In order to gain a representative insight into Islamic thought in modern Southeast Asia, one is initially struck by the diversity of the area in focus, both in terms of its ethnicity, its linguistic geography, and its theological character. The mosaic of Southeast Asian Islam has been built up over a period of many centuries, and any examination of Islamic thought in the modern day needs to take account of the various faces of Islam in the past which have contributed to its present diversity.

With such a broad landscape, the observer has little choice but to open a series of windows which will hopefully provide a representative view of the totality of the scene under examination. The challenge for the observer is to decide which windows will together provide such a representative viewpoint.

The following sections focus upon an examination of popular preaching by Islamic scholars and leaders in their respective communities and through various forms: programs on the electronic media, in published works, and in mosques. Such an examination is important for various reasons:

* It will enable us to track issues and ideologies which are perceived as relevant by Islamic congregations.

* It will enable us to assess how Islamic religious leaders proceed with the task of educating their congregations.

* It will also facilitate our aim to evaluate how modern Southeast Asian Islamic thought is attuned to that of the Middle East.

The television serves as an effective vehicle for the transmission of Islamic doctrine and for the holding of discussion forums on Islamic matters in both Malaysia and Indonesia. In both countries, a block of time is set aside for Islamic programs at the beginning and at the end of the day on government controlled television stations. An examination of a sample of these programs on Malaysian and Indonesian television during the period August to October 1995 provided a series of interesting observations about issues in focus in both countries, as well as many points of convergence and a few points of divergence between their respective programming. This examination pointed to several themes as being popular among both programmers and viewers.

Underpinning most of the discussion in the programs examined was the authority of the Qur'an, which was regularly stressed. Viewers were reminded that the Qur'an could not be compared and was not comparable to any other work. Traditional images of fathers teaching their children the Qur'an were displayed as central to family life, and the relevance of the content of the Qur'an to practical issues in daily life were stressed throughout. Advice on a range of matters by the speakers on the particular programs was based on Qur'anic quotations and excerpts from the Islamic Traditions.

The individual scholars presented in the Islamic programs addressed a range of practical matters in exegeting the Qur'anic text. For example, a quote from the Qur'an was used as the starting point for an excursion into the issue of cleanliness from a holistic perspective. One scholar cited the great classical Islamic thinker al-Ghazali in saying there were three necessary criteria for proper living: a healthy body, an intelligent mind and a purified spirit.2 The human body was referred to as a blessing from God, and viewers were reminded that Islam gives guidance with regard to eating and drinking in order to demonstrate how to keep the body clean, both within and without. Simultaneously, the Islamic scholar stressed the importance of a daily routine and an orderly lifestyle in order to provide a positive effect on the health of the body. To supplement the discussion of bodily cleanliness, viewers were encouraged to maintain cleanliness of the mind with a reminder that if the spirit of the human being was clean and pure then the body would be clean and pure.

Another matter which was discussed in relation to the life needs of ordinary Muslims was the pilgrimage to Mecca, and the responsibility of those who had undertaken the pilgrimage towards their fellow Muslims after their return.3 Returning pilgrims were reminded that they were responsible to impart a recognition of the equality of all people, and to remain humble in their dealings with fellow Muslims after their return. At the same time, returning pilgrims were urged to assume positions of leadership because of their experience, and to become active in the Indonesian Association of Hajis.4

In addition, various programs used references from the Qur'an and the Islamic Traditions as a jumping off point to stress other matters relating to personal behaviour, such as the need for children to respect, honour, and obey their parents,5 the importance of being polite to other people regardless of whether they were relatives, and the importance of individual Muslims marrying to prevent their engaging in immoral behaviour. Viewers were reminded that God favoured marriage of all people in order to preserve his creation, and that marriage was a necessary step in the formation of a proper family unit.

Many of the television programs, especially those produced in Malaysia, exhorted viewers to be devout in their practice of the faith, making their didactic goal quite overt. Prayer times during the day were specified and viewers were urged to be energetic in their prayers, as well as in their observation of the other Pillars of Islam.6

A number of programs chose to focus on a reinforcement of traditional roles according to age and position, both within the family and within society at large. Many of the programs chose to select Islamic scholars as authorities who were elderly, presenting a traditional scene of young enquirers seeking advice from wise, elderly scholars.7 Moreover, children were exhorted to show obedience and respect to their teachers at school.8

Considerable attention was devoted by a number of Malaysian television programs to emphasising traditional roles for fathers and mothers in the family situation. It was suggested that negative effects on children could result when both parents worked, with children being left for a large part of the day with a nanny, with the result that the children often became more attached to the nanny than to their own parents.9 Moreover, it was stressed that men were intended to work for an income, and women were intended to look after the home. Fathers were assigned an important role in providing religious education and guidance to the children, though this should be reinforced by religious instruction in the school, in order for children to achieve a balance between the material and the spiritual world. In summary, it was clearly stated that God had designated the father as the head of the family and the male as the leader over the female. Interviews were shown with ordinary citizens who were presented as being members of successful families and who reiterated these themes.10

While much of the programming, especially in Malaysia, stressed a more traditional approach to authority, as discussed above, many of the programs, especially in Indonesia, allowed some room for the individual Muslim to interpret Qur'anic references along rationalist lines according to the modern world. This relates to the ijtihad/taqlid debate referred to in previous discussion.

For example, viewers were reminded that the Qur'an urges believers against doing something which they don't understand. This rejects the notion of taqlid, or unquestioning obedience to the injunctions of established dogma. In this context, in response to a question from one viewer about the role of experts, viewers were told that the Qur'an makes it clear that all people have access to it and are in a position to apply its teachings to their own individual context.11

A particular application of this principle highlighted in discussion on Indonesian television related to the interpretation of Q2:222, which specifies certain prohibitions in regard to menstruating women. The scholarly authorities on the program in question were asked whether a woman in menstruation could touch and read the Qur'an. In response, the authorities indicated that several verses of the Qur'an specified that individual Muslims must be in a state of purity when touching and reading the Holy Scriptures, but that many scholars did not interpret this in a physical sense, but rather indicated that it related to the state of mind of the person concerned. Thus a person with evil thoughts or destructive emotions at a given time should not touch the Qur'an. Hence, a menstruating woman should look to her state of mind rather than her physical state to decide whether she was in an appropriate condition to touch and read the Qur'an.12

Another difference apparent between Malaysian and Indonesian Islamic television programming relates to the degree of Middle Eastern influence in the images and flavours of Islam portrayed in the programs. Malaysian television programs tended to emphasise a greater degree of Middle Eastern flavour than was the case with the Indonesian programs examined.

Hence between Islamic programs on Malaysian television, often songs in Arabic were sung which incorporated verses from the Qur'an, with the text in Malay being presented as subtitles.13 Malaysian television programs more typically commenced and finished with a series of greetings and farewells between scholars and students in Arabic, and parents were encouraged to give their children what were regarded as pure names, principally Arabic names, which have an Islamic meaning, in order to fulfil Hadith statements that such children will be characterised by a heavenly flavour.14 Moreover, Malaysian television programming included specific instruction in the Jawi alphabet, which is based on the Arabic alphabet, with statements in these instructional programs urging Malays to learn and use this alphabet.15

Related to this concept of increased Middle Eastern influence were statements occurring in various programs seeking to identify Southeast Asian viewers with the broader Muslim world. Indonesian Islamic programs were interspersed with advertisements focusing on a statement stressing the concept of the worldwide Islamic community (ummah),16 while other programs harked back to past glories of the Islamic caliphate, decrying the abolition of the position of caliph by the secular Turkish authorities in 1924.17

In spite of certain more traditionalist characteristics of the Islamic programming referred to above, modernist influences in the images and themes were quite clearly evident in both Malaysian and Indonesian Islamic programs. For example, many of the programs were run as call-in shows, where scholars would initially discuss a theme and then viewers would be invited to telephone the television stations to make comments or pose questions. This interesting use of modern technology resulted in certain anachronistic images. An instance was provided by one program which centred upon a panel of experts consisting of one elderly man, one young man and one young woman, who made reference to Qur'anic texts in answering questions posed by the viewers, but whose discussion was accompanied by announcements that viewers in the show could compete for a prize of 250,000 Rupiah18 worth of goods, including hair spray, perfumes, face cream, other cosmetics, and bleaching lotion. The winner of this prize needed to provide the correct answer to the question "At what age did Eve die?" and have his/her name drawn from all those who correctly answered the question.19 It is interesting to speculate whether viewers who took part in this contest were more interested in learning about the content of the Qur'an or in winning the prizes on offer. Often, the principal hosts of such call-in programs on Indonesian television were women.20

Another example of such programs adapting themselves to the context of the modern world was found in the depiction of gender roles. Previous discussion pointed to a traditional depiction of these roles on Malaysian television, and yet the very same television program included a portrayal of male roles as somewhat more modern than might first be thought. For example, there were images displayed of fathers assisting with the dressing of the children, fathers were also urged to look after the health of their children, and there were strong statements that both father and mother should be involved in the upbringing of children.

While Malaysian Islamic programming was generally more inclined towards traditional images than its Indonesian counterpart, this was by no means a clear cut distinction. For example, the block of time allocated for Islamic programs in the morning on Malaysian television not only included discussion sessions and Islamic songs, but also, of course, the sounding of the call to prayer. Curiously, the call to prayer was at times placed next to advertisements which depicted very modern scenes, such as an image of a very shapely pair of female legs advertising stockings.21

Previous discussion in this section has revealed a principal focus upon traditional, orthodox, or modernist themes. However, it would be unusual if an excursion into popular Islamic preaching in modern Southeast Asia did not reveal some traces of Sufi influence, which has been so crucial in the formation of the character of Malay-Indonesian Islam since the earliest period.

Programs which focused upon the methodology of the study of the Qur'an at times included Sufi themes. For example, students of the Qur'an were encouraged in reading the text to repeat the names of God as they occurred in the text over and over again. This practice, associated with the well-established Sufi practice of dhikr, was urged upon students so that the attributes represented by the particular name being repeated - e.g. compassion, mercy - would enter the character of the student and would erase the worldly attributes of aggression, greed, and other negative qualities.22

A feature evident in the Malaysian television programming which did not appear in the Indonesian programs related to the link between Islamic and ethnic identification. Viewers of the Malaysian programs were reminded that Malay marriages represented valid contracts.23 This stressing of the Malay marriage in the midst of discussion about Islam served to reinforce the definition of Malay as necessarily Muslim (as well as to highlight intra-Muslim ethnic distinctions in Malaysia vis-à-vis Indian and Chinese Muslims). With regard to this last observation, comments were made about the disunity of Muslim groups in other locations as contrasting with the community of Muslims in Malaysia which were supposedly united and strong.24

In addition to the television which serves as an effective forum for the dissemination of Islamic teaching and popular preaching, written publications distributed in bookshops represent an invaluable tool for Islamic preachers wishing to access a substantial audience. In an attempt to grasp the flavour of such popular Islamic publications, an examination of two volumes of published sermons by Indonesian preachers was carried out.25 These materials served to better inform conclusions reached on the basis of the analysis of televised broadcasts.

With regard to the broad format of the sermons examined, several characteristics were striking:

* The preachers considered it important to commence and finish their sermons with a series of formulaic statements in Arabic. This served to demonstrate to the audience that the speakers had a command of Arabic, the language of the Qur'an, thus enhancing their credibility as religious authorities. It also served to add a broadly Islamic (Arabic) flavour to the sermon, rather than being exclusively in Indonesian.

* The Indonesian language used in the sermons was heavily laden with Arabic loans, which now form a part of Islamic religious jargon in Indonesian.

* The sermons examined were heavily impregnated with references to and excerpts from the Qur'an. Again, this served to increase the tone of authority of the sermon preached.

* Many of the sermons examined also drew quite heavily on references to the Hadith, serving a similar function to the Qur'anic references referred to above.

* In certain instances, the preachers made reference to writings by non-Muslim western scholars to add authority to their particular pronouncements.

The topics of the sermons were many and varied, but fell into several broad categories. Many sermons were devoted to issues relating to correct Islamic behaviour by Muslim individuals. Equally popular were topics which explained correct Islamic attitudes which Muslim individuals should hold. In addition, many sermons were devoted to reinforcing the six Pillars of Islam, while some others were devoted to an exposition of principal beliefs. Moreover, some sermons addressed the issue of the need for Islamic mission; this theme recurred in other sermons which were devoted to separate topics.

Of considerable interest in the collections under examination was the attention devoted to themes reinforcing a sense of national identity. In this context, it was not uncommon for the Indonesian sermons to be devoted to topics such as the Indonesian state ideology of Pancasila, Indonesian Independence Day, National Education Day, Heroes Day, and Armed Forces Day. This may well have reflected a concern to win favour with government and/or Islamic authorities. Indeed, both collections made reference to Islamic authorities in their introductions. The volume by Chizbulloh carried a statement by the Central Java branch of the Council of Islamic Scholars of Indonesia (Majelis Ulama Indonesia, Java Jengah) endorsing the contents of the work, while in his preface Mustofa acknowledged that he valued comments on his volume by both religious scholars and lay readers.

It would be useful to elaborate on certain recurrent themes occurring in the sermons under examination.

The theme of appropriate parenting roles which received attention in the Islamic television programs discussed earlier recurred in the published sermons examined.26 The central thesis of one of the sermons was that parents must not neglect their responsibilities to their children in this life as the reward in the hereafter for both parents and children depends on this. The audience was urged to observe four principal targets in educating their children: firstly, the provision of a detailed knowledge of the Qur'an which would serve as a blueprint for the life of the child; a broad knowledge of both general and religious matters; development of a child's character to manifest compassion and love, purity in mind and spirit, and respect and obedience towards parents; and pious and devout behaviour by the children concerned. A very clear statement was made as to the centrality of the Qur'an in this educational endeavour by parents, with the author saying "the Qur'an should as far as possible be the principal basis and top priority in the educational formation [of children]."27

This recurrent theme of the centrality of the Qur'an was the subject of entire sermons.28 Readers were reminded that God had given a book as a guide to every inspired religion, with the Qur'an being the last and final revelation. Readers were urged to regularly read the Qur'an, and both Qur'an and Hadith references were quoted in support of this. The preacher pointed out that if Muslims studied the Qur'an properly, then not only they but in fact the whole ummah would prosper. The author decried the fact that many Muslims only infrequently read the Qur'an, and stressed that it was the responsibility of parents to ensure that their children were provided with the skills necessary to engage in reading the Scripture.

During the discussion of foundations of Muslim theology earlier in this work, attention was devoted to the debate within both Islam and Christianity about human free will as opposed to preordination by God of events and human actions. This issue is regularly addressed in both popular literature and popular sermons in modern Southeast Asian Muslim societies. This is not surprising as the issue of preordination and free will underpins the individual's understanding of sin and punishment for that sin; moreover, God's preordained decree is widely understood through Muslim Southeast Asia as representing the sixth element of core Islamic belief.

In analysing contributions from Malaysian Muslims submitted between 1975-1983 to the Government-sponsored Islamic short story writing competition Peraduan Cerpen Berunsur Islam, Tahir 29 found that a number addressed this very issue. Contributors to these competitions are not usually established writers, but are typically individuals in the Malay community who are generally unknown in the literary world.

Moreover, cheap and readily accessible collections of popular sermons addressing this issue are readily available to Indonesian and Malay Muslims and the language of such sermons is specifically chosen to maximise accessibility and comprehensibility among ordinary Muslims. An example is a sermon on the question of preordination by Mustofa30 which provides an example of the types of sermons on this issue which regularly appear in Muslim Southeast Asia.

A striking feature of Mustofa's sermon is its reference beyond the limits of Islam to the points of view of the other monotheistic faiths in his preliminary discussion, to set the scene, as it were. Mustofa indicates that the debate about preordination versus free will has existed for centuries within all faiths, and he then refers to the two basic positions on this question within Judaism and Christianity. The author then turns his attention to the history of the debate within Islam, and provides a simplified overview of divergent positions, focusing on the Mu`tazilites who adopted an extreme position of championing human free will to determine his actions, as opposed to the more orthodox viewpoint where man was merely subject to the preordination of events since the beginning of time. Mustofa then turns to the Qur'an and Sunnah, in a way which is characteristic of these popular sermons. He quotes Surat al-Nisa', verses 78-79:

Say to them: 'All is from Allah!'... Whatever good befalls you, man, it is from Allah: and whatever ill from yourself (Dawood)

This appears on the surface to be contradictory with regard to this question. In order to clarify this seeming ambiguity, Mustofa draws on the Asbab al-nuzul to resolve the issue. His methodology is significant in that he is allocating a paramount role to scripture to serve as the centrepoint of belief, rather than a centuries-long accumulation of exegetical interpretation. In other words, he is responding to the calls of reformist-minded Muslims not to be shackled by centuries of accumulated dogma but rather for the Muslim individual to return to scriptural sources directly in formulating one's opinions about particular matters of doctrine.

Another interesting technique used by Mustofa in a way which is very representative of popular sermons is his recourse to the parable to illustrate his point. He presents the analogy of an architect designing a house, where the blueprint which is drawn up before construction represents the preordained plan of action. If the house construction itself later diverges from this blueprint, then the builder has chosen to diverge and it is he, not the architect, who is responsible for this divergence and who must accept the consequences. Similarly, says Mustofa, God has provided guidance in the form of the Qur'an and Sunnah, he has provided mankind with reason, has provided the Shari`ah, and all of these show the way to happiness and Paradise. If an individual chooses of his own accord to leave this path, it represents his own choice and he must take responsibility for his own actions.

The final paragraph of this sermon is somewhat contrastive in the broader context of the presentation. Having rather skilfully depicted a degree of preordination in as much as God has provided clear signs for individuals to follow, humanity is nevertheless allowed the freedom of action to diverge from this divine blueprint. In this way, the author's teaching falls within the boundaries of Asharite orthodoxy. However, Mustofa then sets the seal on his own teaching by indicating that the content of his sermon represents an absolute point of view. He states this by reminding his audience that his orthodox viewpoint is consistent with the core beliefs of Islam, and adds that a person's belief will not be acceptable to God if he rejects this theology. Though this may appear dogmatic, it should also be seen in the context of the nature of the audience being addressed. Such popular sermons are designed for congregations in mosques who have not had specialist training in theology and who seek unambiguous answers and clear guidelines rather than a series of unresolved questions.

A number of sermons were devoted to a call to mission, and this theme also found its way into sermons devoted to other subjects. Mission was not necessarily portrayed as exclusively oriented towards conversion of non-Muslims, but was portrayed as a necessary path for nominal Muslims to re-dedicate themselves to the faith in order for the ummah to prosper. Examples were quoted in the sermons examined of nations falling because of diverging from Islamic injunctions.31 Technological advances were not portrayed as providing a guarantee of prosperity; on the contrary, great empires such as that of Rome and the Abbasid Caliphate were cited as examples of technologically advanced nations which decayed and fell. Islam was portrayed as representing the way to proper values, and the Qur'an was defined as the "storehouse and source of necessary guidance."32

A number of sermons had a more optimistic tone in terms of actual progress made by Islam in its perceived revival in the 20th century.33 Muslims were encouraged to be optimistic about the future given the great strides in the Islamic revival, such as that taking place in Japan because of the da'wah (mission) activities of the Japan Islamic Congress. The 15th century of Islam was portrayed as a period of hope and great expansion, and for this to be realised, every individual Muslim had to throw himself into mission activities. The preacher pointed out that every Muslim had certain gifts which could be harnessed for the goal of mission: the scholar could use his knowledge, the wealthy could use their wealth, those without wealth or knowledge could contribute their energies, and those without wealth, knowledge or energy could contribute by giving a good example. Mustofa34 cited both Western and Arab scholars in support of his view of mission, and also added references from the Hadith in support of his thesis.

An overview of preceding discussion reveals that certain themes recur in popular Islamic preaching in Indonesia and Malaysia, whether on the television or in mosque sermons. While the materials consulted for this study have by no means been exhaustive, they have nevertheless provided us with a series of useful insights as to issues of Islamic theology and popular belief considered important by both preachers and congregations alike. The following table presents a concise summary of these themes and their occurrence.

In considering information provided in the above table, several points are worthy of note:

* Islamic scripture, both Qur'an and Hadith, and its application in practical situations underpins all popular preaching whether on television or in the mosques.

* Preachers place a heavy emphasis on correct behaviour and attitudes in selecting their topics of discussion. Clear guidelines are given, with congregations left in no doubt as to what they should believe and what they should do.

* An Arabic flavour is achieved through the use of formulaic statements in Arabic, the singing of songs in Arabic, and various Middle Eastern motifs.

* Television programs make full use of a range of modern conventions to maximise the popular appeal of their message.

* The issue of ethnic identity as part of Islamicness is more of an issue in the case of Malaysian preaching than it is in Indonesian sermons.

* The information available suggests that Indonesian preachers are somewhat less coy about drawing on and making overt reference to Western scholarship than is the case with Malaysian preachers.

* While there is no clear cut distinction between Indonesian and Malaysian preaching attitudes towards the question of ijtihad, the Indonesian preachers examined tended more towards encouraging Muslim individuals to make their own assessments of scriptural injunctions, whereas the Malaysian preachers examined tended more towards calling for obedience to scholarly guidelines and established beliefs and roles.

* The imprint of Government and/or Islamic authorities looms large over these sermons for various reasons; prefaces to published volumes by Islamic authorities endorsing the works, exhortations for individual Muslims to join official bodies (e.g. returning pilgrims joining the Indonesian Association of Hajis), and general calls for obedience to authority as an Islamic value, which could have a positive spin-off for Government.

1 This paper was presented at the Annual Conference of the Association for South East Asian Studies UK, held at the School of Oriental and African Studies, London, in April 1996; http://iias.leidenuniv.nl/iiasn/iiasn9/soueasia/aseasuk.html

2 TVRI, 20 October 1995.

3 Hikmah Fajar, KCTI, 31 October 1995.

4 Persatuan Haji di Indonesia.

5 Malaysian TV, 20 October 1995.

6 Malaysian TV, 20 October 1995.

7 Hikmah Fajar, KCTI, 31 October 1995; Nuansa Islam, TVRI, 31 October 1995.

8 Malaysian TV, 20 October 1995.

9 Malaysian TV, 20 October 1995.

10 Dari Pusat Islam, Malaysian TV, 28 October 1995.

11 Lazuardi Imani, TVRI, 19 October 1995.

12 Indonesian TV, 15 August 1995.

This somewhat "liberal" approach is reminiscent of New Testament injunctions for the believer to look at the state of his heart, in contrast with the very literal physical prohibitions of the Old Testament.

13Tamadun Islam, Malaysian TV, 19 October 1995; Malaysian TV, 20 October 1995.

14 Dari Pusat Islam, Malaysian TV, 28 October 1995.

15 Jawi, Malaysian TV, 29 October 1995.

16 Lazuardi Imani, TVRI, 19 October 1995.

17 Tamadun Islam, Malaysian TV, 19 October 1995.

18 Equal to approximately US$120.

19 Lazuardi Imani, TVRI, 19 October 1995.

20 Nuansa Islam, TVRI, 31 October 1995.

21 Tamadun Islam, Malaysian TV, 19 October 1995.

22 TVRI, 15 August 1995.

23 Dari Pusat Islam, Malaysian TV, 28 October 1995.

24 Dari Pusat Islam, Malaysian TV, 28 October 1995.

25 Chizbulloh 1983; Mustofa 1986.

26 Chizbulloh 1983:19-23.

27 Chizbulloh 1983:21.

28 Chizbulloh 1983:76-81.

29 1989, p. 293

30 1986, pp. 240-245

31 This is a theme which is often repeated by Muslim revivalist groups.

32 Chizbulloh 1983:27.

33 Mustofa 1986:75-83.

34 1986:79.