ; MPPart. klausemane; Ger. klyauṣälle]; Ko. II [= Ps.] [A -, -, klyauṣäṃ//; AOpt. -, -, klyauṣi// -, -, klyauṣ(i)yeṃ; Inf. klyauṣ(t)si ˜ klyaus(t)si]; Ipv. I /päklyauṣ/ [Sg. päklyauṣ Pl. päklyauṣ(t)so]; Pt. Ib /klyāuṣā-/ [A klyauṣawa, -, klyauṣa// -, klyauṣaso, klyauṣare; MP -, -, klyauṣate//]; PP /kekllyeuṣ-/

Examples: lalaṃṣke ksā [sic] samp wek klyauṣträ `this soft voice is to be heard' (89b6), klyeuṣtr[ä] (365a1); pelaik[n]e klyauṣtsi āyor aitsi ṣek añmassu `always zealous to hear the law and give the gift' (23a7), lakaṃ klyauṣäṃ wat yark=alyekepi `[if] he sees or hears of the honor [given] to another' (33b4), kuse pi ksa ayi-ne pelaikne klyauṣtsi `who will give him to hear the law?' (99a4), ñäkcīyai [klau]tsaisa klyaussi `to hear with divine ear' (PK-AS16.2b5 [Pinault, 1989:156]); sasāllaṣ palsko[sa] ... päklyauṣ cau jāta[käṣṣe me]ske `hear this jātaka with humble spirit!' (77a4/5), tū ñke taṅsa päklyauṣso `hear now this with love!' (8a7); tī[rteṃts we]lyñe klyauṣare `they heard the talk of the tīrthas' (19a6), orotsa kwasalñeṣṣa weśeñña klyauṣate `the great sound of mourning was heard' (589b6); tu wnolmi keklyauṣoṣ ṣeyeṃ `the creatures had heard it' (30b2).

Derivatives: keklyauṣor `that which has been heard, instruction, knowledge, tradition': keklyauṣor = BHS śrutam (H-149.236b4 [Sieg, Siegling, 1930-32:496]), ṣe keklyauṣor `this thing once heard' (S-2a6);

   keklyauṣormeṃ;

   klyauṣälñe `hearing': ma [sic] klyauṣälñentasa = BHS nāśravai (311b4), kreñcepi pelaikneṃtse klyauṣälyñene `in the hearing of the good law' [= BHS saddharmaśravaṇ] (H-149.315a5 [Sieg, Siegling, 1930-32:491]).

Etymology: TchA klyos- and B klyaus- reflect PTch *klyeus-, (as if) from PIE *ḱlēus- a lengthened grade iterative-intensive of *ḱl(e)us- which appears in several different ablaut grades [: Sanskrit śróṣti `hears, listens,' OHG hlosēn `listen,' OCS slyšati ˜ slušati `hear,' Lithuanian klausaũ `hear' (P:606-607; MA:262)] (Sieg/Siegling, 1908:926, VW:224, H:155-156). Cf. klep- `touch, investigate' (3rd sg. klyepträ), tänk- `check, hinder' (3rd. pl. cenkeṃ), täk- `touch' (3rd. sg. ceśäṃ), śauk- `call' (3rd. sg. śauśäṃ), and Class III ("deponents"), nu- `shout, threaten' (3rd. sg. ñewetär), or lu- `send (3rd. sg. lyewetär). Outside of Tocharian we can compare Latin cēdere `go, proceed' or Greek mēdomai `devise, resolve; counsel; plot' beside médomai `give heed to, attend.' TchB klyaus- is somewhat unusual in that it has extended the lengthened grade to all forms of the paradigm; however, one might note that the preterite participle in A is kaklyuṣu, reflecting an old full-grade. Given the widely varying ablaut grades of PIE *ḱl(e)us- and the widespread productivity of ē-grade thematic formations in Tocharian, there is no need to see in klyaus- evidence that PIE *-eu- gave Tocharian -yeu- rather than -yu-. PIE *ḱl(e)us- is an élargissement of *ḱl(e)u- `id.' [: Sanskrit śṛṇóti `hears,' Avestan surunaoiti `id.' Greek kléō `tell of, make famous, celebrate,' Latin clueō `am known, am called,' OCS slovǫ `am called, am famous,' Albanian quhem `am called' (< *ḱlu-sḱo-mai), etc. (P:605ff.; MA:262)].

See s.v.: See also enklyauṣätte and, somewhat more distantly, klautso, klyomo, klāw-, and ñem-kälywe.


Tocharian B: kwär- (˜ kur-)

Word class: (vi.)

Meaning: `age, grow old'

Paradigm: Ps. II/III /kwär(/)e-]/ [MP -, -, kwrentär]; PP /kwäro-/

Examples: kwreṃtär lānte kokalyi [= BHS jīryanti rājarathāḥ `the wagons of the king were old' (5a8); mā r[a] kuro o[sne yänmaṣṣälle mā ra ku]ro osn[e] ṣma[l]l[e] (321a7/b1).

Etymology: AB kwär- reflect PTch *kwär- but extra-Tocharian connections are uncertain. Semantically it would be nice to see here a descendant of PIE *ǵerha- `age, ripen' [: Sanskrit járati `make old, decrepit,' jīryati ˜ jūryati `grows old, becomes decrepit, decays,' járant- `decrepit, old; old man,' jarás- (f.) ˜ jarā- `old age,' jarimán- `id.,' Armenian cer `old; old man' (< *ǵer(ha)o-), Greek gérōn `old man,' géras (nt.) `perquisite,' geraiós `old,' gẽras `old age,' gēráskō `age, grow older,' graũs `old woman,' Albanian grua `id.,' OCS zьrěti `ripen,' zьrělъ `ripe,' etc. (P:390-391; MA:248)] (Reuter, 1934:11, VW:244, though details differ). In particular Tocharian kw(ä)re- would reflect a putative PIE *ǵṛha-h1-ó- `get old' parallel to the *ǵrha-eh1- seen in OCS zьrěti. We would ordinarily expect a PIE *-- to become PTch *-är-, not *-wär-. There are, however, a number of instances in various IE languages where *-- appears as *-uR- rather than the regular outcome of *-- would be (e.g. Sanskrit gīr `song of praise' but gūrtí- `praise,' Greek múllō `grind (grain),' etc. It is particular noteworthy for this etymology to notice Sanskrit jūryati beside the expected jīryati `grows old.' Perhaps instead of *ǵerha-, or crossed with it, we have PIE *g(h)werhx- seen otherwise only in Baltic [: Lithuanian gùrti (Ps. gùrstu, gųrù, or guraũ) `disintegrate, crumble, become loose, weak,' Latvian gur̃t `become weak, diminish,' Lithuanian gurlùs, Latvian gurls `tired, weak, frail,' Latvian gaurs `loose,' Lithuanian gvérti (Ps. gvęrù, gvérstu, or gvérau) `expand, break up' (Fraenkel, 1962:179)] (cf. Normier, 1980:256). Phonologically less plausible is Hilmarsson's argument (1986a:254-257, H:203-204) that we have a descendant of PIE *dhgwher- `+_ melt away, perish' [: Greek phtheírō `destroy,' Albanian (v)djerr `lose,' Sanskrit kṣarati `flows, melts away, perishes,' Avestan ɣžaraiti `flows'].

See s.v.: See also possibly śrāñ.


Tocharian B: cake

Word class: (nnt.)

Meaning: `river'

Paradigm: [cake, ckentse, cake//ckenta, -, ckenta]

Examples: cake = BHS nadī (3a4), wrotsana ckenta kaumaiño samudtärnta kätkron=epinkte kaunts=osonträ `great rivers and pools between oceans are dried up by the sun' (45b7), ckentse manarkaisa nyagrot stām ñor atiyaisa lyama `he sat on the grass beneath the nigrodha-tree on the bank of the river' (107b5).

Etymology: TchB cake reflects PTch *cäke from PIE *tekos or *tekont (nt.) `that which flows,' a derivative of *tek- `run, flow' [: Sanskrit tákti `hastens, rushes along,' Avestan tačati `runs, hastens, flows,' Albanian ndjek `follow,' Old Irish techid `flees,' Lithuanian tekù `rush, flow; rise (of the sun),' and numerous nominal derivatives (P:1059-1060; MA:491)] (Lidén, 1916:35, VW:249). As VW points out TchB cake is very strong evidence that the PIE root was *tek- rather than *tekw- as has often been assumed. What appears to be evidence for the latter must be taken rather as indications of the widespread use of an enlarged *tek-w-.


Tocharian B: cantāṃ

Word class: (n.)

Meaning: `sandalwood (tree)' [Santalum album Linn.] (a medical ingredient)

Paradigm: [cantāṃ -, -//]

Examples: (W pasim).

Derivatives: candāṃ-were `smell of sandalwood' (376a3).

Etymology: From BHS candana-.


Tocharian B: cänk-

Word class: (vt.)

Meaning: `please'

Paradigm: Ps. II /cänk/e-/ [A -, -, cañcäṃ//]

Examples: entsesa attsaik eśne wawālaṣ mā cäñcan-me āyor aitsi `through greed [their] eyes [are] covered; it does not please them to give a gift' (K-6a2).

Etymology: TchB cänk- reflects PIE *teng- `think, feel' [: Latin tongeō `nōsse, scīre,' Gothic Þagkjan `think, reflect on,' Old Norse Þekkja `perceive, recognize, know; make agreeable,' OHG denchen `think,' Old English Þencan `id.' (< *tongeye/o- as in Latin tongeō), Gothic Þugkjan `seem, appear,' OHG dunchen `id.,' Old English Þyncan `id.' (< *tṇgye/o-), OHG dank (m.) `thanks, thought,' Old English Þanc (m.) `thought, sentiment, purpose,' Albanian tëngë (f.) `resentment, grudge, ill-feeling' (P:1088; MA:575)] (Pedersen, 1941:244-5, VW:250). It should be noted that the Tocharian present is (as if) from a simple PIE thematic *tenge/o- which is not matched in Latin or Germanic.

See s.v.: See cäñcare (˜ ciñcare) and tankw.


Tocharian B: ñaś

Word class: (pronoun)

Meaning: `I, me' ; plural: wes `we, us'

Paradigm: [ñaś (˜ ñäś, ñiś), ñi, ñaś (˜ ñäś, ñiś)/wene, -, wene/wes, wesi ˜ wesäñ, wes]

Etymology: The formation of the first person singular pronoun in Tocharian is as thorny a thicket of morphology and phonology as one can find there. TchA is practically unique in Indo-European in distinguishing a masculine and feminine first person singular pronoun, as näṣ (m.) and ñuk (f.). Neither matches, in any obvious way, the unisex TchB pronoun ñaś. Starting from the enclitic -, we note that there is general agreement that this must represent a PIE accusative *me/*mé or reduplicated *méme (see the discussion of Cowgill, 1965:170). PIE *méme remains as such only in Indic (Skt. máma). In Balto-Slavic and Iranian we find the dissimilated (Aves an mana) and in Greek and Latin we have derived genitives showing dissimilatory loss (Latin meus and Greek (emós). In Greek the same dissimilation must be seen in the accusative emé.

   Tocharian too starts from *mene or, perhaps with very early loss of an unstressed vowel, *mne. This *m(e)ne became *m(ä)ñä > *mñä > *ñä, whence the initial - was extended throughout the paradigm (VW:315, with previous literature). The TchB nom./acc. ñaś must be in Indo-European terms memé ge (cf. Greek emé ge and Gothic mik from *me ge); this Tocharian-Greek-Germanic equation goes back to G. Schmidt (1978). The genitive singular must be *ñä + the genitive ending -i (< PIE *-eis). In pre-Tocharian A a nominative *yäku, regularly from *eǵō-hxom (= Greek egōn and is similar to Sanskrit ahám from *eǵ-hxom; cf. also the second person sg. *tuwe (B t(u)we and A tu from *tū-hxom), was conflated with *ñä, originally only accusative, to give *ñäku whence feminine ñuk (P:291, 702; MA:454). Cf. Jasanoff (1989) though details differ. TchA näṣ and nāñi remain opaque to me though Jasanoff has suggestions for them.

   TchA was and B wes are normally taken to reflect PTch *wes, a conflation of the PIE nominative first person plural stem *wei- and the oblique *nos (generalized to the nominative in Latin nōs and Albanian na < *nos), thus only accidentally looking like the PIE second person plural oblique stem *wos (VW:547, following Petersen, 1935:205, and Pedersen, 1941:133ff.) The PIE word-final *-s is preserved here in a monosyllable (as in ṣkas `six' from *s(w)eḱs). The dual wene is (as if) from PIE *woh1 (similarly rebuilt from *noh1) plus the regular dual ending -ne (< *-noh1) (P:758; MA:454).

See s.v.: See also -1, ñiññe and ñśaṣṣe.


Tocharian B: ñu

Word class: (number)

Meaning: `nine'

Examples: ṣuk[t] okt śak wat satāṣṣäṃ | ṣkas piś ñu wat no ṣaṃṣtär `seven, eight, or ten he exhales; however, he counts six, five or nine' (41a8/b1), tricemeṃ-ne ñune `in the third month, on the ninth [day]' (LP-31a2).

Derivatives: ñu-ñu `by nines': ñu ñu pakenta tsarästär `it is divided into shares by nines' (591a3) [see also ñuwār];

   ñu-meñantse-ne `on the ninth of the month' (433a28).

Etymology: AB ñu reflect PTch *ñuw(ä) from PIE *(h1)néwṇ or possibly *(h1)néwṃ (on which see below) [: Sanskrit náva, Avestan nava, Armenian inn (< *enwṇ), Greek ennéa (rebuilt after the ordinal *enwṇto-), Albanian nëndë (< *(h1)newṇti-), Latin novem, Old Irish nói n-, Gothic niun, Lithuanian devynì, OCS devętь (= Albanian nëndë, with the initial, as in Baltic, by dissimilation from the following *-n- or by influence of the word for `ten' *deḱṃ, or both) (P:318-319; MA:403)] (Sieg/Siegling, 1908:927, VW:328-329). It is usually assumed that the final sound was *- and that the *- presupposed by Latin novem (cf. the ordinal nōnus) and TchB ñumka `ninety' is by analogy to *septṃ `seven' and *déḱṃ `ten.'

See s.v.: See also ñunte, ñumka, and ñuwār.


Tocharian B: ñem*

Word class: (n.[f.pl.])

Meaning: `name' [ñem tā-, ñem ai-, ñem klāw- `to name']

Paradigm: [-, -, ñem//-, ñemnamὡts, ñemna]

Examples: rājarṣi ṣey Gaye ñem om mäskeñca cwi ñemtsa wartto klāwa `there was a seer, Gaya [by] name there [and the Buddha] called the woods by his name' (108b2), ñem ersna kselñemeṃ `from the extinction of name and form' [= BHS nāmarūpaniro] (157b1), [śānta] ñem tässānte `the sheep were named' (349b5), kete ñemntsa pwarne hom yāmäṃ su mā walke na ṣṭa `in whosoever's name one will make an oblation in the fire, he [is] not long destroyed' [= `it is not long before he is destroyed'] (M-1b5), ñemne = BHS saṃjña- (Y-3b1).

Derivatives: -ñematstse* `having [such-and-such] a name': ñake palsko ṣärpalñe-ñemace pratihar[i sä]lk[āte-meś] `now the wonder having the name of thought and explanation was drawn out for you' (108b7), [U]ttare-ñemase soy `[his] son, Uttara by name' (401a2) [for the formation, see Winter, 1979];

   ñem- kälywe `fame': keklyauṣormeṃ krent ñem-kälywe wroccu wlo tañ `having heard of thy good fame, O great king' (AMB-b4);

   ñem-kälyweṣṣe `prtng to fame': ñem-kälyweṣṣe mahursa ṣäñ tärne yaiytu `thine own head decorated with the diadem of fame' (214b1/2).

Etymology: TchA ñom and B ñem reflect PTch *ñēm (the rounding of PTch *-ē- to -o- in TchA is regular in the neighborhood of a labial), (as if) from PIE *h1nēmṇ, a variant of the more usual *h1nomṇ `name' [: Sanskrit nāma (nt.), Avestan nāma (nt.) (the Indo-Iranian forms could be from either *h1nomṇ or *h1nēmṇ--whatever its origin, the -ā- has been extended throughout the paradigm as well as fixed accent on the root syllable [if that was not original]), Armenian anun (< *h1nomno-?), Greek ónoma (nt.) (assimilated from *énoma), Albanian emër (m.) (< *h1ṇmen-), Latin nōmen (nt.) (with the long vowel by conflation with *(g)nōmen `sign'--cf. cognōmen `surname' [Cowgill, 1965:156]), Old Irish ainmm n- (nt.), Welsh anu (< *h1ṇmṇ), Gothic namo (nt.) (< a "collective" *h1nomōn), Old Prussian emnes ˜ ennens (m.) (< *h1ṇmen-), OCS imę (< a "collective" *h1ṇmēn), Hittite lāman- (with dissimilation of the initial nasal), all `name' (P:321; MA:390)] (Sieg/Siegling, 1908:927, VW:327). If, as Cowgill and Beekes (1969) have both supposed, the initial e-/o- of Greek or the a- of Armenian are prothetic vowels of non-laryngeal origin, then of course our reconstructions will be *nómṇ, etc. rather than *h1nómṇ. (Others, e.g. Beekes (1969:229-230) have assumed *(h1)ne/oh3mṇ, on the basis of the Indo-Iranian nāman- and Latin nōmen (Greek ónoma would be from *(h1)nh3mṇ with generalized zero-grade).

   It is difficult to reconstruct the original paradigm for this word. Cowgill himself (1965:156) ventures proterokinetic paradigm with a nom.-acc. sg. *h1nómṇ, gen. *h1nmén-s (> Old Irish anme) parallel to the *dóru `wood, tree,' *dréus that lies behind Sanskrit dāru, drós. To the evidence of Celtic for such a weak stem should probably be added that of Anatolian. In the latter group we find Hieroglyphic Luvian at(a)man- `name' and probably Lycian ada^ma(n)- from *a(n)dman- < *anman- < *(h1)ṇ(h3)mṇ- (Melchert, p.c.). Also possible would be an acrostatic paradigm with a nom.-acc. sg. *h1nómṇ, gen. *h1némṇs. Perhaps arguing for an original acrostatic paradigm is the strong evidence for a weak grade with -mn- rather than -mén-, e.g. Sanskrit instr. sg. nāmnā, Gothic nom.-acc. pl. namna, Hittite gen. sg. lamnas (but note the other Anatolian data presented above), etc. (see Beekes, 1969:230). In these cases we need assume only that the vowel timbre of the nom./acc. sg. was extended to the weak cases. From either *h1nmén-s or *h1némṇs a new nom.-acc. sg. *h1nēmṇ could be constructed.

   There is no need to assume that the initial *-- is the result of "progressive palatalization" brought on by the preceding *h1- as does Winter (1965:202) or that it results from some complicated reallocation of allomorphs *nem-/ñäm- from *h1nómṇ/h1némn- or *h1nómṇ *h1ṇmén- (> *nemä(n) and *eñmäns where the medial cluster *-mn- has been palatalized) as does Hilmarsson (1986:57).


Tocharian B: tant*

Word class: (n.[f.pl.])

Meaning: `+_ power, dominion'

Paradigm: [-, -, tant//täntanma, -, -]

Examples: täntne yaneṃ srukallentse `they come into the dominion of death' (304a4), [pi]ś-känte aśokäṃñana tantanma oro/// `Aśoka's 500 powers/dominions' (415b2).

Etymology: Possibly a derivative of PIE *ten- `pull, extend' [: Sanskrit tanóti `extends, spreads; stretches [a chord], bends [a bow],' Greek tánutai `stretches, strains,' teínō `stretch, pull tight,' (dialectal) Albanian ndënj `expand, pull,' Latin teneō `have, hold,' Old English Þenian `stretch out, extend,' Lithuanian tìnti `swell,' etc. (P:1065-1066; MA:187)]. More particularly we have a PIE *tṇti- `extension' as seen in Greek tásis (f.) `stretching, tension; extension; intensity, force,' Sanskrit tati- (f.) `mass, crowd, the whole mass; ceremony.' (Cf. VW:501, though the details are completely different.)

See s.v.: See also possibly tanalle.


Tocharian B: tapre

Word class: (adj.)

Meaning: (a) `high'; (b) `fat'

Paradigm: [m: tapre, -, täpreṃ/tparyane, -, -/-, -, täprenäṃ] [f: tparya, -, -//]

Examples: (a) u onkorñ[ai] srañciyeṃ tappre kauś yey `they boiled the porridge and it went high up' (107a1), [tä]prenäṃ ṣleṃts tsänkarwa maistär se `he overtops [?] the peaks of the high mountains' (355b3);

   (b) kātso mā tparya mā rukausa `the stomach, not fat, not lean' (75a3).

Derivatives: täprauñe* `height': pernerñeṣe Sumersa täprauñentats [tä]rne[ne] śmasta `thou hast come to the summit of the heights over glorious Mt. Sumeru' (203a4/5), täprauñenta = BHS samucchrayāḥ (H-149.329b1 [Sieg, Siegling, 1930-32:486]).

Etymology: TchA tpär and B tapre `high' reflect PTch *täpre from a putative PIE *dhub-ro- `deep' (what is deep when viewed from above may be taken as high when viewed from below, cf. Latin mare altum or English high seas) a derivative of PIE *dheub- `deep' [: Gothic diups and English deep, Illyrian dúbris `thálassa,' Lithuanian dubùs `deep, hollow,' dumbù `become hollow, sink inward,' OCS dъbrь `abyss,' dъno (< *dъbno-) `ground,' Alb dēt `sea' (< *dheuboto-), etc. (P:268-269; MA:154)], TchA täp- `be(come) high,' and perhaps TchA tsopats `great, large' if from < *dhēubotyo- (Krause and Thomas, 1960:52, VW:509, 535). Normier (1980:260) would add Greek buthós (nt.) `depth' which he takes to be from *thubós by analogy to bathós `id.' of a different origin. An echo of the earlier meaning `deep' within Tocharian itself is provided by the derivative tparṣke `shallow' (< *`little deep').

See s.v.: See also taupe, tparṣke, and perhaps täp-.


Tocharian B: tärk-2

Word class: (vt.)

Meaning: `+_ twist around; work (e.g. wood)'

Paradigm: PP /tetärku-/

Examples: pässaksa pässakṣṣe palīsa wat oppiloṃcceṃ tetarkuwa wat = BHS [mālāguṇaparikṣiptā api] [for the reconstruction of this line, see s.v. oppīloṃ] (542a4).

Remarks: The derived nomen agentis, tärkāttsa, presupposes a Class V subjunctive /tārkā- ˜ *tärkā-/.

Etymology: TchB 2tärk- reflects a PTch *tärk- from PIE *terk(w)- `twist' [: Sanskrit tarkú- `spindle,' tarkayati `conjectures, guesses, speculates about,' Greek átraktos (m./f.) `spindle; arrow,' atrekēs `strict, precise, exact' (< *`what is not twisted'), Albanian tjerr `spin' (< *térknō; PIE *-e- should have given Albanian -ja- in a closed syllable as here but -je- has been restored on the model of other verbs), Latin torqueō `twist, wind; hurl violently; torment' (< *tṛk-w-eye/o-), OCS trakъ `bond, girdle,' TchA tark `earring,' Hittite tarku(wa)- `dance (in a twisting manner)' whose infinitive is tarkuwanzi from *terkw- rather than *tarkumanzi from *terk-w- (cf. P:1077; MA:572; Hittite from Melchert, p.c.)] (VW:503; see also VW, 1977a:147-148).

See s.v.: See also tarkāttsa, carke, and possibly tarśauna.


Tocharian B: taupe

Word class: (nm.)

Meaning: `mine'

Paradigm: [taupe, -, -//-, -, taupeṃ]

Examples: naumyeṣṣe taupe ra `like a jewel mine' (153a6= 154b6), taupe kraupe ṣe ysomo pernerñeṣe tatakau `[thou hast] become the sole mine and heap of glory' (205b3).

Etymology: TchA top `id.' and B taupe reflect a PTch *teupe (as if) from PIE *dhoubo- (m.) `+_ that which is deep,' a derivative of *dheub- `deep' [: Gothic diups `deep,' Lithuanian dubùs `id.,' daubà `ravine,' duobė `pit, hole, cavity,' dùbti `be hollow,' Welsh dufn (< *dhubni-) `deep,' Illyrian dúbris `sea,' Albanian dēt (< dhéubetos) `sea,' etc. (P:267-268; MA:154)] (Krause and Thomas, 1960:57, VW:507).

See s.v.: See also tapre and tparṣke, and probably taupemaññe.


Tocharian B: trite

Word class: (adj.)

Meaning: `third'

Paradigm: [m.: trite, tricepi, trice (˜ triceṃ)//] [nt. -, -, trite//]

Examples: trīce ślok weña `he spoke the third śloka' (20b4), pärweṣṣe dhyāno wace dhyāno trice dhyāno śtarce dhyāno (333b6), tāy no trite kauṃ ṣai ˜ eśuwacca mäskīträ `now it was the third day for her [that] she had eaten nothing' (H-149.X.5a4 [Couvreur, 1954b:44]).

Derivatives: tritesa `for the third time' (25b3);

   triteṣṣe* `+_ prtng to a third, of the third degree' (?): /// [tri]teṣṣa eṣka [lege: eṃṣke] ṣuk tänktsi (327b4).

Etymology: Penney (1976/77[78]:83) suggests that TchA trit and B trite reflect older *tri and *triye respectively (from PTch *triye, PIE *triyos), both rebuilt with the usual ordinal forming suffix -t and -te. There seems no reason, if we start from an original PIE *triyos, not to assume that the rebuilding had not been already accomplished in PTch [: the various reformations of original *triyo- in Sanskrit tṛtīya-, Avestan θritya-, Latin tertius (< *trityo-), Gothic Þridja, Lithuanian trẽčias, Albanain tretë, Greek trítos, all `third' (P:1091; MA:400-401)]. Cf. also Winter, 1991:135. VW (514) equates PTch *trite exactly with Greek trítos but in actuality the vowels do not agree. The PTch *-i must reflect *-ī- or *-ei- while Greek -i- can only be from *-i-.

See s.v.: See also trai.


Tocharian B: tremi

Word class: (n.[pl. tant.])

Meaning: `anger'

Paradigm: [//tremi, tremeṃts, tremeṃ]

Examples: śarsa tw=ārṣāklo ceu mā kuṣānti yāmṣäṃ ñiś tremeṃñ pruśiya `the snake recognized this and she did not forgive him, [thinking]: out of anger he was always avoiding me' (42a5), śle tremeṃ [brā]hmaṇe weṣṣäṃ `the brahman speaks angrily' (90b4), tremeñ [sic] (123a5), tremeṃ kakāwo[rmeṃ] = BHS krodhaṃ hatvā (U-13b3).

Derivatives: treme(ṃ)ṣṣe `prtng to anger, angry': onolmi tremeṣṣi mantāl[ai]cci [c]ai `these angry, evil-minded beings' (575b1).

Etymology: The plural tremi presupposes an stem *treme- from PTch *treme- this noun is a deverbative derivative of *tärm- `be angry, furious' which doesn't appear in TchB but does in TchA. The PTch *teme- is a reflex of PIE *tromo-, a nominal derivative of *trem- `tremble' [: Greek trémō `tremble, quake,' trómos (m.) `trembling, quaking,' troméō `tremble,' Latin tremō `id.,' Albanian tremb `scare, startle, shock, frighten' (< *`cause to tremble,' the -b is unoriginal), Lithuanian trìmti `tremble violently, shudder,' trémti `exile, banish,' OCS tręsǫ `shake,' TchA tärm- `be furious' (< *`tremble with anger'), etc. (P:1092-1093; MA:509)] (VW:514). VW rightly emphasizes the exact equation between TchB tremi and Greek trómos.


Tocharian B: trai

Word class: (number)

Meaning: `three'

Paradigm: [m: trai ˜ trey, -, trai ˜ trey] [f: tarya, taryaṃts, tarya]

Examples: tary=akṣā-ne pudñäkte teki ktsaitsñe srukalñe `the Buddha announced to him the three: sickness, old-age, death' (5a6), ṣäṃṣalñe ṣe wī trai śtwer piś śak täṅtsi `counting [is] one, two, three, four, five, up to ten' (41a8), trey śaiṣṣ[eṃ]s käṣṣi ... trey jaṭil[ap]ūrvakaṃ ṣamāneṃ ... tarya orotstsana pratiharinta (108b3/4), traiy meñantse-ne `on the third of the month' (433a14).

Derivatives: täryā-aiśamñe `threefold wisdom': täryā-aiśamñe tākoy `may there be three-fold wisdom!' (31a6);

   tärya-cmelaṣṣe `one of the three births' (407b4);

   täryā-yäkne `three-fold': täryā-yäkne = BHS tridhānye (175a4), [täryā-yä]kne = BHS trividhaṃ (197a6) [[>]the native TchB equivalent of traidhātuk, q.v.];

   trai-eśaiṃ `having three eyes' (H-149.295b2);

   treya-meskeṃ `having three joints, composed of three parts': treya-meskeṃ = BHS trisaṃndhi (148a1);

   treya-saim `+_ having three refuges' (148a2).

Etymology: TchA tre (m.), tri (f.), and B trai/tarya reflect PTch *trey and *täryā respectively. As to *trey, it must be (as if) from PIE *tróyes, influenced no doubt by *kwetwóres `four.' One may compare OCS troji `a threesome' with the same *-o- and TchA taryāk `thirty' which has obviously been modeled on A śtwarāk `forty' (B täryāka preserves the more original form). A PIE *tróyes may also be seen in Avestan θrāyō `three' and certain Modern Indic forms of three, e.g. Lahndā trāe (cf. Emmerick, 1991:294, Turner, 1966:#5994). In addition, PTch *trey may be exactly equatable with Albanian tre (m.), though the latter may also be derived from *tréyes. This *tróyes has replaced the earlier and more widespread *tréyes [: Sanskrit tráyaḥ (m.), Greek (treĩs (m./f.), Latin trēs (m./f.), Old Irish tri (m.), Old Norse Þrīr (m.), OCS trji (m.), Lithuanian trýs (m./f.), etc. (P:1090-1091; MA:400)].

   The feminine *täryā must be (1) from an analogical feminine plural *triyās such as is seen in Old Norse Þrijor (so VW), (2) the PIE neuter *triha (so Normier, 1989:257, Winter, 1991:105), but only if a final *-ha gave PTch *-ā rather than lengthening the preceding *-i; cf. Sanskrit trī [nt.], Albanian tri [f.] (older an dialectal trī from *tri + -, the ending found in pesë `five,' gjashtë `six,' etc.), Greek tría [nt.], OCS tri [f./nt.]) or, (3) more likely, from a rebuilt neuter *trieha seen for instance in Latin tria or Old Norse Þriū (< Proto-Germanic *Þriyā). There is no trace of the original PIE feminine *tis(o)res [: Sanskrit tisráḥ (f.) or Old Irish téoir (f.)]. The etymology is to be found in VW:513-514, based in Smith, 1910:17, though details differ.

See s.v.: See also trite, täryāka, and taryältse.


Tocharian B: twere*

Word class: (nm.)

Meaning: `door'

Paradigm: [-, -, twere//tweri, -, ]

Examples: onwaññentse se twere tīkṣṇendryets `this [is] the door of immortality for those having sharp senses' (41a5), u tweres[a] wäto kälyi[tär] `again she was standing by the door' (570b1), kete āñme tākaṃ tweri ruwyenträ ... tweri rusenträ `whoever has the desire: may doors open! ... the doors open' (M-3b1), tw[e]rene kälträ `he stands at the door' (PK-12G-a3 [Couvreur, 1954c:86]).

Etymology: TchB twere reflects PTch *twere from *dhworo-, a derivative of PIE *dhwor- `door, gate.' In PIE there was apparently a feminine consonant stem *dhwor-/dhwṛ-, a plural or dual tantum, meaning `door' (perhaps more particularly the two leaves of a double door) [: Sanskrit dvāraḥ (nom. f. pl.), duráḥ (acc. f. pl.), dvārau (dual) `door' (the loss of aspiration, however it is to be explained, is secondary), Avestan dvarǝm (acc. sg. m.) `gate, door,' Armenian durk` (nom. pl.) `door,' Greek thúrā (f.sg.) `door,' Albanian derë (f.sg.) `door' (< *dhwōreha-), Latin foris (f.sg.) `door,' and forā- in the adverbial forās `to the outside' and forīs `(from the) outside,' Welsh dor (f.sg.) `door' (< *dhureha- or *dhworeha-), Old Irish dorus `door' (< *dhworestu-), Gothic daur (nt.sg.) `gate,' Old English dor (nt.sg.) `door, gate, pass' (both < *dhurom), Old Norse dyrr (fem.pl.) `door,' Old High German turi `id.' (both < nom. pl. *dhures), Old English duru `door, gate' (< acc. pl. *dhurṇs), Lithuanian dùrys (fem.pl.) `door' (< an old consonant stem), OCS dvьri `door' (as if < *dhwṛ-ṇs) (P:278-279; MA:168)]. In addition there was a derived neuter *dhworo- meaning `enclosure, courtyard' (< *`that enclosed by the door') and also possibly also `gate, door' [: Sanskrit dvāram (nt.) `door, gate, passage,' Latin forum (vulgarly forus [m.]) `forum,' Lithuanian dvãras (m.) `estate; court,' OCS dvorъ (m.) `court' (P:278-279; MA:168)]. PTch *twere clearly belongs with the second group in terms of its formation, though semantically perhaps better with the first group (VW:520, though details differ). There is no need, with Normier, 1980:253, to take PTch *twere to reflect a PIE dual *dhwor h1.


Tocharian B: nekcīye

Word class: (adv.)

Meaning: `last night, at night'

Examples: Upoṣathe ... śem nekcīye piś-känte ceṃ ñakteṃmp=eṣe `U. came at night with 500 [other] gods' (23a1), māka kuce twe nekciye pwārntse /// (H-149.296b3 [Pinault, 1990:185]).

Etymology: TchA nakcu `id.' and B nekcīye represent the adverbial use of an adjective from PTch *nekwcäwye- (as if) from PIE *nokwtewyo-, a derivative of *nekwt- `night' [: Sanskrit nák (stem nakt-), Greek núks (gen. nuktós), Albanian natë, Latin nox (gen. noctis), Old Irish i-nnocht `hac nocte,' Gothic nahts, Lithuanian naktìs, OCS noštь, Hittite nekuts `at night' (P:762-3; MA:394)]. The PIE u-stem *nokwtu- is otherwise seen in Sanskrit aktú- `night, obscurity,' Germanic *unhtwōn- `morning twilight' [: Gothic ūhtwo, OHG uohta] and TchA nokte `at night' and noktiṃ `last night' (Pinault, 1990:181-190). The existence of A nakcu precludes taking B nekciye to be from a PIE *nokwtiyo- as is usually done (Sieg, Siegling, and Schulze, 1931:267, VW:319).


Tocharian B: nes-

Word class: (vi.)

Meaning: `be, exist' [as auxiliary with the PP = `have']

Paradigm: Ps. I /nes-/ [A nesau, nest, nesäṃ/-, -, nesteṃ/ nesem, nescer ˜ neścer, nesäṃ; MPPart. nesamane; Ger nesalle]; Inf. /nestsi/; Copular Present /ste ˜ stare/ [A -, star, ste (star + enclitic)// -, -, stare ˜ skente (skentarr + enclitic)]; Imperfect /ṣei-/ [A ṣaim ˜ ṣeym, ṣait, ṣai ˜ ṣey//ṣeyem, ṣaicer, ṣeyeṃ ˜ ṣeṃ]; Ko. V /tākā-/ [A tākau, tākat, tākaṃ//tākaṃ tākacer, tākaṃ; AOpt. tākoym, tākoyt, tākoy// tākoyem, tākoycer, tākoyeṃ ˜ tākoṃ]; Ipv. I /p(ä)tākā-/ [Sg. ptāka; Pl. ptākas]; Pt. Ib /tākā-/ [A takāwa, takāsta, tāka// -, takās, takāre]; PP /tātākā-/

Examples: mā näno ñiś ostäṣṣai wṣeññaine nesew [w]ṣille ntā `never again will I dwell in a house-dwelling' (PK-12H-b5 [Thomas, 1985b:134]), [mā] sū nesäṃ kuse onwaññe tākoy `he is not [one] who is immortal' (2a2), mā tne sāṃksa tot nesäṃ `there is not here so much of a community' (12b5), mā nesäṃ = BHS nāsti (U-18a2), /// [o]rotse-pacere nesteñy antpī ktsaitsī eś-lmoṣä /// `both grandfathers are old and blind' (unpubl. Berlin fragm. [K. T. Schmidt, 1987:288]), ce peri nesem tu päs aiskem-ne `what we owe; we [will] give it back to him' (DAM.507-a9 [Pinault, 1984a:24]); toṃ ykenta wnolmeṃ[ts] nestsine `the places of beings [are] in existence' (45b3/4), ([nesa]manene = BHS sati (H-149.152a5 [Sieg, Siegling 1930-32:485]), ([ne]sallonaṃtso = BHS agamyānāṃ (H-149.47a2 [Couvreur, 1966:162]); weña saim-wäste=traikatte ptantse aṣāṃ star [2nd sg.] (405a2), [sruka]lñe ste sampauca `death is the one who takes' (4a3), srūkalñe ekñi star-me `death is our [only certain] possession' (12b4), kroścana toṃ nrainta skente `these are cold hells' (18b5), śāmna caimp skente mā yakṣī `these are not men, [they are] yakṣas!' (85a3/4); keklyauṣ[wa] en[ku p]elaiknenta ṣaim `I had taken the laws [once] heard' (15a2=17a2), mäkte pi kca tā onkorñai ñiś śwātsi källālle ṣeym `how could I get to eat this porridge?' (107a3), ṣai ṣlyīye lenke `there was a mountain cleft' (12a3), kwri yarke peti ṣey-me kurpelle ost olypo ṣaicer makci lamalyi `if there was a concern on your part for flattery and honor, you yourselves should have stayed at home' [i.e. not have become monks] (33a7), ṣemi trikoṣ ṣeṃ `some were confused' (24a2), tu wnolmi keklyauṣoṣ ṣeyeṃ `the creatures had heard it' (30b2); tākat ... saim-wäs[t]e `thou wilt be the refuge' (22b2), mai ñi tākaṃ laitalñe wrocc=asānmeṃ laṃntuññe `will there be a falling on my part from [my] great royal throne?' (5a4), nai ñak[e] ārw[e]r tākam `[if] we are now ready' (77a1), [mā] sū nesäṃ kuse onwaññe tākoy `this is not one who would be immortal' (2a2), [in Manichean script] t'gvvy [= tākoy] (Winter/Gabain:13), ñi kka ka tākoṃ lāñc `only for me alone should there be kings' (33b3); ārwer ptāka pelaikneṣṣe naumiye klyauṣtsi `be ready to hear the jewel of the law!' (100b5); tañ m[ai]yyane ñiś sanaṃ au[n]u takāwa `in thy power I have wounded [my] enemies' (22a5/6), miñcuṣka takāwa ṣer pudñä[kt]e[ntse] `I was a princess, the sister of the Buddha' (400a5), walo ... ceu preke śaultsa tāka sklokatstse `the king was at that time doubtful concerning [his] life' (5a2/3), cey śtwer meñi päs takāre `these four months were over' (331a5/b1); wāli ramt tatākausa s[aṃsār-yokye] `the saṃsāra-thirst [has] been like a liana' (11a2).

Derivatives: tatākar `existence' (oṃṣap-tatākar = `superiority'): ṣemi ksa wnolmi skwassoñc pärweṣṣe tatākarmeṃ tū ompostäṃ läklessoñc no mäskenträ `some creatures, having been formerly fortunate, later [are] unfortunate' (K-7a3), oṃṣap tatākarmeṃ ṣamāni = BHS abhibhūya bhikṣavaḥ (U-2a4);

   nesalñe `existence, situation': nesalyñe[ntse prutkālñemeṃ] = BHS bhavanirodhā[d] (156b5), sankantse ayāto nesaññe ste `the situation of the community is agreeable' (DAM.507-a4 [Pinault, 1984a:24]), nesalñe = BHS bhava- (PK-NS-53b2 [Pinault, 1988:101]);

   nesalñeṣṣe `prtng to existence' (600b2);

   nesalñetstse `having [a particular] existence': [ai]k[e]mane nesalñetstse `having the state of existence of knowledge' [= BHS jñātavihāra] (547b3).

Etymology: TchA nas- and B nes- reflect PTch *nes- which is usually taken as a reflex of PIE *nes- `+_ return safely home; be with' [: Sanskrit násate `approaches, resorts to, copulates,' niṃsate `they touch with the body, kiss' (< *ninsṇtoi), Greek néomai `return home,' nīsomai `id.' (< *ninsomai), Gothic ganisan `be saved, get well, recover,' nasjan `heal,' etc. (P:766-7; MA:484)] (so Meillet, 1911:456, VW:309; cf. also Jasanoff, 1978:14). The difficulties with this explanation are (1) PTch *nes- must reflect an otherwise unattested o-grade athematic present (or an equally unattested old perfect that has become reinterpreted as a present--so Jasanoff) and (2) it will not explain the "short" form in A, namely -, in näṃ `is him,' näm `are us,' etc., or the regular third person plural neñc `are.' It is better to see in nes- an old "locative copula" *h1(e)no + 's- `be here/there' of the same type seen in medieval Greek éni (Modern Greek eínai) `is/are,' Albanian (Geg) a^ (with just the preposition alone, as in A näṃ, neñc, etc.) or Greek enésti, Albanian është `is' from *h1 en + h1(e)s-ti (this etymology goes back, in nuce, to Pedersen, 1941:161; for the Greek and Albanian, cf. Hamp, 1980; for *h1es- in general, see P:340-341, MA:53). The *h1(e)no is, of course, to be seen in the locative postposition -ne, q.v.

   TchA ṣe- and B ṣei-, the stem of the imperfect reflects an old PIE optative *(h1)syeh1-/h1sih1- (cf. Old Latin syēs/sītis). Early on in the history of Tocharian these ablauting optatives generalized the -ī- in all verbs except for `be' and `go' (compare later Latin sīs, sit, etc.). PTch *ṣe-, from *h1syeh1-, was then recharacterized as an optative/imperfect by the addition of the productive ending -ī-, hence *ṣei- (in nuce Pedersen, 1941:206). Not, with VW (453), from a PIE *sēdy-.

   B skente reflects PIE *h1s-sḱo-nto (Meillet, 1914:28, Watkins, 1969:200, VW:428), cf. Old Latin escit, Greek éske.

   B ste and stare reflect PIE *sth2-ó and *sth2-ró respectively (cf. Sanskrit āsthat and ásthiran, Watkins, 1969:90-1, 200).

   AB tākā- forms the subjunctive and preterite stem for `be' in both A and B (and the imperative in B as well) and reflects PTch *tākā- (as if) from PIE *(s)teh2-k-eha- from *(s)teh2- `stand.' The s-less variant of *(s)teh2- is to be found in B tāsk-, q.v., and also in Irish (in the "verbum substantivum" ̇táu, ̇taí, ̇tá) and the enlargement with *-k- is also to be seen in Greek héstēka (Pedersen, 1941:194). In the subjunctive, TchA shows an unextended - beside tākā- and in the imperative it has a form with the initial s-, päṣtāk. VW (496) wrongly rejects this etymology in favor of one relating tākā- with PIE *dheh1- `put.'

See s.v.: See also atākatte, tāsk-, and takarṣke.


Tocharian B: parwe

Word class: (a) (adv.); (b) (n.)

Meaning: (a) `earlier'; (b) `first'

Examples: (a) skwassoñc pärwe tatākarmeṃ skwassoñc postäṃ mäskenträ `[those who] were fortunate earlier are fortunate later' (K-5a5);

   (b) parwe kṣuṃtsa `in the first [year] of the reign' (Cp. 32.13 [Pinault 1987:81].

Etymology: TchA pärwat `first' (with -t after the other ordinal numbers) and B parwe reflect PTch *pärwe `earlier, first' from PIE *pṛhxwo- [: Sanskrit pūrva-, Avestan paurva-, OCS prъvъ, Albanian parë, all `first' and all from *pṛhxwo-, and Old English forwost/forwest with an extension much like we see in TchA (P:815; MA:399)] (Meillet, 1911-12:285, VW:366). TchB has innovated in assigning the meaning `first' normally to the derivative pärweṣṣe. Only in the example give above is parwe found with its older meaning of `first.'

See s.v.: See also pärweṣṣe, pärwetstse, and yparwe.


Tocharian B: päk-1

Word class: (vi./vt.)

Meaning: [Middle] `become ready for eating: i.e., cook, boil, ripen' (intr.); [Act.] `make ready for eating: i.e., cook, boil, ripen' (tr.)

Paradigm: Ps. VIII /päks/e-/ [A -, -, pakṣäṃ// -, -, pakseṃ; AImpf. // -, -, ppäkṣiyeṃ; MP -, -, pakṣtär//; MPPart. päksemane; Ger. päkṣalle (päkṣalleṣṣe `prtng to cooking')]; PP /pepäkṣu-/, /päpeku-/

Examples: tsirauwñeṣṣe kauṣn āya ompalskoṣṣe mrestīwe pakṣäṃ ysomo `it kills the bone of energy and cooks together the marrow of meditation' (S-4b1), puwar ramt pa[kṣäṃ] = BHS agnim iva dahati (U-13b7), saṃtkinaṃś [lege: -añc] ka[ṣā]ynta pakseṃ `the doctors cook the decoctions' (324a5), oko pakṣträ `the fruit ripens' (200b3), pakṣtär-ne = BHS vipacyate (K-2b3), [pä]ksemane = BHS pacyamānaḥ (U-22b6), ṣalype malkwersa kālkä päkṣalle `the salve [is] to be cooked with milk [to] a paste' (497b3), päkṣalle = BHS siddha- (Y-2a6), päkṣalleṣṣe nraiṣṣeṃts lakle `the cooking [i.e. roasting] suffering of hells' (150a6); pepakṣu = BHS kvathita- (Y-2a1), pepakṣuwa `bubbles given off by a boiling liquid' [= BHS kvātha-] (Y-2b4); [kuśa]lamūlnta papekwa (409b3).

Derivatives: pepakṣormeṃ: motäṣṣe war tanāṣṣe war śaṣkäs traunta te eṣe pepakṣormeṃ `alcohol water and grain water, 16 trau; having boiled it together (W-40a5);

   pkelñe `ripening, cooking; digestion; curing; requital, recompense': antsets pkelñe = BHS skandhaparipāka (182a4), pkel[ñ]e = BHS vipākaṃ (544a3), antsentso pkelñe = BHS indriyāṇāṃ paripākaḥ (PK-NS-53a4 [Pinault, 1988:100]), pilentse pkelñe `the curing of the wound' (PK-NS-53b6).

Etymology: AB päk- reflect PTch *päk- from PIE *pekw- `cook, ripen' [: Sanskrit pácati, Avestan pačaiti, Latin coquō, Albanian pjek, OCS pekǫ, Lithuanian kepù (with metathesis), etc., all `cook' (P:798; MA:125)] (Meillet, 1911:145, VW:355).


Tocharian B: pät-

Word class: (vt.)

Meaning: `+_ dam, check' (?)

Paradigm: Ko. I (?) /pät-/ [Inf. patätsi]

Examples: saṃsarṣepi cke[n]t[s]e [tn]e[k maiy]y[a] yataṃ patätsi `he will be able to dam the power of the saṃsāra-river' (554a3).

Remarks: The orthographic practices of this MS would allow <patätsi> to represent /pātätsi/ as well.

Etymology: Etymology unclear. If the meaning is substantially correct, one might suppose an etymological connection with either PIE *bhedh- `bend, press' [: Skt bādhate `presses, forces, drives away, removes,' Albanian bindem `bend myself' (P:114)] or *ped- `grasp, contain' [: OHG fazzōn `grasp, put into a container,' Old English fat `container,' Lithuanian pė́das `grain-basket' (P:790)].

See s.v.: See also perhaps pätk-.


Tocharian B: pär-

Word class: (vt.)

Meaning: `bear (away), carry (off); take up; wear'

Paradigm: Ps. II /pär/e-/ [A -, -, paräṃ// -, parcer, pareṃ; AImpf. // -, -, priyeṃ; APart. preñca; MPPart. premane; Ger. pralle]; Ko. and Ipv. supplied by 2ās-, q.v.; Pt. Ib /kāmā-/ [MP kamāmai (?), -, kamāte// -, -, kamāntte]; PP /kākāmā-/

Examples: te pūwar tsakṣäṃ war paräṃ `fire burns it and water carries [it off]' (33a4), āś kenīne paräṃ `he bears [his] head on [his] knees' (370a4), ṣamāni makci naumīyenta pareṃ `the monks themselves are wearing jewels' (337a1); kuce ñiś kāmmai [sic] tesa nauṣ larauwñesa arañcne po tserekwa `all deceptions which I carried earlier in my heart out of love therefore' (271b1), makte sakna kamāte `he himself wore rags' (12b3), [pā]tr[ai] kamāte masa tāwäś `he took up [his] alms bowl and went to her' (25a6), pekweṃcceṃ sū kāmāte pattrainne cpī Utari [sic] `he carried these rings in Uttara's alms-bowl' (133b4).

Derivatives: kakāmarmeṃ

Etymology: AB pär- reflect PTch *pär- from PIE *bher- `bear, carry' [: Sanskrit bhárati, Avestan baraiti, Armenian berem, Greek phérō, Albanian bie (< *bherō), Latin ferō, Old Irish biru, Gothic bairan, etc. (P:128-132; MA:56)] (Fraenkel, 1932:227, VW:361-2).

   AB kāmā- reflect PTch *kemā- (with ā-umlaut) from PIE *gem- `grasp (with the hands), press together' [: Greek génto `grasped' (< *gemto), apógeme = áphelke (Hesychius), gémō `I am full,' gemízō `fill,' Latin gemō `sigh' (< *`have a full heart'), Latvian gùmstu `grip,' OCS žьmǫ `compress,' etc. (P:368-9; MA:450)] (Meillet in Hoernle, 1916:378, VW:194).

See s.v.: See also prentsa, kakāmar.


Tocharian B: päl-

Word class: (vt.)

Meaning: `praise, commend'

Paradigm: Ps. VI /pällā-/ [MP pällāmar, -, pällātär// -, -, pällāntär; Ger. pällālle*]; Ko. V /pālā-/ [MP pālamar, -, -// -, -, pālantär; MPOpt. pāloymar, -, -//]; Pt. Ib /pālā-/ [MP palāmai, palātai, palāte// -, -, palānte]; PP /pāpālā-/

Examples: mā tusa kātkau mā tu pällāmar `thus I do not rejoice and do not praise it' (596a4), [in Manichean script] pl'm'r = pällāmar (Winter/Gabain:13), takarṣkñesa nätkausa kuce palamai-c pälalyu [sic] `while I, pressed by faith, have praised thee, O praiseworthy one' (241b5); pālamar ci po täṅwsā `I will praise thee with all [my] love' (240b6); [ṣa]ñ añm palāmai ñäś `I praised myself' (46a5), mantaṃtā pasi märsasta pālatai-ne ṣukomtsa `never hast thou forgotten to guard [thy behavior]; thou has praised him [scil. the Buddha] for seven days' (296b1=297.1a4); papālau = BHS praśaṃsitaḥ (U-18a3), papālau = BHS -iṣṭa- (Y-1b3).

Derivatives: papālar* `praise': /// śaktāly[e] papalarsa ci ñakta nervvaṃn [sic] oko kälale `the seed [is] to achieve the nirvana-fruit by praise of thee, O lord' (205a2);

   pālalñe `praise, commendation, fame': pālalñe = BHS praśaṃsāṃ (14a6).

Etymology: Etymology uncertain. Perhaps AB päl- reflect PTch *päl- from PIE *bhel- `speak, yell; bark' [: Sanskrit bhaṣá- `barking, yelping,' bhāṣate `speaks, tells, announces' (in both cases -- reflects PIE *-ls-), and possibly bháṇati `speaks' if this reflects *bhelne/o- (Middle Indic seems to have had a bhaṇā- [Mayrhofer, 1963:465] which would exactly match the Tch present pällā-, both [as if] from PIE *bhḷneha-) but its relationship with bhánati `id.' and Khotanese ban- `cry out' remains uncertain), Old Norse belja `roar,' OE bellan `roar, yelp, grunt,' Old Prussian billīt `speak,' Lithuanian bìlstu `begin to speak,' bilóju `speak,' bal̃sas `voice, tone,' etc. (P:123-4)] (Meillet, 1911:457, VW:356). Also possible is a connection with *(s)pel- `say aloud, recite' [: Goth spill `speech, story,' Alb fjalë `word, tale, statement,' Arm aṙa-spel `saying, riddle' (P:185; MA:536)].

See s.v.: See also palauna, pällarṣke, ploriyo and, more distantly, pälw- and possibly pälsk-.


Tocharian B: puṣ*

Word class: (n.)

Meaning: `albugo' (a particular disease of the eye)

Paradigm: [-, -, puṣ//]

Examples: (W-15a5).

Etymology: From BHS puṣpa-.


Tocharian B: pest

Word class: (particle)

Meaning: used with verbs with perfectivizing force

Examples: [kru]i krent yamor po pest ce [lege: cai] kälpāskeṃ `if they achieve every good deed' (135a2), akruna pest lyelyuwormeṃ `having brushed away the tears' (514a8), yāmor rano pest nanautau `the deed [is] completely lost' (K-7a4).

Etymology: I take TchB pest (and its unstressed byform, päst) to be the exact equivalent of Latin post `afterwards; behind, after' and Armenian ǝst (< *posti) and the close relative of B postäṃ `afterwards, later,' (< *postu + nu) q.v. (so already Meillet, 1914:7). Phonologically we have in both the Latin and Tocharian forms the regular descendants of a PIE *pos-ti with, in Tocharian, the lack of palatalization before an original *-i- that is regular when that *-i- is in the neighborhood of (phonetically retracted) PIE *-s- (cf. B laks [nom./acc. sg.] `fish' from *leḱsis and *leḱsim, the TchA first person plural -mäs from *-mesi or, as here, through an intervening, allophonically retracted, apicodental āstäṃ `heads' [acc. pl.] with the reflex of the normal i-stem acc. pl. *-ins). PIE *post and its relatives [: Lithuanian pãstaras `last,' Sanskrit paścā `after,' OCS pozde `later,' Albanian pas `after,' etc. (P:841-842; MA:43)] are probably to be derived from *h4apo `away' (so Watkins, 1969). In TchB pest we have a semantic development of `away from' (hence `behind, after') to a general perfectivizing sense (much as `away' in English can be). Not with VW (367) from PIE *pel- `push' + -s- + -tu-.

See s.v.: See also päst and postäṃ.


Tocharian B: paiyye

Word class: (n.[m.sg.])

Meaning: `foot'

Paradigm: [paiyye, -, paiyye/paine, -, paine/-, -, paaiṃ (K-T)]

Examples: korne kelen=ārañcäś paine täṅtsi `in the throat, in the navel, towards the heart even [to] the feet' (41b3/4), painemeṃ ette kloyomane `falling down from [his] feet' (88a2), paiyye paiyyesa `foot over foot' (602.1a2).

Derivatives: paiyyeṣṣe `prtng to the foot' (M-1b8);

   paiyyeññe `id.': śwālyai paiyyeññe moko[ce] `the big toe of the right foot' (371a2);

   paineṣṣe* `prtng to the feet' (108a9);

   paiñe `id.': paiñe mokociś `toward the big toe of the feet' (41b4).

Etymology: TchA peṃ (this form is the nom./acc. dual--compare the acc. sg. pe and the nom./acc. pl. peyu and the alternate acc. pl. pes) and B paine reflect PTch *peine. Such a form must represent an older dual *pei to which the productive dual ending -ne has been added (see Winter's discussion, 1962b). This *pei is the phonologically expected reflex of the PIE dual *póde (cf. Greek póde) of the widespread PIE word for `foot,' *ped-/pod- [: Sanskrit pāt (stem pad-), Avestan pad-, Armenian otn, Greek poús (stem pod-), Latin pēs (stem ped-), Gothic fōtus, Hittite pad-, all `foot,' perhaps Old Irish īs `underneath' (if < locative pl. *pēdsu) = Albanian posh in përposh `under,' etc. (P:790-791; MA:208-209)] (Sieg, Siegling, Schulze, 1931:2, VW:370, with differing details). PIE *póde would first have become *podi̯e > *poi̯e > *peyä > *pei. It is on thi dual form that a new singular has been built, i.e. *pei-(i)ye. Alternatively, VW and Hilmarsson (1989a:13-14) suggest a PIE *podyo- [: Sanskrit pádya- `of the foot,' Avestan padyā- `foot,' Greek péza `id.' (certainly the Greek, and probably the Indo-Iranian presuppose PIE *pedyo-)] as the origin for the entire paradigm. However, we would expect such a form to have produced PTch *peye, a form that would never have eventuated in B paiyye. Hilmarsson later (1989a:95) suggests starting from either a PIE *pods or *pēds, either of which would have given pre-Tch *pe. To this latter form was then added *-äñe and *pe-äñe would have eventuated under his scenario in *pe-äye. One might also think of a PIE *poden- (cf. Armenian otn `foot') but the nominative singular *podēn should still have a given a PTch *peye. In any event the rare plural must be analogical on the dual: nom./acc. dual -ne implies nom. pl -, acc. pl. - (see poko).

See s.v.: See also patsa1.


Tocharian B: pyāk-

Word class: (vt.)

Meaning: `strike (downwards), batter; beat [of a drum]; penetrate [as a result of a downward blow]'

Paradigm: Ko. I /pyāk-/ [AOpt. pyāśim, -, pyāśi//; Inf. pyāktsi; Ger. pyākälle]; PP /pāpyāku-/

Examples: walo cew enkormeṃ pyāśi-ne [śa]nmäṣṣi-ne wat ypoymeṃ wat lyucī-ne `the king, seizing him, would beat him, or bind him, or drive him from the country' (H-149-ADD.8a4f [Thomas, 1974:102]), kautsi pyāktsi skāratsi pär[mankänta karstatsi] `to kill, to strike, to revile, to cut off hopes' (266b3), pelaikneṣṣe kerū cai ... ente pyāśyeṃ `if these beat the drum of the law' (313b4=S-5b2); lyāka ṣpä ce śaiṣṣe āś papyākoṣ po läklentaṃts `he sees [in] this world the head battered by all sufferings' (220a5).

Derivatives: pyākälyñe `striking': apsāl śakattai[sa] ay ṣesa pyākälyñe | aścä kärstalyñe `the striking with sword and club, together with bone to cut off the head' (284b2).

Etymology: Related to TchA pyākäṣ (n.) `post' but extra-Tocharian connections are uncertain. It may be that the PTch *pyāk- is to be derived from PIE *bheiha- `strike' [: Avestan byente `they struggle, strike,' Old Irish benaid `strikes,' OCS bijǫ `strike,' and other, nominal cognates in Armenian, Greek, Latin, and Germanic (P:117-118)], i.e. as *bheiha-K- (cf. kalāk-, parāk-, and walāk-, though none of these would be identical in ablaut). This etymology is VW's (1944:32, 1976:397-398, with differing details). Cf. Adams, 1988b. More likely is adding Tch pyāk- to Mann's equation (1977:156) of Albanian pjek `meet, encounter,' përpjek `hit, knock, strike' and Germanic *fehtan `fight,' cf. English fight, under a lemma *pyek- `strike' (MA:549).


Tocharian B: makte

Word class: (pronoun)

Meaning: `ipse, -self' [emphatic and reflexive]

Paradigm: [m: makte, mäkcepi, makce//makci, -, -] [f: mäkciya, -, -//]

Examples: memyas makci ono[l]meṃ `you yourselves [have] befooled beings' (28a7), mäkcepi aikormeṃ [mäkcepi = BHS svayam-] (531a3), makte tāś ākṣa `the com-mander himself has announced [this]' (LP-6a2).

Derivatives: mäktauñe `final end' (in compound snai-mäktauñe `incomparable'): snai mä[ktauñe] = BHS aparāyaṇaṃ (534al), snai mäktauñe enkaltse sporttotär ekalymīññene `he dwells in the incomparable power of passion' (A-2b2).

Etymology: TchA mättak (m. acc. sg. mäccak) is clearly related to B makte (m. acc. sg. makce) but just how has been somewhat obscure. A mättak/mäccak, with its final -k, is inflected just like ālak (m. acc. sg. ālyak) `other' (cf. B allek). In both cases the final -k is obviously a secondary accretion (though in the case of the words for `other' one of PTch date) of the intensifier - (cf. suwak, mäntrāk, etc.). We must start from PTch *mäkte/mäkce (reflected in B) and *mäkte-kä/mäkce-kä (reflected in A). In A the first -k- has become assimilated to the immediately following consonant, probably as a form of dissimilation to the second -k- (Couvreur, 1947:50). PTch *mäkte itself is a conflation of the contrastive and emphatic * (< *mé(n); cf. mäkte, mant, and mäksu and, more distantly, the enclitic Latin -met `-self') + the intensifier * + -to-, the same *-to- seen in Greek autós `-self' and Albanian vetë `id.' VW (294-5) isolates the intensifier -k in the A forms and identifies the - of both A and B with that of mant, mäkte, etc. but, rejecting Couvreur's insight concerning the origin of the A forms, separates the A and B paradigms and otherwise explains the constituent elements very differently.


Tocharian B: malkwer

Word class: (n.[m.sg.])

Meaning: `milk'

Paradigm: [malkwer, -, malkwer//]

Examples: aṣiye malkwersa spärkaṣṣälle `with goat's milk it [is] to be dissolved' (W-7a6), kewiye miśosa malkwersa wat `with cow urine or with milk' (Y-2b5).

Etymology: TchB malkwer (/mälkwer/) is related to A malke `id.' and its denominative mālk- `to milk' (in PTch terms *melk-ā-). These derivative presuppose a pre- or Proto-Tocharian *mälk- `to milk' from PIE *melǵ- `wipe, milk' [: Sanskrit mārṣṭi/mārjati/mṛjáti `wipe (off), purify,' Avestan marǝzaiti/ mǝrǝzaiti `stroke,' Greek amélgō `milk,' Latin mulgeō `id.,' Old Irish bligim `id.,' Albanian mjel `id.,' Old English melcan `id.,' Lithuanian mélžu `id,' etc. (P:722-3; MA:381)] (Meillet, 1911:146, VW:284). It is worthy of note that the variation between thematic noun (as in TchA) and a derivative in -wer (as in B) is paralleled by PIE *h2o-sd-o- `branch' (> German Ast) and *h2o-sd-wēr `id.' (> Hittite hasdwer).


Tocharian B:

Word class: (a) (particle); (b) (quasi-prefix)

Meaning: (a) `not, no' [simple negation and prohibition]; (b) also used as quasi-prefix as the equivalent of English `un-'

Examples: (a) mā maiy[ya n]e[säṃ] mā tsirauñe `there is no strength, no energy' (28a8); mā-wko (emphatic) `in no way': ñiś ikäṃ pikwalaññe māuk nesau `I am not twenty years old!' (330b4), kuse no su wnolme ket śaul nanautau yāmornta no ykāk nesaṃ-ne māwk nauntan-ne poyknesa `who then [is] the being whose life [is] lost but [whose] deeds still exist and do not disappear in any way?' (K-7al);

   (b) mā-mīlar kälpauwantso = BHS anupadrutaiḥ (11a6), mā-sälkoṣäṃts = BHS anuddhṛtair (11a7); mā-yāmor* `non-doing': tūsa snaitse mäsketrä mā-yāmorsa yärpontaṃts `thus he is poor by the non-doing of meritorious services' (K-6b2).

Derivatives: mā-yśelme `imperceptible to the senses' [= BHS agocara] (H-149.289a1 [Thomas, 1968a:200, fn. 72]);

   mā-ṣekaṃñe `inconstancy': [pā]lka nai mā-ṣekaṃñe wäntarwats `observe, indeed, the inconstancy of things' (88a4/5);

   mā-ṣekaññeṣṣe* `prtng to inconstancy' (153a2=154b4).

Etymology: TchA and B reflect PTch * from PIE * [: Sanskrit , Avestan , Greek mḗ Armenian mi, Albanian mos (< * + kwis), all the prohibitive negative (P:703; MA:395)] (Meillet, 1914:15). The final -ā in Tocharian is regular from absolute final *-ē in PIE (cf. `or' [unstressed] from PIE *)--slightly different is Couvreur's treatment (1947:8) and Lindeman's (1969:21). In TchA mar (prohibitive particle), from * + rV, we find the the original semantics formally reinforced by a particle (cf. ra). Certainly not with VW (282-3) should we see the phonological influence of Sanskrit .

See s.v.: See also manta and mantanta.


Tocharian B: māka

Word class: (a) (adj. [usually indeclinable]/pronoun); (b) (adv.)

Meaning: (a) `many, much'; (b) `very much'

Paradigm: [//māka, makāṃts, māka]

Examples: (a) māka lykwarwa māka cmela māka lkāṣṣäṃ läklenta `many times he sees many births and many sufferings' (15a7= 17a8), erkatte rekaunasa tsoksa-ñ māka `he gave me to drink many angry words' (23b6/7), māka plyawāre `many wailed' (45a3), māka täṅwañe lkātsi `to see much love' (74a3), māka = BHS bahu (305b4);

   (b) māka prākre `very firm' (133b8), sū cew yāmorsa prāskaṃ māka kwipentär `he will be afraid because of this deed and will be very much ashamed' (K-3b5).

Derivatives: māka-onolmeṣṣe `having a multitude of people, populous' [= BHS bahujanyaṃ] (528a3 [cf. Couvreur, 1968:280]);

   māka-ñatsetstse* `having great need': mākā-ñatsecce sanuññ[esa] yamaske[nträ] `they treat one in great need with enmity' (35b1);

   makā-pew `having many feet': lyakäṃ kraupträ snai-pewäṃ wi-pewäṃ śtwer-pewäṃ makā-pewäṃ `he gathers thieves, [those] without feet, two-footed [ones], four-footed [ones], and many-footed [ones]' (H-149-ADD.8b3 [Hilmarsson, 1989a:93]);

   makā-ykne (a) ([indeclinable] adj.) `manifold; whatever,' (b) (adv.) `in manifold ways': (a) nakanma makā-ykne kraupeṃ `they accumulate manifold blame' (48b4), po ri[ta]lñ[esa] makā-yäk[ne mant pyām] `do so according to any demand whatever!' (LP-39a2), (b) palāte-me makā-ykne käṣṣī `the master praised them in many ways' (3a7).

Etymology: TchA māk and B māka reflect PTch *mākā. Ever since Meillet (1912:114) this word has generally been associated with PIE *meǵ-ha- `great' [: Sanskrit máhi (nt.) `great,' Greek méga (nt.) `id.,' Armenian mec `id.,' Gothic mikils (with the suffix modeled on that of lutils `little') `id.,' and Hittite mekki- `numerous' (< *meǵha-i-), Old Norse mjǫk (< Proto-Gmc. *meku, with the -u analogical after *felu `few' or phonetically regular from a laryngeal in a final syllable) `much' (P:708-9; MA:344)] (for a review of other proposals, including his own, see VW [283]). The evidence of Sanskrit and Greek demonstrates an old holokinetic paradigm for this root, e.g. nom. sg. *méǵōha (Skt. combining form mahā-), acc. sg. méǵoham (Skt. acc. sg. mahām, gen. sg. *ṃǵhaós (Skt. gen. sg. mahás with full-grade extended; cf. Greek zero-grade aga- `very' [intensive prefix]), nt. nom/acc. sg. *méǵha (Skt. nt. máhi, Greek nt. méga). In complementary distribution geographically with meǵha- in late Proto-Indo-European is *maǵ- [: Latin Maius (< *maǵyo-) `May,' magnus (< *maǵ(i)no-) `great,' Proto-Celtic *magyo- (Middle Irish maige `great'), *magino- (Middle Irish maignech `great' [< *maginiāko-), *maglo- (Middle Irish mál `noble, prince'), Albanian madh `great' (< *maǵyo-) (P:708-9)]. To the material assembled here by Pokorny we might add Lithuanian mãgulas `numerous' (cf. for the suffix Greek mégalos), though its isolation with Baltic invites caution. Whether this *maǵ- reflects a metathesis, presumably in the zero-grade, of *mǵha- to *mha- or a contamination with *meha-, which forms the suppletive comparative (cf. Oscan mais, Gothic mais, etc.), is uncertain. The Tocharian *mākā probably represents *meǵōha with the vowel of *maǵ-.

See s.v.: See also possibly moko.


Tocharian B: mācer

Word class: (n.)

Meaning: `mother'

Paradigm: [mācer, mātri, mātär//mācera, -, mātäräṃ]

Examples: tänmastär ... mātri kektseñmeṃ `he was born from [his] mother's body' (16b7/8= 18a5), soi mācer śawästär `the mother nourishes [her] son' (142a4).

Derivatives: matarṣṣe `prtng to a mother' (only attested as second member of the compound pātär-matärṣṣe `prtng to father and mother,' q.v.).

Etymology: TchA mācar and B mācer reflect PTch *mācer from PIE *mehatēr [: Sanskrit mātár-, Avestan mātar-, Greek mētēr (Doric mātēr), Latin māter, Old Irish máthir, Old English mōdor, OCS mati, Latvian ma^te (all) `mother,' Lithuanian mótė `woman, wife,' Albanian motër `sister' (< motrë < *mehatr-eha- `maternal [sister]'), etc. (P:700-1; MA:385)] (Sieg, Siegling, 1908:927, VW:283-4). One should note the exact equivalence of the accusative mātär with Latin mātrem (and, if the identification is correct, the acc. pl. mātäräṃ with Latin mātrēs). Both the genitive singular and the nominative plural are analogical. The vowel -ā- of mācer is likely to be analogical after that of pācer `father' or after the accusative mātär (or both) as I would expect PTch *ā..e- to have given o..o (see procer).

See s.v.: See also matarye.


Tocharian B: mīsa

Word class: (n.[f.pl.tant.])

Meaning: `meat, flesh'

Paradigm: [//mīsa, misāṃts, mīsa]

Examples: mīsasa ost astāṣṣe `through the flesh the skeleton [is seen]' (9a8), ika[ñce]ṃ śtarceṃ ṣukaunne mīsa kektse[ñtsa tänma]skentär-ne `in the 24th week flesh appears over his [scil. the embryo's] body' (603a3/4), läksañana misa lykaśke kekarśwa `fish meat finely chopped' (P-1al/2).

Etymology: From PIE *memseha, the plural to *memsom (nt.), with regular loss of a nasal before -s- (cf. -me `us/our' from *ṇsmó, the latter with subsequent regular loss of non-initial -s- before a nasal) and quasi-regular change of -ä- to -i- in a labial environment (cf. mit and mil-) [: Sanskrit māṃsá- (nt.) `flesh, meat,' mās (nt.) `id.,' Armenian mis `id.,' Old Prussian mensā `id.,' Albanian mish `id.,' Gothic mimz `id.' (the last two from *memso- as in Tocharian), etc. (P:725; MA:374-375)] (Meillet, 1911:145). Not with VW (632) a borrowing from Pali āmisa- `food, flesh, bait.'

See s.v.: See also misāśañ and mis=aiwenta.


Tocharian B: maim

Word class: (n.[m.sg.])

Meaning: `thought, thinking'

Paradigm: [maim, -, maim//]

Examples: enenkaś paspārtau cwi maim palskw attsaik `completely turned inward [is] his thought and spirit' (41a2), śl=āknātsaññe maimtsa trikseṃ duśśīläñe yamaskeṃ `with ignorance they stumble in judgment and show bad character' (K-8al).

Etymology: TchA mem and B maim reflect PTch *meim, a nominal derivative of *mei- `measure' seen in the TchA infinitive messi (< *mestsi). The nominal formation (as if from PIE *-mṇ) is the same as in saim, q.v. Extra-Tocharian cognates are uncertain. It is possible, with VW (295-6, though details differ), to see in the Tocharian words a reflection of PIE *mod-ye/o- (for the o-grade in a ye/o-present one might compare mely-) or *mēdye/o-, derivatives of *med- `measure' [: Greek médomai `provide for, be mindful of,' mēdomai `intend, keep watch,' Latin meditor `consider, meditate,' Old Irish midiur `think, judge,' Gothic mitan `measure,' and nominal derivatives in Indic and Armenian (P:705-6; MA:262, 374)]. Alternatively it would be possible that we have PIE *meh1-ye/o-, a derivative of *meh1- `measure' in the background [: Sanskrit māti/mimāti `measures,' Avestan - `id.,' Albanian mas (< *mh1tyō) `id.,' Latin mētior `id.,' and other derivatives in Greek, Germanic, and Balto-Slavic (P:703-4; MA:249)].

See s.v.: See also maimantstse and possibly mais-.


Tocharian B: yakne

Word class: (nm.)

Meaning: `way, manner, custom, habit' [as the second member of a compound with a number = `-fold']

Paradigm: [yakne, -, yakne//-, -, yakneṃ]

Examples: kärpye yakne mā klyomo `of common type, not noble' [kärpye yakne = BHS grāmya-] (5b8), käṣṣīññe yäknesa asānne lyāmate-me `he seated himself on their throne in the manner of a teacher' (81b6), [ā]ntsesa watsālai premane war āṣtsiś yakne yamaṣäṃ `carrying the water-jug on [his] shoulder he makes [in this] way to fetch [some] water' (91a1), weñau nänok yakneṃ yāmorntats `I will speak again of the ways of deeds' (K-2a4).

Derivatives: -yakne `-fold': śäk-okt yakne kleśänmameṃ empelona `the eighteen-fold dangerous kleśas' (212a3);

   yäknaikne `?': papāṣṣorñe-yetweṃtsa yaitu ṣañ añm yäknaikne (372a2);

   yäknetstse* `having [such] a manner' (?): /// yäkneci lkāntär (201a4);

   kuce-yknesa `by whatever way, by whatever means': tū no kuce-yäknesa `but that, by what means?' (PK-AS-16.2a6 [Pinault, 1989:155]).

Etymology: TchA wkäṃ (pl. wäknant) and B yakne reflect PTch *w'äkne < PIE *weǵhno- from *weǵh- `move, pull (as of a wagon), travel' [: Sanskrit váhati `leads, pulls,' Avestan vazaiti `ibid.,' Greek (Pamphylian) wekhétō `he should bring,' Albanian vjedh `steal,' Latin vehō `travel, lead, bring,' OHG wegan `move (intr.),' Lithuanian vežù `travel,' etc. (P:1118-1120; MA:91)]. *weǵhno- is formally equivalent to Old Irish fén, Welsh gwain `a kind of wagon' but shows the same semantic development we see in Germanic *wega- (PIE *weǵho-), e.g. English way (Jacobsohn, 1934:212, VW:575-576).


Tocharian B: yape*

Word class: (n.)

Meaning: `spider'

Paradigm: [-, ypentse, -//]

Examples: mäkte ypentse wpelm=auñento ṣpak wāpatsiś ... skainaṃ `as one tries indeed [in] the beginning to weave a spider's web' (286a5).

Etymology: From PIE *webh- `weave, plait, spin' [: Sanskrit ubhnāti, Greek huphaínō, Albanian venj (< *webhnyō), OHG wefan, Old English wefan (P:1114; MA:572)], more particularly from a *webho- (m.) `spinner' (Couvreur, 1950:128, VW:606). Cf. Sanskrit ūrṇa-vabhi- (m.) `spider' (lit: `wool-weaver').

See s.v.: See also wāp- and wpelme.


Tocharian B: yapoy

Word class: (n.[f.pl.])

Meaning: `land, country'

Paradigm: [yapoy, ypoyntse, yapoy//-, -, ypauna]

Examples: ypauna kuṣaintsa `with lands and villages' (2b6), yātka-me walo lyutsi po ypoymeṃ `the king ordered them out from the whole country' (18a2), ypoy[n]tse salyai `the border of the country' (86a5), yapoymeṃ wat lyucī-ne = BHS pravāsayed vā (H-149-ADD.8a4 [Thomas, 1974:102]).

Derivatives: ypoy-moko*: `land-elder' (an official of some sort): ypoy-mokonta (unpubl. Paris fragm. [Pinault, 1984a:27]; Lévi, 1913:320).

Etymology: TchA ype and B yapoy reflect a PTch *yäpoy that may reflect a putative PIE *h1ep-o-wen (pl. *h1ep-o-uneha) `dominion,' a derivative of *h1ep- `take' [: Hittite epzi `takes', Albanian jap `give' (with well-paralleled reversal of direction), Armenian unim (< *h1opn-) `possess,' Avestan apayeiti (< *h1opeye/o-) `obtains,' Sanskrit āpnóti `obtains' (P:50-51; MA:563)]. Not from a PIE *h1en-pod- (nt.) as with Duchesne-Guillemin (1941:162), who compares Middle Irish inad (< *h1eni-podo-), since the loss of the nasal is not expected. Similarly difficult is Hilmarsson's (1988) h1en-bhuhx-i (nt.) `dwelling place.' Nor with VW (606) who connects this word with yäp- `enter' but he can do so only because he wrongly thinks yäp- is from *yeu- and meant `go.' Nor yet a compound *h1ep-ouden of *h1epi `on, near, adjacent' and a proterokinetic *h1/4óudn- ˜ *h1/4udén- `earth, land' (Adams, 1990a:72-77).

See s.v.: See also ypoye and -ypoyṣe.


Tocharian B: ylāre*

Word class: (adj.)

Meaning: `+_ limp, flaccid, weak [unable to stand]'

Paradigm: [m: -, -, ylāre//] [f: ylāryya, -, -//]

Examples: po kektseñmeṃ läkleñ syelme [pletka su no] ylāre kaklautkau tärraskemane rekisa Uttareṃ m[ñcu]ṣ[k]eṃ[ś] `from all [the king's] body sweat poured, turning weak, and crying out with a word to prince Uttara' (85a2/3), tesa kātso malyakka mäsketär mā ylārya `thus the stomach becomes youthful [but] not flaccid' (W-37b3).

Etymology: TchA ylār and B ylāre reflect PTch *y(ä)lāre and, with VW (1970a:171, 1976:599, though details differ) is probably y- < *h1en- + -lāre- < *l(o)h1dro-, a derivative of *leh1d- seen in Greek lēdei^n `be fatigued,' Gothic lētan `let,' Albanian lodhem `become tired' (P:666).

See s.v.: See also lāl-.


Tocharian B: retke

Word class: (nm.)

Meaning: `army'

Paradigm: [retke, retkentse, retke//recci (?), -, -]

Examples: ontsoyttñesa allonkna retke iyaṃ ypaunane māka wnolmeṃ kauseṃ `[if kings] out of insatiableness lead an army in other lands and kill many creatures' (2b8=3a1), retke ṣālla kausalṣets `the army threw [down those from] Kausala' (21a7), /// istak recci wi /// /// retke yänmā/// (423b5/6), yewe retke wärkṣalyci `weapon and army [were] powerful' (PK-NS-36A-b2 [Couvreur, 1964:247]), śle retke = BHS sasainya- (U-2b4).

Etymology: TchA ratäk and B retke reflect a PTch *ret(ä)ke, usually taken as a borrowing from an Iranian *rataka-, cf. Persian rade `series, order' (Schulze, 1932, Hansen, 1940:155, Winter, 1971:217, VW:638). However, from a reasonably early borrowing from an Iranian *rataka- one would expect a PTch *retek(e) (cf. TchB ekṣinek(e) `dove' from Iranian *akṣinaka-). Nor does Iranian attest a meaning `army' for this word. Perhaps instead we have a virtual PIE *róth2iḱos, a nominalization with accent retraction from *roth2iḱós `prtng to wheel or wagon,' i.e. `chariotry,' from *roth2os `wheel, wagon' [: Old Irish roth `wheel; circle,' Latin rota `wheel; wagon,' OHG rad `wheel,' Lithuanian rãtas `wheel' (pl.) rãtai `wagon,' Albanian rreth `wring, hoop, tire for carriage' (< *roth2iḱom) (P:866; MA:640-641)].


Tocharian B: resk-

Word class: (vi.)

Meaning: `flow (together), (e)merge'

Paradigm: Ps. II /reske/e-/ [A -, -, reṣṣäṃ//-, -, reskeṃ]

Examples: Gankne kekmu mäkte yaiku nāki ṣesa reṣṣäṃ war [] samudrämpa `as the water [that has] come into the Ganges flows together faultlessly with the ocean' (30a4), reskeṃ-ñ ysāra `my blood flows [= I am bleeding]' (90a6).

Etymology: From a putative PIE *rēǵ-sḱe/o- or *roǵ-sḱe/o-, a derivative of *reǵ- [: Latin rigāre `water,' Albanian rrjedh `flow, well up' (or is the Albanian from *wreǵ-?), Icelandic raki `wetness'] or *reḱ- [: Germanic, e.g. Gothic, rign (< *reḱnó-) `rain,' Lithuanian rõkti `drizzle' (P:857)] (VW:404-5; MA:639).


Tocharian B: raitwe*

Word class: (n.)

Meaning: `+_ application, means'

Paradigm: [-, -, raitwe//raitwenta, -, raitwentaa]

Examples: alepāṃṣṣeṃ añcāṃṣṣeṃ raitwenta rittau `auflagen von Salben und Schminken aufgewandet habend' (A-1a6).

Etymology: A derivative of ritt- (< *ritw-), q.v. TchA retwe `id.' and B raitwe reflect PTch *reitwe, (as if) from PIE *(hx)roitwo- [: Avestan raēθwa- mix,' Khotanese ā-rīha- `assembly'] (Bailey, 1967:18).

See s.v.: See also eraitwe.


Tocharian B: lāl-

Word class: (vi.)

Meaning: G `exert oneself, strive for'; K `tire (tr.), subjugate'

Paradigm: G Ps. IX /lāläsk/e-/ [A //-, lalaścer, -; Ger. lalaskemane]; Ko. IV /lāli-/ [Inf. lalyitsi]; "Intensive" Pt. (Pt. VII) /lālyiyā-/ [A -, lal(yi)yasta, -]; PP /lālālo-/;

   K Ps. IX /lāläsk/e-/ [A -, -, lāläṣṣäṃ//] (K-T).

Examples: /// lalyi lalyitsi ṣkas pāramitänta it[e] yāmtsi (580a2); pernerñesa l[a]lyasta nette-[sū]trä akalṣlyeśc yamṣa-c perne [poyśiññe] `through glory hast thou exerted thyself; the Nīti-sūtra has brought thy Buddha-worth to the disciple' (203a2), [po]yśiñ=ikeś lalyyasta pernerñenta kraupāt[ai] `thou hast striven for the position of a Buddha; thou hast gathered distinctions' (206a3=249a1); pilycalñene lalālu laukito rṣāke tākaṃ `having made much effort in zeal, the guest will be a seer' (107a6), mā lalālu mā ṣpä śakets soi lalaitau ṣamāñemeṃ mäsketär `having made no effort and having deviated from monasticism, he is no son of the Śakyas' (333a5).

Etymology: Probably (with VW:256-7) we should connect this word with PIE *leh1d- `be fatigued,' Gothic lētan `allow, let,' Albanian lodh `tire (tr.),' etc. (P:666; MA:588)] (VW:256-7). VW suggests a denominative origin from *lh1d-l-, but perhaps we have a special phonetic development of of pre-Tocharian *-šn- in a nasal present (*lǝšnǝ- < *lh1d-n(e)ha-, cf. Albanian lë `let' (< *lǝdnō).

See s.v.: See also lalyiye and alālätte and, more distantly, ylāre.


Tocharian B: läk-

Word class: (vt.)

Meaning: G `see; look at; catch sight of; visit' [(vi.) `look']; K `make see, show'

Paradigm: G Ps. IX /läkāsk/e-/ [A lkāskau, lkāst, lkāṣṣäṃ//-, -, lkāskeṃ; MP -, lkāstar, lkāstär//; AImpf. lkāṣṣim, -, lkāṣṣi//-, -, lkāṣyeṃ; Ger. lkaṣṣälle; APart. lkaṣṣeñca; MPPart. lkāskemane]; Ko. V /läkā-/ (in the middle also = Ps.) [A lakau, lkāst, lakaṃ/ /lkām, lkācer, lakaṃ MP -, -, lkātär//-, -, lkāntär; AOpt. lkoym, -, lakoy//-, lkoycer, lkoyeṃ; MPOpt. //-, -, lkoyentär; Inf. lkātsi; Ger. lkālle `visible']; Ipv. (see pälk-); Pt. Ib /lyākā-/ [A lyakāwa, lyakāsta, lyāka//lyakām, lyakās(o), lyākar ˜ lyakāre; MP -, lyakātai, lyakāte//-, -, lyakānte]; PP /lyelyäku-/ (and rarely /leläku-/ [see the absolute]);

   K Ps. IX /läkäsk/e-/ [MPPart. lakäskemane]; Pt. IV /läkäṣṣā-/ [A -, -, lakäṣṣa//]

Examples: proskaiṃ lkāṣṣäṃ wrotsana ... nraine tänmasträ lkāṣṣäṃ lkle[nta] `he sees great terrors ... he is [re-]born in hell and sees sufferings' (14b4), pilko[s=ā]ñmālaṣkeṃ lkāṣṣän-me `with a compas-sionate glance he looks at them' (88a6), eśanetstse no mā lkāṣṣäṃ = BHS cakṣuṣmān vā na paśyati (H-149.236 [Sieg, Siegling, 1930-32:496]); lkāsträ ṣäñ āñmä `he sees himself' (121a5); Puttisene ce sankrām lkāṣi taiseṃ terisa cowai carka `whatever monastery P. visited, he robbed in the same fashion' (DAM.507a8 [Pinault, 1984a]), kälymiṃ läkāṣyeṃ cey `they looked [in every] direction' (108b5); ekäṣ saimacce yak vijñāṃ lkāṣeñca se [lkāṣeñca = BHS darśanaṃ?] (194b6), etsarkällecci cmelle ktsaitsäññentse āke lkāṣṣeñcañ = BHS ātāpino jātijarāntadarśinaḥ (U-2a4); lakaṃ [sg.] klyauṣäṃ wat yark=alyekepi `he sees or hears of the honor [paid] to another' (33b4/5), śwālyai ālyine naumyeṣṣe kṣātre l[k]ā[st] `thou wilt see a jeweled umbrella on the right palm' (567a2); su lkāträ ñyatsene `he is seen in danger' (255a3), kautaläñe wetsentse misāṃts lkāntär-c īlārñe `fissures in thy skin and limpness of thy flesh are seen' (5b6); lkoym-c krui ynemane ypauna kwṣainne `whenever I would see thee going among lands and villages' (246a1); lkātsiśc = BHS darśanāya (PK-NS-12a3 [Couvreur, 1967[1969]: 153]), [in Manichean script] [l]k'sy (Winter/Gabain [1958:11]); cwī lkāllona läklenta `his sufferings [are] visible' (81a6), mā ṣ pāträ [lkā]lle nest `thou wilt not be able to see [thy] father' (85b6); Indre kārpa rṣākäññe weṣ myāskate stām ñor cau lmoṣ lyakāre `Indra descended and changed into the guise of an ṛṣi and those seated under the tree saw him' (107a7), kälymiṃ läkāṣyeṃ ... ṣ lyakār-ne `they were looking [in all] directions and they caught sight of him' (108b5); lyelyaku = BHS dṛṣṭaṃ (H-ADD.149.79a1 [Couvreur, 1966:178]); raddhi ceyknesa lakäṣṣa-me `he showed them in this fashion the magical power' (108b4).

Remarks: The paradigm is completed by pälk-, q.v.

Derivatives: lyelyakor `perception, observation': lyelyako[r] = BHS dṛṣṭaṃ (196b6);

   lyelykormeṃ: läklessont lyelyäkormeṃ `having seen the suffering one' (123a7), [Ā]nandeṃ lelkormeṃ `having seen Ānanda (A-2a1);

   lkālläññe `sight, insight': kly[omo] lkālñesa kuse kekenu tākaṃ tne `the noble one who may be provided with insight' (14a7).

   lakäṣñe `proof, manifestation': [tu-]yknesāk kekamoṣepi raddhi lakäṣñe ste `magical power is the proof of the one thus come [scil. the Buddha]' (108b7);

   lakäṣñeṣṣe `prtng to proof or manifestation' (108b4);

   lelakäṣṣor `?': /// l[e]lakäṣṣor tāka (178b1).

Etymology: AB läk- reflect PTch *läk-, probably from PIE *leǵ- `gather' [: Greek légō `pick up; count, tell,' (later) `say,' Latin legō `pick up, gather; pick out (sounds, sights), scan, read, peruse,' Albanian mbledh (< *haembhi-leǵe/o-) `gather, collect, pick' (P:658)]. The Tocharian meaning reflects `gather with the eyes' or the like and is partially paralleled in Latin. In West Germanic we have Old English lōcian, Old Saxon lōcōn `look,' in origin an iterative-intensive of this root (PIE *lōǵehaye/o-), exactly matched morphologically by Doric lōgáō (in turn semantically equivalent of légō). Other semantic parallels are OHG lesen `gather; read' and Spanish catar `look' from Latin captāre `lay hold of, snatch, chase.' The Tocharian present läkā- corresponds to Latin *legā- seen in ēlegans, etc. The TchB preterite lyāka (= A imperfect) from *li̯ēk-ā- matches Latin lēgī and Albanian mblodha (< *haembhi-lēǵ-). Holthausen (1932-34:205) compared the Tocharian words with look, etc. (cf. also Anreiter, l987b:100-106); Lane (1948:307- 308) compared the Tocharian words with Latin legere, etc. No one has heretofore brought the Tocharian, Germanic and Latin-Albanian-Greek forms together. Also possible phonologically is a derivation from the zero-grade of PIE *leuk- (the phonologically rebuilt zero-grade is seen in luk-), as preferred by Meillet and Lévi, 1911:462, VW:258. The preterite/imperfect lyākā- from PTch *li̯ēkā- would be a neological vṛddhi to the zero-grade läk-.


Tocharian B: länk-

Word class: (vt.)

Meaning: G `hang'; K `let hang, dangle'

Paradigm: G Ps. I /länk-/ [MPPart. länkamane]; Ps. VIII /länks/e-/ [//-, -, länksentär]; Ko. I /länk-/; Ipv. I /p(ä)länk-/;

   K Ps. IX /länkäsk/e-/ [MPPart. lankäskemane]

Examples: (H-149-ADD.13b2 [K]); (H-149-ADD.118a1 [K]); kampāl mā päst kalatar matsisa kauc lankäm-c `[if] you thou dost not bring the garment, we will hang thee high by [thy head]hair' (PK-AS-18A-b3 [Thomas, 1978:239]); plaṅso-ne `hang [pl.] him!' (K-T); mā wätsitse [lege: wästsitse] kepec ette lankaskemane yanmaṣṣälle 21 mā kepec ette länkäskemane osne ṣmalle `one [is] not to enter dangling the border of the garment 21; one [is] not to sit in a house dangling the border' [= BHS vikṣiptika- or vinyastika-, neither of whose meanings is clearly known] 322a4/5.

Etymology: AB länk- (cf. also A ylankaṃ `in suspense') reflect PTch *länk- from PIE *leng- [: Sanskrit rangati `moves (intr.) back and forth,' Lithuanian lingúoti `swing, move back and forth,' and other nominal derivatives in Baltic, Slavic, and Albanian (P:676; MA:62)] (VW, 1941:55, VW:260). The semantic development is from `swing' to `hang.' Less likely is a connection with *lenk- `bend' (Couvreur, 1950:129).

See s.v.: See also lenke and länkamo*.


Tocharian B: luwo

Word class: (nnt.)

Meaning: `animal; animal/bird' [birds are lwāsa ṣlyamñana while animals sensu stricto are lwāsa ynamñana]

Paradigm: [luwo, lwāntse, luwa//lwāsa, lwasāṃts, lwāsa]

Examples: kowän lwāsa ṣlyamñana ynamñana `he will kill flying and running animals' (29b8), salamo luwo `a flying animal' (404a3), lwāsa ṣñār wṣeñ-ñ[aṃne] `the animals each in is own lair' (518b2), wsets[a]na lwāsane `among poisonous animals' (575b1), wärttoṣṣeṃ luwāsa `forest animals' (PK-NS-12a4 [Couvreur, 1967[1969]: 153]).

Remarks: TchA has singular lu, plural lwā/lwāk- corresponding to B singular luwā-, plural lwāsā-. The singular forms reconstruct to a PTch *luwā- (cf. the TchA gen. sg. lwes which is the exact equivalent of B lwāntse) but the plural forms are more difficult. Similarly to VW (267-8), I take A lwāk- to be from another, derived, paradigm, PTch *lwāke- `animal' with the same suffix we see in A śiśäk/B ṣecake `lion,' q.v. (VW would see in the *-ke- an adjectival suffix).

Derivatives: lwāññe `prtng to an animal/animals': kete ā[ñm]e [tsä]lpātsi lwāññe cmeṃlmeṃ [sic] `to whomever [is] the desire to be freed from an animal birth' (575a5/6);

   lwasāṣṣe `pr ng to animals' (574b2);

   lwāsātstse* `containing animals': lwasāce war = BHS saprāṇakenodakena (unpubl. Berlin fragm. [Thomas, 1987:169]).

Etymology: The singular forms reflect a PIE *luhxeha- `animal of the chase' most closely related to OCS lovъ `the chase' (< *louhxo-; cf. particularly Serbo-Croatian lõv `chase; game animal') and Greek léōn `lion' (< *`predator') (MA:23, 284). This etymon may reflect a remarkable shared semantic development of general Indo-European *leu(hx)- `separate, cut off' (see further discussion at lu- `send.' Cf. VW (1941:57, 1976:268) who reconstructs *lhxw- for the Tocharian and Slavic; he does not include léōn. The B plural formation (which, as the morphologia difficilior, may reflect the PTch state of affairs), may result from a cross of this etymon with a PTch *tsuwā `animal,' reflecting PIE *dheuhxōs `animal' [: Gothic dius `wild animal' (< *dheusó- , OCS duchъ `spirit,' Albanian dash `ram' (< *dhouso- `animal'), and perhaps Hittite antuhsa- `person,' if that represents *en-dhuh2so- `having breath inside' (P:268-70, with other, semantically more distant, cognates; MA:82)].

See s.v.: See also perhaps lu-.


Tocharian B: lykaśke

Word class: (adj.)

Meaning: (a) `small'; (b) `fine' [adv. = `finely']

Paradigm: [m: lykaśke, -, lykaśkeṃ//] [f: //lykaśkana, -, -]

Examples: (a) käskaññītär-ne waiptār āśce po lykaśke `his head was scattered far and wide in little pieces' (22b5), [kos] lykaśke aknātsaññe tsankan-me tot lykaśkana lwāsane cmelñe mäsketär-me `however little, ignorance arises to them, so their birth is among little animals' (575b4/5), lykaśkana śikṣapātänta `the lesser precepts' [lykaśkana = BHS kṣudrakānuk ṣudraka-] (PK-AS-18B-b1 [Pinault, 1984b]);

   (b) onkolm=eñcwañña waltsanoy-n=āsta lykaśke `an iron she-elephant ground his bones fine' (22b4), aśāwe lykiśke rūp `a form rough and fine' (192b3), läksañana misa lykaśke kekarśwa `fish meat finely chopped' (P-1a1).

Etymology: TchA lykäly `id.' and B lykaśke show the same PTch *lyäk- extended by different diminutive suffixes (-ly from PIE *-li- or *-lyo; -śke from *-kḓiko-). VW (1941:59, 1976:273) connects *lyäk- with PIE *legwh- `light' but the absence of a -w- in Tocharian (e.g. *lykwaśke) is hard to explain. Better, with Duchesne-Guillemin (1941:160), to connect this word with Greek olígos `few, small,' Albanian lig `bad, evil; thin,' Lithuanian ligà `illness,' Latvian liga `severe illness, pestilence.' Cf. also Old Irish līach `suffering, unfortunate,' Lithuanian nu-líegti `fall ill,' and Greek loigós (with loss of *h3- as sometimes before *-o-) `ruin, harm, death' (cf. P:667; MA:516).


Tocharian B: war

Word class: (nnt.)

Meaning: `water'

Paradigm: [war, wrantse, war//wranta, -, wranta]

Examples: nāgi lakaṃ tsatkuṃ enkalwa ... wranta osonträ `[if] the nāgas see perverse passions ... the waters dry up' (3a1), kroścaṃ [sic] warś ceu yolmene yänmaskeṃ `they enter the cool water of the pond' (29a6), [ā]ntsesa watsālai premane war āṣtsiś yakne yamaṣäṃ `he makes [in this] fashion to fetch water, carrying a pot on [his] shoulder' (91a1), keṣcye r[ur]u wär ñäṣträ `the hungry antelope seeks the water' (139b4), krośce war snai märkacce = BHS śītatoyam anāvilam (H-149. 112b2 [Thomas, 1987:169]), snai luwa war = BHS aprāṇaka- (H-149-ADD.7a1 [Thomas, 1987:169]), snai war = BHS nirjalam (U-9a3), war uppāläṣṣe = BHS vāri puṣkara pattra- (U-26b4), lwasāce war = BHS saprāṇakenodakena (unpubl. Berlin fragm.-a1 [Thomas, 1987:169]), sweseṣṣe war `rain water' (W-35b3).

Derivatives: -wär `-stream': kaucū-wär olyi āśäṃ ñoru-wär wat `he guides the boat upstream or downstream' (PK-AS-18B-b5 [Pinault, 1984b:377]);

   wraṣṣe* `prtng to water': [wra]ṣṣe kraupe = BHS udakavargaḥ (Thomas, 1976b:106);

   war-katsa `dropsy': war-katsa = BHS ādhmāna- (ST-b4 [in a list of diseases]).

Etymology: TchA wär and B war reflect PTch *wär, probably the regular reflex of a PIE *udrom, itself a regular (endocentric) thematicization of *wodr-/udn- (P:78-80; MA:636). One might compare Albanian ujë `water' from *udryeha or the *udrom itself which may be tied up in the history of Celtic *dubro- `water' [: Old Irish dobur, Welsh dw(f)r] (see Hamp, 1972). Somewhat similarly Winter (1962a:30) starts from an *udr- "possibly extracted from derived forms such as the adjective B wriye," and Normier (1980:262) posits a PIE *udrṇ, which might be taken as a conflation of the r- and n-stem forms, as the starting point for the Tocharian development. Considerably less likely is the possibility that PTch wär is from PIE *(h2)wer- [: Sanskrit vār/vāri (nt.) `water,' Avestan vār (nt.) `rain,' Sanskrit vāri- (f.) `water,' Avestan vairi- (m.) `sea,' Old Icelandic vari `liquid, water' (P:80; MA:636)] (Smith, 1910:19, VW:557-558). Puhvel (1991:404) subscribes to the same theory, though he assumes an initial laryngeal, and adds Hittite hurnai-, hurniya- `spray, sprinkle' and Greek hraínō `sprinkle' (< *h2wrn-ye/o- [though one might have supposed such a shape to have given *huraínō) to this etymon. However, if the Tocharian forms belong here, they must come from an otherwise unexampled zero-grade *wṛ-. One might imagine a *wṛri or a thematized *wṛrom but neither possibility carries much conviction.

See s.v.: See also wriyeṣṣe.


Tocharian B: warke*

Word class: (nm.)

Meaning: `garland'

Paradigm: [-, -, warke//-, -, warkeṃ]

Examples: sumānṣeṃ warkensa māladaṇḍi kärskemane ... sumāṃnṣeṃ warkensa kärṣalya `strewing the M. with garlands of sumānas ... it [is] to be strewn with sumānas garlands' (M-3a4).

Etymology: Semantically enticing is VW's connection (1941:152, 1976:545) with Albanian varg `chain, string (of beads), necklace, chaplet, etc.' Possibly too we should include Greek órkhos `row of vines or fruit-trees.' These would represent PIE *worgho- (for the Albanian and Greek) and *wṛgho- (for the Tocharian), or possibly alternative thematicizations of a root noun *worgh/wṛgh- (MA:354).


Tocharian B: walkwe

Word class: (n.)

Meaning: `wolf'

Examples: (K-T).

Etymology: From PIE *wḷkwo- [: Sanskrit vṛka- `wolf,' Avestan vǝrka- `id.,' Gothic wulfs `id.,' Albanian ujk `id,' etc. (P:1178-9; MA:646-647)] (VW, 1969:495, 1976:542).


Tocharian B: wāp-

Word class: (vt.)

Meaning: `weave'

Paradigm: Ko. V /wāpā-/ [MP -, -, wāpatär//; Inf. wāpatsi]; Pt. Ib /wāpā-/ [A -, -, wāpa//]; PP /wāwāpā-/.

Examples: mäkte ña[re] pännowo kos sarkimpa w[ā]p[a]trä `as the stretched thread, as often as he weaves [it] with the weft' (3b5); mäkte ypentse wpelm=auñento ṣpak wāpatsiś `just as the beginning to weave the spider's web [is]' (286a5), alecce wāpatsi watkäṣṣäṃ `[if] he orders [someone] unrelated to weave' (H-149.37b4 (Thomas, 1954:726)); ce pässak wāpa kavviṣṣe `he wove the kavi-garland' (429b1).

Etymology: TchA wäp- and B wāp- reflect a PTch *wäp- from PIE webh- `weave' [: Sanskrit. ubhnāti/umbháti/unábhdhi `binds together,' Greek huphaínō `weave,' Albanian venj (< *webhnyō) `weave,' Old English wefan `weave' (P:1114; MA:572)] (Couvreur, 1947:9, VW:557). The thorough-going -ā- of B presumably represents a generalization of the root vowel of the subjunctive and/or preterite where it is regular by ā-umlaut in forms which had PIE o-grade, ie. A o-grade eha-iterative-intensive..

See s.v.: See also yape, wepe, and wpelme.


Tocharian B: wāl-

Word class: (vt.)

Meaning: `cover, conceal, obscure; surround, enclose, hem in'

Paradigm: Ps. VI /wālnā-/ [Ger. walanalle]; Ko. V /wālā-/ [AOpt. -, -, wāloy//-, -, wāloṃ; MPOpt. -, -, wāloytär//; Inf. wālatsi]; Pt. Ib /wālā-/ [MP walāmai, -, -//]; PP /wāwālā-/

Examples: śār kātsasa walanalle śanmäṣṣälle cankene nauntse maskeṃtär (W-14b2); [saṃsā]rṣṣana tserekwa snai lyiprä [ñäś aiśi]mar | piś pälskontse walantsaṃ tsätkwatsñenta śtwāra ṣpä [: mā toṃ] waloṃ aräñc ñi cmelmeṃ cämel mā märsoym `may I know the delusions of the saṃsāra completely, the five hindrances of the spirit and the four perversions; may they not cover my heart; may I not forget birth [comes] from birth' (229b1-3), viparyāsṣe sūrmesa mā ṣ wāloyträ piś cmelṣeṃts ek pälskoṣṣe `may the cataract of delusion not obscure the spiritual eye of the five births' (S-6b2); [mā] ñiś caukamai kca mā ra walāmai kca `I didn't hide anything, neither did I obscure anything' (27b8); krākesa wawālaṣ po pälskonta läkle lkāskeṃ `all spirits covered by dirt see [= know] pain' (221b4), wawāla[ṣsa] = BHS āvṛtena (534b5).

Derivatives: wālalñe `covering': wālalñe = BHS cchadanaṃ (534a4).

Etymology: TchA wāl- and B wāl- reflect PTch *wāl- from PIE *wel- `wind, twist, bend' [: Sanskrit válati `turns,' vṛṇóti `covers, hems in,' Avestan vǝrǝnavaiti `covers; turns,' Armenian gelum `twist,' Greek eilúō `wind up,' Albanian vjell `vomit' (< *welwō), etc. (P:1141-42)] (Reuter, 1934:12, VW:551, with differing details). The root vowel -ā- shows perhaps that we have a denominative verb (built to a PTch *wele from *wäl-) or an o-grade eha-iterative-intensive. Another analysis is offered by Hilmarsson (1991:45-47).

See s.v.: See also walantsa and, more distantly, wäl-, wlaṃśke, and yel.


Tocharian B: wärp-

Word class: (vt.)

Meaning: `partake,' that is: `undergo, suffer, enjoy' [always middle]

Paradigm: Ps. VI /wärp(ä)nā-/ [MP wärpnāmar, -, wärpnātär ˜ wärpanatär//-, -, wärpnāntär ˜ wärpanantär; MPImpf. -, -, wärpanoytär//; MPPart. wärpnāmane ˜ wärpaname; Ger. wärpnālle ˜ wärpanalle]; Ko. V /wärpā-/ [MP -, -, warpatär//; MPOpt. warpoymar, -, -//-, -, warpontär; Inf. warpatsi; Ger. warpalle]; Ipv. I /päwärpā-/ [MPSg. pūrwar; MPPl. pūrwat ˜ pūrpat]]; Pt. Ia /wärpā-/ [MP wärpāmai, wärpātai, wärpāte// wärpāmte, -, wärpānte]; PP /wärpo-/

Examples: erkatñe tallārñe snai keś wärpanaträ tne piś toṃ cmelane `vexation and suffering without number he suffers in these five births' (42b3), yāmornta wnolmi makci yamantär mäkcik tuntse okw empelye wärpānantär [lege: wärpanantär] `[if] beings themselves do the deeds, they will enjoy the horrible fruit thereof' (17a5), pälskoṣṣāna läklenta | cm[e]l[n]tse ṣärmtsa po wärpänanträ onolymī [sic] `because of birth all beings undergo spiritual pangs' (284b1); śwer meñtsa ka ṣamānentse kāko wärpanalle ste `four months [only] is the invitation to be enjoyed by the monk' (331a2); ot tāṃ pātrai warpoymar `thus may I enjoy this begging bowl!' (20a5); [yo]lo oko warpatsi `to enjoy an evil fruit' (268a3); [sa]k wa[rpalle] = BHS sukhavedanīyaṃ (532a1); purwar wesanmeṃ pinwāt `enjoy these alms from us!' (107a8); pūrpat tā pelaikneṣṣai yokastai `enjoy the nectar of the law!' (231b3); [skwa]nma māka wärpāmai `I have enjoyed much good fortune' (372b3), wrocce t[e]ki wärpāte `he suffered a great disease' (34a6), camel wärpāte `he underwent birth' (42b4).

Derivatives: warpalñe `perception, feeling, sensation; enjoyment': te kuse ste akṣai warpalñe [= gloss of BHS jāti] (156a4), warpalñentse = BHS vedanānirodhaḥ (157b3), pyāpyo ra warpalñe [warpalñe = BHS vedanā] (PK-NS-53-b1 [Pinault, 1988]);

   warpalyñeṣṣe `prtng to sensation, perception': warpalyñaṣṣe [lege: arpalyñeṣṣe] āntse = BHS vedanaskandha- (154a6);

   wärpormeṃ: wärpormeṃ = BHS anumodya (543b6);

   warporṣe `prtng to enjoyment, sensation' (?): (91a2).

Etymology: TchA wärp- and B wärp- reflect PTch *wärp- which may be as VW supposes from PIE *wer- `pay attention to' + a labial élargissement (560-1, though details differ). Against such a hypothesis is the lack of parallelism with other PIE verb roots in -r- that appear with Tocharian labial élargissements, i.e. yärp- (surely from *wer-) `pay attention to' and ṣärp- `explain' where we very clearly have an e-grade of the root. Perhaps instead we have *wi-r(e)p- or *wi-rup-, both `take (away), take to oneself' [: (for the first) Greek eréptomai `feed on,' Latin rapiō `seize, snatch, tear away,' Albanian rjep `snatch, rob,' etc. (P:865), or (for the second) Sanskrit rúpyati `suffer violent pain,' Latin rumpō `break,' Old English rēofan `break, tear,' Lithuanian rūpėti `be anxious, uneasy' (P:870)]. For the semantic development one might compare English partake or PIE *terp- `enjoy, be satisfied' [: Greek térpomai `enjoy,' Sanskrit tṛpyati `id.'] but also `take' [: Avestan trǝpya- `steal,' Sanskrit paśu-tṛp- `cattle-stealing,' asu-tṛp- `life robbing'].

See s.v.: See also warpamo, wärpauca, and perhaps yärp-.


Tocharian B: wäl-

Word class: (vi./vt.)

Meaning: G `curl (intr.);' K `curl (tr.)'

Paradigm: G PP /wälo-/;

   K PP /yeyälu-/

Examples: waiptār wloṣäṃ letseṃne ... lwāsa ñi lestai yāmwa `animals having made a nest for me in the disheveled [lit: scattered and curled] locks' (89a2); yailuwa tanki pärkron[a] pr[a]r[o]ññ `curled, thick, long fingers' (73b1).

Etymology: From PIE *wel- `wind, twist, bend' [: Sanskrit válati `turns,' vṛṇóti `covers, hems in,' Avestan vǝrǝnavaiti `covers; turns,' Armenian gelum `twist,' Greek eilúō `wind up,' Albanian vjell `vomit' (< *welwō), etc. (P:1141-42; MA:607)] (VW:555, with differing details).

See s.v.: See also wāl-, wlaṃśke, and yel.


Tocharian B: wäs-1

Word class: (vi.)

Meaning: `be dressed in, wear; get dressed (in), put on'

Paradigm: Ps. IXa /yäss/e-/ (?) [MPImpf. -, -, yaṣṣitär//; Ger. yaṣṣälle]; Ko. I [Inf. was(t)si; see wastsi `clothes']; Pt. /wässā-/ ˜ /wäṣṣā-/ [A //-, -, wäṣṣāre; MP -, -, wässāte//]; PP /ausu- < *wewäsu-/

Examples: sonopitär līkṣītär wästsanma krenta yäṣṣitär `he anointed himself, bathed, and put on good clothing' [with a figura etymologica] (A-1a6); [anta]riye wastsi yäṣä[lle] `an under (or lower) garment [is] to be worn' (320b4); wässāte kaṣār-wassi `he was dressed in a monk's garment' (107b4/5); kaṣār nauṣ ausu `he who earlier wore the monk's garment' (44a5), [kärsto]ṣ waṣtsi [lege: wastsi?] ausu `dressed in torn clothing' (92b2).

Remarks: It is difficult to know exactly what the morphological analysis is for this verb. The present might be yäs-s/e- (as given above), yäs-sk/e-, or even yäs-w-/e- and the preterite is similarly ambiguous. TchA is no help since the only stem attested there is wäsā- (preterite and subjunctive, the latter in the form of the derived noun wsāl `clothing' and the optative stem wsī-) and the thematic subjunctive (or present?) waṣ- (in the gerund waṣlaṃ). For the form of the reduplicated preterite participle, see now Ringe (1989).

Etymology: TchA wäs- and B wäs- reflect PTch *wäs- from PIE *wes- `be dressed, wear, get dressed' [: Sanskrit váste `be dressed, get dressed,' Avestan vaste, vaṅhaiti `id,' Greek énnumai (aorist es(s)ai) `wear,' Albanian vesh `wear' (< *woseye/o-), Gothic wasjan `wear' (< *woseye/o-), Hittite wess- `wear,' wasse/a- `clothe' (< *woseye/o-), etc. (cf. P:1172-3; MA:109)] (Meillet, 1912:112, VW:564). It is possible that the present or subjunctive TchA waṣ- reflects PIE *woseye/o- just as Gothic wasjan, Albanian vesh, and Hittite wasse/a-.

See s.v.: See also wastsi.


Tocharian B: werwiye*

Word class: (n.)

Meaning: `garden'

Paradigm: [-, -, werwiye//]

Examples: werwiyesa Kweṃtokomeṃ pautkeṣe[ṃ] cāneṃ kälwāwa wilse `for the garden, from K. I received the cānes of contribution, two thousand' (Maralbashi-4a6 [Pinault, 1987:86]).

Etymology: A variant of the expected *werpiye, originally meaning `enclosure' and a derivative of wārp- `surround,' q.v. The PTch *werp- of this form presupposes the presence of the underlying verb in the shape *wärp-, as still in TchA, rather than the generalized wārp- of TchB.

See s.v.: See also wārp- and werpiśkatstse, werpiśke*.


Tocharian B: wertsiya

Word class: (nf.)

Meaning: `assembly, council, meeting, retinue, company'

Paradigm: [wertsiya, wertsiyaintse ˜ wertsiyantse, wertsiyai//-, -, wertsiyaṃ]

Examples: tumeṃ weña pūdñäkte sankaṣṣai tāu wertsyaine `the Buddha spoke then amongst the monastic community' (5b7), śtwāra wertsyaṃ `the four assemblies' [i.e. monks, nuns, laymen, laywomen] (12a8), wertsiyaimeṃ pränketrä `he was excluded from the assembly' (14a2), walo Kausalṣe eṣe wertsyaimpa ś[em] `the king of Kausala came with [his] retinue' (18b7), yayātau wertsiyai yaṃ = BHS dānto vai samitiṃ yānti [lege: yāti] (306a3).

Derivatives: wertsyaṣṣe* `prtng to a company, assembly, retinue, etc.' (TEB-58-20).

Etymology: TchA wartsi and B wertsiya reflect PTch *wertsiya. Probably the latter is (as if) from PIE *wordhyeha- `mass, multitude,' a derivative of *werdh- `grow, increase' [: Sanskrit várdhati `grows,' Avestan varǝd- `make grow,' Albanian rit `grow, make large,' Greek orthós `straight, true' OCS roditi `parere,' etc. (P:1167; MA:249)] (VW, 1970a:170, 1976:547).

See s.v.: See also wrāt-.


Tocharian B: śāñcapo

Word class: (n.)

Meaning: `(the tree) Dalbergia sissoo Roxb.' (a medical ingredient)

Paradigm: [śāñcapo, -, *śāñcapo (cf. derived adj.)//]

Examples: (M-1b8).

Derivatives: śāñcapotstse `containing Dalbergia sissoo' (W-26b2).

Etymology: From BHS śiṃśapā-.


Tocharian B: ścirye

Word class: (n.[f.pl.])

Meaning: `star'

Paradigm: [śirye-, -, -//ściri, ścirim≣ts, ściriṃ]

Examples: /// [k]auṃ meñ ściri po `sun, moon, all the stars' (45b7), ścir[i]nts[o] ramt lyelyekuwa `illuminated as by the stars' (73b1/2), ścirye ram no lyukemo `gleaming like a star' (74a1), yaṣine meñantse ściriṃts läktsauña `the light of the moon and stars in the night' (154b2), nano tapakiṣṣe yerpesa tarya śiriṃ lkāṣṣiṃ `again may he see three stars by means of the mirror-orb' (H-149.42a4 [Thomas, 1986:119]).

Etymology: TchA śre* (nom. pl. śreñ) and B ścirye reflect a PTch *ścär-iye-. The obvious relationship of this Tocharian pair with Greek astēr `star' (also teírea `the stars'), Hittite hastēr-, Sanskrit (instr. pl.) stṛbhiḥ, (nom. pl. m.) tāraḥ, Latin stēlla (< Italic *stērolā-) `star,' Middle Irish ser, Breton sterenn, Welsh seren (pl. ser), Gothic staírnō, etc. (P:1027-1028; MA:543) would seem evident (Feist, 1913:268, VW:489). All are from a PIE *h2hxstēr `star' with different reductions of the complex word initial cluster. The word is a originally a derivative of *h2ehx-s- `burn' (cf. Latin āra `sacrificial fireplace, fire-alter,' Hittite hassa- `fire-place, hearth, fire-altar' from *h2ehx-s-eha-; an unenlarged *h2ehx- persists in Palaic - `be hot') presumably meaning `+_ ember' (the same semantic development is repeated in the history of Albanian where yll `star' reflects PIE *h1usli- `ember' preserved in Old English ysl(e) `ember' (Adams, 1995:207-211; cf. MA:543).

See s.v.: See also astare.


Tocharian B: śnāsk-

Word class: (vt.)

Meaning: `release' (?)

Paradigm: Ko. VI /śänāsk/e-/ [Inf. śnās(t)si]

Examples: yärkeṣṣe warkṣäl śnāssi mā cämpya `he couldn't release the power of praise' (405b7).

Remarks: Compare A (399a6) (/// wsokone ṣiṃ wärk ṣälyo śkā śināssi cämpäṣ).

Etymology: From PTch *śināsk- (present and subjunctive alike), from PIE *kihx-new- [: Greek kínumai `I go, move' and kinéō `I set in motion,' and morphologically more distant, Greek kíō `go away, travel,' Latin cieō `set in motion,' Albanian qoj (< *ki(hx)-ehaye/o-) `awaken' (P:538-539)] by transfer from the new-class (extinct in Tocharian) to the neha-class. Otherwise VW (479-480)--from *hwenā-.

See s.v.: See also śä-.


Tocharian B: ṣar*

Word class: (n.[m.sg.])

Meaning: `hand'

Paradigm: [-, -, ṣar/-, -, ṣarne/]

Examples: lalaikarmeṃ ṣarne `having washed the hands' (1a5), añcāl ṣarne `with hands folded' (16b6), ṣañ ṣarsa kautoy `he may strike with [his] own hand' (15b6=17b6), tane brāhmaṇi kerciyeṃne yaipormeṃ poñc ṣar koś ceccalorsa ka lānte yarke yamaskeṃ `now the brahmans, having entered the palace, by all raising [their] hand, do honor to the king' (81b5), yakṣats ṣarnene taṣtar-ñ `thou puttest me in the hands of yakṣas' (84a1), kuse ṣamāne ṣañ ṣarsa naumiy[e ta]lläṣṣäṃ `whatever monk holds jewels with [his] own hand' (337a1), kuse sal ṣarne yāmu tākoy tesa nāṣṣi istak astare `whoever may have made [his] hands dirty should bathe with this; immediately [he is] clean' (P-2b6), se pañäkte Sanketavantse ṣarsa papaiykau `this buddha [image] by the hand of S. [was] painted' (unpubl. Berlin fragm. [Thomas, 1970:95]).

Etymology: TchA tsar and B ṣar do not reconstruct to a single PTch preform. However, (pace VW:521) it is still most economical to see the two forms as reflexes of a single etymon. Both are usually taken as being descendants of PIE *hesr- [: Albanian dorë, Greek kheír, Armenian jeṙn, Hittite kessar (P:447; MA:254)], e.g. Smith, 1910:17, Pedersen, 1941:236, Schindler, 1967[68]: 244-9. (VW:521 is an exception, taking tsar to be from *dher- `hold' and ṣar to be from *ser- `protect.') The Albanian dorë (pl. duar) looks to be the reflex of the strong cases of an acrostatic paradigm with the singular from *hēsrṃ (Huld's [1983] *hēsreha seems unnecessary) and the plural from *hēsres (cf. natë `night,' net `nights' from *nokwtṃ and *nokwtes respectively.) The agreement of the weak cases of Greek and Hittite (e.g. kheirí and /gissrí/ (Melchert, 1984: 106) from PIE *hesrí), on the other hand, suggests an amphikinetic paradigm (*hésōr/ hesrí) or a hysterokinetic one (*hesēr/hesrí). The Greek strong cases (kheír, khei^ra) are obviously analogical--but old, since khei^ra = Armenian jeṙn. However, they support the hypothesis of a hysterokinetic paradigm (cf. the similarly rebuilt acc. sg. ándra beside [Homeric] anéra). The nom. sg. in Hittite, kessar-ssis (Melchert, loc. cit.) is attested only in Middle Hittite and thus may be also an innovation--but it also might reflect*hésōr. Thus TchA tsar might be *hesēr while B ṣar might be *hesérṃ (B **ṣer from *hesēr would have been awkwardly homophonous with ṣer `sister'). ts- and ṣ- would be two different resolutions of the early PTch cluster *čṣ-. Alternatively ṣar might be from *hesrṃ (cf. pātär, mātär). See also Schindler's discussion (1967[1968]:244-249).

See s.v.: See also Schindler's discussion (1967[1968]:244-249). See also ṣarya.


Tocharian B: ṣalype

Word class: (n.[m.sg.])

Meaning: `(sesame) oil; salve, ointment'

Paradigm: [ṣalype, -, ṣalype//ṣälypenta, -, ṣälypenta]

Examples: apsāltsa yāmu pīle kektseṃne curṇanmasa ṣälypen-tasa nano mīsa rättankeṃ `the wound in the body made by a sword, with powders and salves the flesh heals again' (15b1=17b3), [n]esäṃ mā [sātkenta] mā ṣälypenta śodhanta `there are no remedies, neither salves nor purgatives' (17b4), yṣiñe cokiś ṣalywe masa ṣank ywārtsa kewye `[as] oil for the night lamp went [in] a ṣank and a half of butter' (451a2), kaṃnte kältsau ṣalype ... śār kuṣalle `oil pressed/ strained 100 times [is] to be poured all over' (P-1a2), hirandaṣṣe ṣalywe [ṣalywe = BHS taila-] (Y-1a5).

Etymology: Tch ṣälyp and B ṣalype reflect PTch *ṣälype. From PIE *sélpos (nt.) (> *ṣälpe > *ṣlpe > *ṣlype > *ṣälype) [: Greek (Hesychius) élpos, Albanian gjalpë `butter,' Sanskrit sarpí- `clarified butter,' OHG salba, Old English sälf `salve' (P:901; MA:194)] (Meillet and Lévi, 1911:146, VW:450- 451, though differing in details from that presented here). Perhaps to be added to this etymon is TchA ṣālypi (if < *sēlpyeha-) `unction, veneration, admiration' (?).


Tocharian B: sāle

Word class: (n.)

Meaning: `ground; basis'

Paradigm: [sāle, -, sāle//]

Examples: āyor sāle śīl ränkāñi `a gift [is] grounds for moral behavior and ränkāñi' (23a5), /// [mā a]lyek cmelne sāle priyeṃ `they do not bear the basis [?] for another birth' (24a4), /// śattālyantyas [lege: śattālyeṃts?] sāle wa[sa] /// `he gave ground to the seeds [?]' (475a3), sālesa kewiye wentsa pepakṣu kuñcītäṣṣe ṣalype udāvarttäntse gurmantse sāṃtke `sesame oil [is to be] cooked with cow dung on the ground; [it is] a medicine for swelling [caused by?] a disease of the bowel' (497b3/4).

Etymology: From PIE *sōlo-, exactly matched by Lithuanian súolas `bench, chair' or Latvian suo^ls `bench' (VW, 1965b:504, 1976:417) and more distantly equated with Albanian gjolë `clearing/pasture where salt is strewn for domestic animals' (PIE *sēleha), if the latter is not a derivative of *sal- `salt.' Cf. P:898-9 with other, more dubious connections.


Tocharian B: sänmetstse*

Word class: (adj.)

Meaning: `being in a trance, trancelike'

Paradigm: [f: sänmetsa, -, -//]

Examples: enenkaś paspārtau cwi maim palskw attsaik [] sänmetsa ṣ cwi k[ek]ts[eñe] `within his whole thought and feeling [were] turned around; his body [was] in a trance' (41a2).

Etymology: From (unattested) sanme* `trance' with regular metathesis from PTch *sämne < PIE *supno- `sleep' [: Greek húpnos, OCS sъnъ, Albanian gjumë, all from *supno-; see also ṣpane (P:1048-49; MA:527] (K. T. Schmidt, 1980:409; Normier, 1980:262). (Otherwise VW (422)--from PIE *sengwh-). Though the etymology seems certain, the difference in treatment of the original PIE cluster *-pn- in *supno- (> *sanme, cf. yenme `gate' or present-stem yänmäsk- from yäp-) and *swepno- (> ṣpane `sleep') is not clear.

See s.v.: See also ṣpane.


Tocharian B: särp-

Word class: (vi.)

Meaning: `beat [of a heart]'

Paradigm: Pt. III /särp-/ [//-, -, sarpär]

Examples: aräñci sarpär `the hearts beat' (119a4).

Etymology: From PIE *srebh- `sip, slurp' [: Armenian arbi `I drank,' Greek rophéō `I gulp down,' Latin sorbeō `id.,' Lithuanian srebiù `id.,' surbiù `suck, sip,' Slovenian srẹ́bati `id.,' Albanian gjerp `sip,' Hittite s(a)rap- `gulp,' etc. (P:1001; MA:175)] (VW:422). Unlike VW, however, who takes the meaning to have originally been *`suck' and the extension to the beating of the heart made on the basis of the heart's being a pump (which would seem to presuppose a very sophisticated understanding of circulation), I assume we have *`slurp' > `beat [of the heart]' on the basis of the sound involved (similarly English beat).


Tocharian B: sälk-

Word class: (vt.)

Meaning: `pull/draw (out/away), tear (out) [normally toward the agent]; [metaphorically] produce'

Paradigm: Ps. VII /slänk-/ [MP -, -, slanktär//; Ger. slankälle]; Ko. V /sālkā- ˜ sälkā-/ [-, -, sālkaṃ//; MP salkamaar, -, -//; AOpt.-, -, salkoy//; MPOpt. -, -, sälkoytär//; Inf. salkatsi]; Pt. Ia /sälkā-/ [MP sälkāmai, sälkātai, sälkāte//-, -, sälkānte]; PP /sälko-/

Examples: k[ar]ts[a rano] kektse[ñe] ramer slanktär ṣañäññe `a good body soon shows its [true] being' (5b2/3); śätkaroṃ päst slankällona `the leeches [are to] be pulled out' (W-42a4); [ṣeme] ṣarsa ceṃ pre[re] //// [sä]lkoy-ne `with one hand he might pull out his arrow' (154b1), lyammeṃ santsārṣṣe ñiś ci salkamar `I will pull thee out of the saṃsāra-sea' (296b4/5), kaccap su no tälaṣṣi aśco rämoytär [r]mer ka cpi aśce lyautaiyne tāu sälkoytär (407b1/2), Suśākh khadiräṣṣe ṣat twerene tsapanale ... [kwri no ṣat] sālkaṃ mokṣä `in Suśākh an acacia sliver is to be mashed into the door ... if, however, he pulls it out, [there is] deliverance' (M-2a2); tarya orotstsana pratiharinta sälkāte-meś `he produced for them the three great wonders' (108b3/4), sanu maskākamñemeṃ [lege: maskw orkamñemeṃ] tal[ā]nt śaiyṣe sälkatai `out of danger, difficulty, and darkness thou hast pulled the suffering world' (247b2), ysaly ersate ciṣy araś ñi sälkāte `he has evoked strife and ripped out my heart [that belongs] to thee' (496a5/6), pūñäktentse weweñoṣäṃ sutarmameṃ sälkāmai `I have drawn [this] from the sutras spoken by the Buddha' (K-8a2); [witsakaṃtso yokaintse ompo]stäṃ wṣīlñentasa mā sälkoṣäṃts `[if] the root of thirst with its consequences is not pulled out' (11a7), witsakai sälkormeṃ = BHS mūlam uddhṛtya (PK-NS-107a5 [Thomas, 1976b:106]).

Etymology: From PIE *selk- `pull, draw' [: Greek hélkō `pull, draw,' Albanian helq `id.' (< *solke-ye/o-), Latin sulcus `furrow,' sulcāre `to plow,' Old English sulh `furrow; plow' (P:901; MA:471)] (Duchesne-Guillemin, 1941:178, VW, 1941:111, 1976:421). The n-infix present is likely to be a Tocharian innovation.


Tocharian B: su-

Word class: (vi./vt.)

Meaning: G `[the rain(s)] rain(s)' (subject always `rain,' either singular or plural), K `rain (rain)' (subject an agent, object always `rain' or a metaphorical extension of `rain')

Paradigm: G Ps. V /s(u)wā-/ [-, -, sūwaṃ//-, -, sūwaṃ; Impf. -, -, suwoy//; MPPart. swāmane]; Ko. V /swāsā-/ [-, -, swāsaṃ//]; Pt. Ib /swāsā-/ [-, -, swāsa//];

   K Ps/Ko. XIb /swāsäsk/e-/ [swāsäskau, -, -//; Opt. //-, -, swāṣyeṃ; Inf. swāsäs(t)si; APart. swāsäṣṣeñca]; Pt. IV /swāsäṣṣā-/ [swā(sä)sṣawa. swāsäṣṣasta, swā(sä)sṣa//]

Examples: cwīññe se śāp ste kucesa ṣp swesi mā sūwaṃ (350b4), swese suwoy `the rain rained' (375b3), /// sawoṃ [sic] tärkär ra praściye (388b4); swāsaṃ ṣimtsa ceu `it rains on the roof' (A-2a6); [wsāre nek]cy[e]ne cwi miye paṣkārro po swāsa cew ostne tarya lykwarwa no kästwer swoyen ompṣek akappinta `they gave him in the evening miye and paṣkārro; everything rained in the house; three more times it rained "for ever" impurities' (42b7); /// [swā]säskau keṃtsa tsainwāṣṣai lāñsa `I rain over the earth with a flood of weapons' (93b4), mantanta ksa ṣp nāge campi pältak swese swāsästsi `and never could any nāga rain [even] a drop of rain' (350a3), rekaunaṣṣeṃ śirenäṃ krui ra yepeṃ swāṣyeñ tsa ainaki (S-5b1+313b2); /// warpalyñeṣṣai praściye swāsäṣṣawa `I rained a storm of enjoyment' (154b6), āyorntaṣṣe swese kentsa swāsäṣṣasta `thou didst rain a rain of gifts over the earth' (AMB-b5).

Derivatives: swāsalle* `raining': /// ma yente yalye ikene ma swāsallye ikene `[there is] no wind going in the place, [there is] no raining in the place' (H-149.37a1 [Thomas, 1967:23]).

Etymology: AB su-/swāsā- reflect PTch *su-/swāsā- from PIE *seuh3- [: Greek húei `it rains' (< *suh3-e/o-), húō `I rain' (< *suh3-ye/o-), Sanskrit sunoti `presses out [of a liquid],' Hittite sunna- `fill' (< *suh3-ne/o-), suu- `full' (< *séuh3u-) (P:912), cf. also Old Prussian soyesuge) `rain' (MA:477)] (Meillet, 1912:115, VW:443). Puhvel (1991:303-304) would add Hittite hewa- `rain,' hewaniya- `to rain,' to this etymon on the assumption that what we have reconstructed here as *seuh3- is actually *s-h2euh3- with s-mobile. If so, it might be possible to add Albanian shi `rain' here despite the fact that sh- is not the expected reflex of PIE *s- before a stressed vowel, but rather gj-. Perhaps sh- is the regular outcome of a cluster *sh2-. The TchA present middle participle sūmāṃ and third person plural present swiñc look like athematic presents to a PIE zero-grade *suh3-. The TchB present s(u)- is either the strong grade of such an present (i.e. PIE *sweh3-, since the Hittite cognates preclude a PIE *-h2-) or, perhaps more likely, an extended *suh3-eha-. Other accounts that assume as a PIE starting point *suh3- for the entire paradigm are K. T. Schmidt (1982:360) and Lindeman (1987:301). The rest of the paradigm is filled out by the originally denominative *swāsā- (early PTch *swesā-) formed in the regular way to swese `rain' (< *suh3-os-o-).

See s.v.: See also swese, ṣāwo, and more distantly sum-.


Tocharian B: suwo

Word class: (n.)

Meaning: `pig, hog'

Paradigm: [suwo, -, suwa//]

Examples: suwo = BHS sukhara [in the calendrical cycle] (549a6), suwa-pikulne wace meñaṃntse /// `in the year of the pig, the ... of the second month' (G-Qo-1).

Derivatives: swāṃññe `prtng to a pig': swāṃññe weṃṣṣiye kränkaññe weṃṣiye kuñiye weṃṣṣiye `pig excrement, chicken excrement, and dog excrement' (P-1b3), swāñana misa mitämpa wirot `pork flesh with honey [is] forbidden' (ST-a3);

   suwāññe-uwātato* (meter of 4 x 15 syllables [rhythm 8/7 or 7/8]): (108b9).

Etymology: From PIE *- [: Avestan (gen. sg.) , Latvian suve^ns young pig, piglet,' Greek hu^s (m.) `boar,' (f.) `sow,' Albanian thi `pig,' Latin sūs `id.,' Old English `sow' (P:1038; MA:425)] (Feist, 1913:152, VW:446). The Tocharian word represents a virtual PIE *suw-on-.


Tocharian B: sekwe

Word class: (n.)

Meaning: `pus'

Paradigm: [sekwe, -, -//]

Examples: /// yente sekwe yasar laike/// (H-149.81a1 [Thomas, 1972:446]).

Derivatives: sekweṣṣe `prtng to pus': yasar sekweṣṣe y[o]/// (H-149-ADD.19b5 [Thomas, 1954:737]);

   sekwetstse `purulent': tanaulykaṃ ramt sekwetse pīle ra `like the flies ... the purulent wound' (48a5).

Etymology: TchA saku and B sekwe reflect PTch *sekwe from PIE *sokw- `sap, resin' [: Greek opós (m.) `sap,' Albanian gjak (m.) `blood,' Lithuanian sakai^ (m.pl.) `resin,' OCS sokъ (m.) `sap, juice of fruits' (cf. P:1044; MA:499-500)] (Pisani, 1942-43a:28, VW:411).


Tocharian B: serke

Word class: (nm.)

Meaning: `cycle, circle'

Paradigm: [serke, serkentse, serke//serki, -, serkeṃ]

Examples: serke cmelñe-srukalñents[e] `the cycle of birth and death' (30a3), witsakaṣṣai [lege: -eṃ] serkeṃ = BHS mūlasaṃtāni (530a2), cmelaṣṣe serke = BHS jātisaṃsāro (542b7), wmerṣṣi serki ramt `like circlets of jewels' (585a4), tañ kemeṣṣepi serkentse = BHS tvaddantapankty- `set/group composed of thy own teeth' (H-ADD.149.79b5 [Couvreur, 1966:178]), serkene po cmelaṣṣe `in the cycle of all births' (S-4b2).

Etymology: TchA sark and B serke reflect PTch *serke. In Indo-European terms this would mean *sorkos from *serk- `make a circle, complete; make restitution' [: Latin sarciō `make restitution; make whole (i.e. repair, mend),' sarcina `bundle,' Albanian gjarkëz `peritoneum' (< *`that which surrounds'), Greek hérkos (nt.) `wall, rampart, enclosure' (hérkos odóntōn `set of teeth'), Hittite sarnikzi `makes restitution' (P:912; MA:108)]. Not with Schneider (1939:252, also VW:414) to the otherwise isolated Sanskrit sraj- `wreath, garland' (a connection mentioned but not endorsed by Mayrhofer, 1976:553).


Tocharian B: solme

Word class: (adj./adv.)

Meaning: `complete(ly), altogether'

Examples: anantārśänta solme tarya yāmṣate `he committed the three ānantaryas [sinful actions bringing immediate retribution] altogether' (22b3), ñumka-ṣe solme kalpa[nma] `altogether 91 kalpas [long]' (25a3), solmona indri[nta] `all sense-organs' (119b5), poyśiś aklyamai po solme tarya pṭikänta `I learned from the Buddha the whole entire tripiṭaka' (440b3), ma te tsatsaltarmeṃ naukäṃnne so[lme] su śūke mā=yśtär-ne `not having crushed it he swallows it; the whole of its taste he does not savor' (407a1/2), sū cwī yāmor solme msketär `the action of whom is complete' (AMB-b6), nraintane cmenträ solmeṃ omte śaul śāyeṃ `they will be [re]born in hells; there they will live [their] whole life' (K-2b4).

Etymology: Related to TchA salu `id.' which obviously reflects PIE *solwo- [: Greek hólos `whole, entire,' Sanskrit sárva- `id.,' Latin salvus `id.,' Albanian gjalë `powerful, fat, lively,' etc. (P:979-980; MA:262)] (Meillet and Lévi, 1913:386). With a different derivational suffix (and the rounding of the vowel in a labial environment) is B solme (< *solmo- [VW:412]). The same formation is to be seen in Khotanese harma- `all, any' (Hilmarsson, 1986a:19). Also with different derivational suffix are Old Latin sollus `totus et solidus' (< *solno-) or Armenian solj `whole, healthy' (< *solyo-).


Tocharian B: skiyo

Word class: (nf.)

Meaning: `shade, shadow'

Paradigm: [skiyo, -, skiyai//]

Examples: /// [stā]mantse skiyo `the shade of a tree' (35b5), tañ perneṣai skiyaine `in the shadow of thy worthiness' (205b2), skwänma śaiṣṣe kolokträ ... ceṃ läklenta ompostäṃ kolokanträ skiyo rā `the world follows good fortunes; sufferings follow them like a shadow' (254a1=255a3).

Etymology: From PIE *sḱóiha (gen. *sḱiyéhas) `shade, shadow' [: Greek skiá `shadow,' Albanian hije `shadow, Avestan asaya- `who throws no shadow,' Sanskrit chāyā `shade, shadow,' etc. (P:917-918; MA:508)]. The Tocharian comes (as if) from PIE *sḱiyeha-. The lack of the expected initial palatalization may reflect a leveling from the PIE nominative singular. This etymology goes back in embryo to Couvreur, 1950:128 (so also VW:430).


Tocharian B: stāl-

Word class: (vi./vt.)

Meaning: G `shrivel'; K `astringe'

Paradigm: G Ps. V /stāllā-/ [Ger. stālle (< *stāllalle)];

   K Ps. Xb /ṣṭālläsk/e-/ [Ger. ṣtallaṣälle]

Examples: ciṣṣe laraumñe ciṣṣe ārtañye [= ārtalñye] pelke kaltta[r]r śolämpaṣṣe [= śaulämpaṣe] mā taṃ [= te] stālle śol [= śaul] wärñai (496a2/3); särāna ṣtallaṣälle tucepi yetsentse `the face [is] to be astringed for jaundice' (W-7b1).

Remarks: Clearly we have an astringent liquid and ṣṭālläsk- means `to astringe' (Adams, 1982:135).

Etymology: TchB /stāllā-/ is from an earlier *stālnā- a denominative in -ā- from a noun *stelne [: Germanic *stallaz, English stall with a different meaning]. This noun, in turn, would be from a PIE verb *stel-ne/o- [: Albanian shtiell `reel, draw in,' Greek stéllō `make compact, draw in' or (in medical texts) `make costive, astringe'].


Tocharian B: syā-

Word class: (vi.)

Meaning: `sweat'

Derivatives: syālñe `sweat(ing)': syālñe = BHS veda- (Y-3a1);

   syālle-were `sweat-smell': [a list of ingredients] syālle-were nakṣäṃ `it destroys sweat-smell' (W-5b2).

Etymology: Syā- is actually a subjunctive stem; given the derived noun syelme, it is possible that the present is (Class II) *sy/e- or (Class III) *sye- (so Hilmarsson, 1991:129). In any case, it represents PIE *swidye/o- [: Sanskrit svídyati `sweats,' OHG swizzit `id.,' also Sanskrit svédate `sweats,' svéda- (m.), Avestan xvaēda- (m.), Armenian kirtn, Greek ei^dos (nt.) (< *sweide/os-), hidrōs (< *swidrōs-), Albanian dirsë (< *swidrVtyeha-), Latin sūdor (< *swoidōs-), Welsh chwys (< *swidso-), Old English swāt (< *swoido-), Latvian svie^dri (pl.), all `sweat,' etc. (P:1043; MA:560)] (VW:448). The phonological development in Tocharian would have been something like the following: *swidy- > *swädy- (with backing of *-i- in the environment of *-w-) > *swäy- (with loss of *-d- before resonants) > *swy- > *sy- (with cluster simplification).

See s.v.: See also syelme*.


Tocharian B: tsäk-

Word class: (vt.)

Meaning: `burn up, consume by fire; apply heat to (in cooking), i.e. roast, boil; burn off, evaporate'

Paradigm: Ps. VIII /tsäks/e-/ [A tsaksau, -, tsakṣäṃ//; MP tsäksemar, -, tsakṣtär//-, -, tsäksentär; AImpf. //-, -, tsäkṣīyeṃ; MPImpf. //-, -, tsäkṣīyentär; MPPart. tsäksemane; Ger. tsäkṣalle]; Ko. II /tsäk/e-/ [MPOpt. -, -, tsśītär//; Inf. tsaktsi (tr.), tsketsi (intr.); Ger. tskelle, tsäkalle]; Pt. IIIa /tsek(sā)-/ [A //-, -, tsekar; MP tseksamai, -, -//]; PP /tsetseko-/

Examples: kwīpe-onmiṣṣeṃ pwārasa tsaksau `I burn up in the fires of shame-remorse' (TEB-64-10), te pūwar tsakṣäṃ war paräṃ `fire burns it up, water carries it [away]' (33a4), āsta lykaśke kautanoñ-c [] yetse tsäkṣyeñ-c kektseñmeṃ latkanoyeñ-c `they break thy bones fine, they burn thy skin, they strip thy flesh from thy body' (231a5); lakaṃ klyauṣäṃ wat yark=alyekepi | tsakṣtär ysalyṣe pūwarsa `if he sees or hears of the honor of another, he burns up with the fire of jealousy' (33b4/5); onmiṣṣana pwārasa tsäksemane marmanma tronktse stām ra `blood vessels burning in the fires of remorse like a hollow tree [burns]' (TEB-64-05); skrenantse paruwa mlutāṣällona tsäkṣalle `the feathers of a dove (?) [are] to be plucked out; [it (= dove) is] to be roasted' (W-32a3/4); mäkte tärrek eṅwe yesti nāskoy enersänk ṣaläskemane tuk mataryai śolyine päst tsśīträ `as the blind man eats food and inadvertently [?] letting it fall into the maternal hearth, it would burn up' (154b3); ñumka-ṣkas traunta sweseṣṣe war ṣkaska-śtwāra tsketsi täryāka-wi lipātsi `ninety-six trau rain-water, sixty-four to be boiled off, thirty-two to remain' (W-35b3); tsäkalle (W-12a5); snai keś nraintane nemcek tseksamai `in hells without number did I certainly burn' (PK-16.7b6 [Couvreur, 1954:89]); purpar ñake tsetse[koṣ] śiktālyemeṃ war `enjoy now the water from the boiled seed' (369a5).

Derivatives: tskalñe* `fever': tsäkalñeṃtse alāṣṣälleṃtse ṣpä sāṃtke `a medicine for fever and sickness' (P-1b1);

   tskelñe `burning': kälymiṃts tskelñe = BHS diśodāghā `glowing of the horizon' (543a7);

   tsetsekor `+_ affliction': [tse]tsekor mäsketrä = BHS vaiklavyārto bhavati (U-17a3).

Etymology: TchA 2tsäk- and B tsäk- reflect PTch *tsäk- from PIE *dhegwh- `burn' [: Sanskrit dáhati, Avestan dažaiti `he burns,' Lithuanian degù, OCS žegǫ, Albanian djek `I burn' (P:240-241, with other derivatives; MA:87)] (Meillet and Lévi, 1912:24, VW:526).

See s.v.: See also 1tsāk- and tskäññ-, and possibly cok.


Tocharian B: tsälp-

Word class: (vi./vt.)

Meaning: G `be free [of], pass away, be taken [from this world]'; K `free [from], redeem'

Paradigm: G Ps. III /tsälpe-/ [MP -, -, tsälpetär//; Ger. tsälpelle]; Ko. V /tsälpā-/ [MP -, -, tsälpātär//; MPOpt. tsälpoymar, -, tsälpoytär//-, -, tsälpoyntär ˜ tsälpontär; Inf. tsälpātsi]; Ipv. I /pätsälpā-/ [MPSg. pätsalpar]; Pt. Ia /tsälpā-/ [A tsälpāwa, tsälpāsta, -//-, -, tsälpāre]; PP /tsälpo-/;

   K Ps. IXb /tsälpäsk/e-/ [APart. tsalpäṣṣeñca; Ger. tsalpäṣṣälle]; Ko. IXb (= Ps.) [MPOpt. tsälpaṣṣimar, -, -//; Inf. tsalpäs(t)si]; Ipv. IV /(pä)tsälpäṣṣā-/ [MPSg. tsalpäṣṣar]; Pt. II /tsyālpā-/ [MP -, tsyālpatai, tsyālpate//]

Examples: cmetär ra nraiyne ramer no pestä tsälpeträ `he is [re]born in hell but quickly is emancipated' (K-3b3); krui [nraimeṃ] entwe tsälpāträ `if then he will be redeemed from hell' (291a4); [trai klenke]ntsa tsälpātsiś `to be redeemed from the three vehicles' (104b5); pätsilpar-ñ läklentameṃ `free me from sufferings!' (283a3); [snai te]lkanma ñiś yolaiññemeṃ tsälpāwa `I was freed from evil without sacrifices' (19b7), tu yparwe ñakti śāmna tsälpāre piś toṃ cmelameṃ `gods and men were redeemed from the five birth forms' (30b8); śanmaumeṃ tsälpoṣo = BHS bandhanān muktam `freed from bonds' (U-18b4), tsälpau = BHS vipramukta (H-149.215b1 [Thomas, 1969:294]); tsälpaṣṣimar śaiṣṣe ce kleśanmaṣṣeṃ sānaṃnmeṃ `may we free this world from kleśas and enemies' (228a1/2); toṃ läklentameṃ ṣañ añm skāyau krui tsalpästsi `if I strive to free myself from these sufferings' (220b2); [ostme]ṃ plyatstsar-me tsälpäṣṣar-me `have them come out from the house, redeem them from suffering' (108a9); pel[ai]kn[eṣṣe] yerkwantai spārtṣlñesa tsyālpāte wnolmeṃ `he redeemed beings through the turning of the law wheel' (30b4/5).

Derivatives: tsälpelñe* `redemption' attested only in the derived adjective tsälpeleṣṣe ˜ tsälpell(äñ)ñeṣṣe `prtng to redemption': kwarsär ceu tsälpelläññeṣṣe `the vehicle of redemption' (597a2), [tsä]lpelleṣṣe pelaikne `law of redemption' (390b6);

   tsälpālñe `redemption, freedom [from]': mā nesäṃ läklentameṃ tsälpālñe `there is no redemption from sufferings' (30a1), [krentäṃ]mp=eṣe śänmälñe pakwāreṃ meṃ tsälpāl[ñ]e [] laṃtuññe īke källālñe `the coming together with the good, the freedom from the bad, the achievement of a royal position' (128a4).

Etymology: Etymology doubtful. Perhaps with Pedersen (1944:18) and Jasanoff (1978:44) there is an equation to be made with Lithuanian telpù `I have room/find room' (if, so see further tälp-) but the semantic side of the equation is difficult. One might also think of a connection with PIE *dhelbh- `dig, excavate' [: Old English delfan `dig, bury' OHG bitelban `bury,' Serbo-Croatian dúbēm (< *dъlb-) `excavate,' Lithuanian délba ˜ dálba (f.) `crowbar,' etc. (P:246)]. The semantic development might be something on the order `dig (out)' > `excavate' > `extricate' > `free.' Certainly not with VW (526) from *dū-selp- `sauter hors de' or Anreiter (1984:166) from *t- (< *ad) + *selp-.


Tocharian B: tsuk-

Word class: (vi./vt.)

Meaning: G `suck (out)'; K `cause to suck, suckle, make drink'

Paradigm: G Ps I (?) /tsuk-/ [Ger. tsukälle (?)]; Ko V /tsāukā-/ [Inf. tsaukatsi] (attested in an unpublished Berlin fragment [K. T. Schmidt, 1997:259]); Pt I /tsāukā-/ [A -, -, tsauka//];

   K Ps. VIII /tsuks/e-/ [A //-, -, tsukseṃ]; Pt. IIIb /tsauk(sā)-/ [A tsaukwa, -, tsauksa//]

Examples: Purṇāyä ñem śamaśke tsukäle ṣañ tärkāte (TPa3 [Lévi, 1913:320]), /// [Yu]rpaṣṣe kapär citayä śamaśkeṃtse tsukäle /// (Tpb5) [[>]Both of these passages remain obscure, so there is no certainty that the form has been correctly identified]; /// [tarne ṣuk]t p[a]kenta karstā-c tsaukā-c [yasar s]u /// `he cut off thy skull into seven parts; he sucked thy blood' (250a1); [tsu]kseṃ säsūwerśke wī pikla ñiś no tsaukwa cī /// `they give the dear little boy to drink but [for] two years I suckled thee' (415a3); ñäś weñ=erkatte rekaunasa tsoksa-ñ māka `he spoke to me and with angry words gave me much to drink' (23b6/7).

Remarks: For the meaning see K. T. Schmidt, 1997.

Etymology: TchB tsuk- is the semantic and etymological equivalent of TchA tsuk- `drink' (unlike in B, A tsuk- is attested as the non-present, non-causative [there is no causative attested in A]). In TchA we also find the derivative tspok `taste' with a -p- (phonetically a voiceless bilabial continuant in this position?). It suggests that TchA tsuk- is historically *tspuk-, with the *p lost before -u-. The loss was analogically extended throughout the verbal paradigm but did not affect the derived verbal noun *tspeuke (> tspok). TchA *tspuk- bears the same relation to B tsuk- as A tspänk- `flay' does to B tsänk-. Both show the loss of an original prefix in B and its metathesis with the originally initial consonant in A. PTch had then *wätsuk- and *wätsänk- where *- is from PIE *wi- `away, down' [: Sanskrit vi- `id.']. PTch *wätsuk- is from PIE *wi-deuk- `lead down' exactly as Proto-Iranian *ni-wāz-aya- `lead down' seen in Ossetic (Iron) nuazɨ, (Digoron) niuazun `drink' (cf. Thordarson, 1968:281). The Tocharian may be a calque on the Iranian form. The connection with *deuk- [: Albanian nduk `pluck, pull out the hair' (also dialectally `suck'), Latin dūcō `lead, pull,' Gothic tiuhan `id.,' etc. (P:220-1; MA:471)] goes back to Lane, 1938:27. Otherwise VW (537-8) who takes it to be from *dū-seuK- (for *- compare Hittite tūwa `far' and for *seuK- compare Latin sūgare, etc., or Duchesne-Guillemin (1941:176) from *dheugh- `give a benefit, produce, draw.' Making the same root equation as Duchesne- Guillemin, Pinault (1990:173-4) would add to this etymon TchA *ātkal `+_ extract' (attested in the derived adjective ātklumināṃ) which he takes to reflect a PIE *ō-dheugh-ol-.


 

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