toys in the attic:
ideological furnishings for the
homeless mind
Religious Symbolization and
Death
In this paper I attempt to describe the framework of constitutive
symbolism within which death is defined in cultures with a Judeo-Christian
background. One might consider such a
framework to be specifically related to the concept of definition
of the situation as this has been used in recent theorizing at the level
of the general system of action. My
principal reference points will be the Old Testament, especially the Book of
Genesis; the Christian development in its Roman Catholic version, especially as
symbolized in Renaissance art; and some further changes from that position
associated first with Protestantism and then with what some authors might call
a "post-Protestant" phase.
My thesis is that
the primary symbolism of death is part of a larger complex of constitutive
symbolism - the complex which sociologists and anthropologists have come to
call that of "age and sex."
It concerns meanings of the human life cycle from conception and birth
through the phases of earthly "living" to death and the problem of
orientation to the possibility of any meaningful "after death."
The life cycle of
the individual, however, is inseparable from the problems of reproduction and
the succession of generations. No human
individual is isolated in this respect.
Cooperation of persons of opposite sex is an essential condition of
reproduction, and one aspect of the meaningfulness of death is to "make
room" for the succeeding generation and those yet to follow it.
The myth of the
Garden of Eden, as stated in Genesis, portrays Adam as "the Lord of the
creation" who has been created by God "in His own image," where
the immortality of Adam is clearly presumed.
The Tree of Life standing in the center of the Garden seems to be the
symbol of this immortality. It is not
clear whether immortality was to be extended to other living species. I presume not, because it is said of
animals, before the creation of Adam, that "male and female created He
them." The necessity for both sexes
at the creation itself suggests reproduction and, of course, with it the
mortality of the preceding generations.
However this may
be, the myth says in an extremely interesting phrase that it was "not good
for Adam to be alone"; so God created Eve. Her function in the Garden was presumably that of companionship
rather than reproduction.
80
The existence of
Adam and Eve in the Garden was not only free of the
limitations of mortality, but was free of all responsibility -
their evety want
was automatically and, one presumes, instantaneously satisfied.
This literal
"condition of paradise" was subject, however, to one
prohibitory condition
the famous commandment, "Thou shalt not eat of the fruit of
the tree of the
knowledge of good and evil," with its accompanying warning
that, if the com-
mandment was disobeyed, "Thou shalt surely die." Eve, so
the story goes,
allowed herself to be seduced by the wily serpent, and she in turn
seduced
Adam. The divine reaction was to expel Adam and Eve from the
Garden and to
impose on them not only mortality as punishment but also the two
extraordiri-
ary curses - on Eve that woman should bring forth in pain and
travail, and on
Adam that man should subsist "by the sweat of his brow,"
interesting in their
dual reference to childbirth and to work. The French word travail,
usually
rendered in English by "labor," has an interesting
connotation, because in
English the word "travail" suggests suffering in a
rather strong way, even as
contrasted with "labor." In other words, the "human
condition" after expulsion
from the garden was conceived as a condemnation to suffering and
death with
strongly negative valences attached to "this life."
If, however,
human life was to be conceived as continuing from generation to
generation, the reproductive function became essential, and the
roles of Adam
and Eve were no longer simply those of companions but of partners
in bringing
about reproduction. It seems quite clear that the sin of Adam and
Eve was a
dual one. In the first instance it was that of disobedience. In
the Garden they
were subjected to one and only one prohibition: "eating the
fruit." This is what
Kenneth Burke refers to as the capacity for the negative on the
part of man as a
symbol-using animal, but there is a further connotation beyond
mere disobedi-
ence as such. In presuming immortality and "knowledge"
together - knowledge
of the meaning of good and evil - Adam was presuming to act as if
he were God.
This, I feel, is the most fundamental meaning of original sin. The
imposition
of death is conceived as God's crucial assertion that man may not
presume to be
God but must accept hi" mortality and all the costs of living
the life of a mortal.
Another common Christian phrasing is that the fundamental sin was
"idolatry'
of the flesh."
In the
continuation of the myth, the divine anger seems to have been virtually
unappeased, and culminated after a long time in God's decision to
destroy his
own creation of living beings on the earth, including humanity.
God relented,
however, in the case of Noah, Noah's wife, their sons, and the
sons' families,
and he instructed Noah to build the Ark to save his own extended
family and the
famous "animals two-by-two." In this connection Noah,
who from the divine
perspective was the only "good man" of his generation,
became the recipient of
the first covenant with Yahweh. On condition of giving faith and
obedience to
the divine commandments, Noah and his issue not only were
permitted to exist
after the "~cession of the great flood, but became the
nucleus of Yahweh's
chosen people, the vicissitudes of which are well known through
the stages of
Abraham and the new covenant with him, the exile, Moses, and the
entry after
Moses' death into the Promised Land.
The fate of the
individual was, in classical ancient Judaism, in a sense
absorbed in that of the people of Israel. The primary religious
focus was on
the people, including not only its existence and vicissitudes as a
corporate entity
but, above all, the Law, observance of which was the divine
condition of
continuance in divine favor. The people of Israel constituted a
kin-based ethnic
group, to which the members' descent from Noah was a primary
symbol of
belonging. This may be one main point of entry of the symbol blood
into the
Judeo-Christian story. Another particularly interesting feature of
the myth with
regard to the Promised Land, is that it was the land of "milk
and honey." Milk
surely is a fundamental symbol of feminine nurturance which leads
beyond the
purely biological reproductive function assumed by Eve and her
successors to
one of nutturant solicitude for the welfare of offspring and -
since all members
of the people of Israel were "offspring" in this
symbolic sense - for the people
generally. Honey has another symbolic connotation: it is a
prototype of an
unproduced food substance found in nature. The availability of
honey, then,
is associated with the plenitude of life in the Garden of Eden; it
is something
good, not a human product, to be found in the natural environment.
Indeed, the
combination of milk and honey may be considered to be a kind of
prototype
symbol of material well-being in a human situation.
It is a big jump
to the symbolism of the much later Christian development,
but our concern is not primarily with cultural history, but with
the meaning
structure of a symbolic complex. There is a crucial difference
between the
relation of God to Adam on the one hand, to Jesus on the other.
God created
Adam, but Jesus was "his only begotten son." We may
perhaps infer that, by the
vintue of the series of covenants, God has committed himself to
the continuance
of the human species - particularly, but presumably not
exclusively, to that of
his chosen people. His intervention in the human condition,
therefore, could
not, as in the case of the flood and Noah, be for the purpose of
continuing
or destroying his creation, but it had to be intervention in the
affairs of
humanity as "a going concern." Mary and the myth of the
Annunciation is
the symbolic focus of the divine recognition that
"cooperation" with humanity
is essential in order to carry out the grand plan. It is in this
context that the very
critical symbol blood becomes central as referring to the
continuity of the
succession of human generation, which, of course, assumes the
death of each
individual person but the continuity of the population through
sexual reproduc-
tion - "begetting," to use the Old Testament term. The
"blood" of Jesus had
therefore both a divine and a human component, the latter being
the blood of
Mary.
Another crucial
symbolic no~ is sounded in the Christ story. In Judaism on
the whole, though Yahweh treated the people of Israel as his
ch6sen people, and
protected them and favored them in many ways, his primary concern
with
respect to them was their obedience, that is, their observance of
the Law he
had imposed upon them. In the Christian story the new note is that
of love.
Perhaps the primary mythic statement is, "For God so loved
the world that He
gave His only begotten Son." It is noteworthy, of course,
that God is said to
have loved not only the people of Israel, but "the
world." This sur~ly is a
fundamental anchor point for the universalistic features of
Christianity.
There was a new
conception of the relation between the "eternal" and
temporal orders, the divine and the human, in the New Testament.
Through
Mary's "Immaculate Conception," the divine became human.
Jesus was con-
ceived to be both God and man at the same time. This definition of
the situation
al
82 Religion and Modern Society Religious
Symbolization and Death 83
fundamentally altered the Judaic conception by its potential for
upgrading the
status of humanity. Again, in spite of certain tendencies within
Hellenistic
Judaism, I think we can correctly say that Judaism was not a
religion of the
salvation of the individual in the sense that Christianity has
been. Burke has
pointed out that the idea of a redeemer is implicit in the Genesis
myth, but how
the role of the redeemer should be conceived, and, in particular,
what the
relation of this role to the fate of the people of Israel should
be, remaimed an
open question.
The redemptive
event, which was the founding event of Christianity, was
mythologically, we may presume, the sacrificial death of Jesus by
crucifixion. It
has been basic to the Christian tradition that this was a real
death; it was not, as
would be common in Greek mythology, the disappearance of a divine
personage
who had chosen to spend a certain time on earth disguised as a
mortal. Jesus,
that is, really died on the cross and had to be
"resurrected" in order to reenter
the divine sphere of eternal life.
It is of course
central that the meaning of Jesus' death was symbolized as
giving his blood. Blood, it seems to me, symbolizes a special
combination of two
things. The first is what in another connection we may speak of as
the gsft of life,
which is expressed in maternity. In the Christian myth Mary was
the giver of life
to Jesus, a specially symbolic case of the more general conception
of a woman
giving birth to her child. In ordinary usage the word
"give" has not been stressed
in this expression, but I think it is symbolically crucial. The
human component
of the blood of Christ, therefore, was a gift from Mary, who only
in more
extravagant phases of Catholic symbolization has herself been
considered
divine. This human component, however, was combined with the
divine com-
ponent originatir'~ from the begetting of Jesus by his divine
father. In these
circumstances Je~u~,' own death was relativized. The concept death
applied only
to the human co~-~ponent, not to the divine. The symbol blood is
the primary
focus of the unity of the divine and the human. And this unity is
the focus of the
Christian conception of the transcending of death.
In the act of
dying - which was in a very important sense voluntary on Jesus'
part, since Jesus might be said to have provoked the Roman
authorities into
crucifying him - there was another component which has Hebrew
antecedents
but was profoundly modified in the Christian phase. In the
symbolism of the
Last Supper, which was built into the basic sacramental ritual of
Christianity -
the Eucharist - not only the blood of Christ but also the
"body" of Christ is
symb(~lized by the bread of the Eucharist. The body of Christ,
meaning of
course the risen Christ, came to be the symbol for the church
conceived as a
supertsatural entity, which came to have the "power of the
keys," the capacity to
ele ~e the fate of the
individual human being from the limitations of mortality
and tise other "Adamic" features of the human condition.
I do not think it
is too far-fetched to suggest that the church was symbolically
meant to "identify," in a sense not very different from
the psychoanalytic-
sociological use of the word, the ordinary human being with
Christ. As a
member of the church, man became part of the "body of
Christ." In dying he
thus became capable of giving his life, symbolized by blood, in a
sense parallel to
that in which Jesus gave his blood in the crucifixion. There seems
to be a deep
duality of meaning here. Death is conceived, on the one hand, to
be deeply
traumatic, as symbolized by the suffering on the cross - a kind of
a "supreme
sacrifice." At the same time, the death of the human
individual is conceived not
merely as paving the way for his own entrance into
"heaven" but as a sacrifice
for the redemptive benefit of humanity in general. Quite apart
from the meta-
physical problems of what can possibly be meant by
"survival" of the individual
after death, I think that this second view of death is a kind of a
sublimation, in
the positive sense, of the grimly tragic view of the human
condition as defined by
the consequences of Adam's original sin. By the acceptance of the
divine
commandments and by the acceptance of Christ as the redeemer, man
is not
in principle totally expelled from the Garden, to be dominated by
"sin and
death," but has the opportunity to participate in the divine
order and not to be
sn the Adamic sense only human. We can say that this represents a
major
upgrading of the religio-metaphysical status of man.
A theme in
Western religious history which I have several times emphasized is
that the biblical conception of God's making man in his own image
and making
him Lord of the creation was later transformed into the conception
of a "king-
dom of God on earth." This in turn implied that human society
and personality
could be permeated with a divine spirit and thus in some sense
narrowed the gap
between the divine order of things and "the things of this
world." What I have
called the relativizing of the meaning of death seems to me to be
a central part of
this development. Every human individual's death may thus be seen
as a
sacrifice on the one hand, a gifi on the other.
The human
individual's capacity to die in the role of giver of gi~s - most
explicit in the case of a soldier or martyr who "gives his
life for his country"' or
"for a cause" - is dependent on three other crucial
gifts having preceded Isis.
The first of these was the gift on the part of God the Father of
what sometitnes
religiously is called the "living Christ" to humanity -
given, it should be noted,
through the process of "begetting." Christ, after all,
was God's only begotten
son. And this was a gift to humanityfrom God, not a sacrifice to
God on the part
of some human group or individual. It was, moreover, a gift said
to have been
motivated by "love" of the world. The second was Mary's
gift of life as a man, as
a human being, to Jesus - a gift symbolized in the person of Masy.
Thus, the
Christian conception of the human feminine role focuses upon
"~ry, Mother
of God," whd has given the human component of the blood whsch
could be
sacrificed for the redemption of humanity. The third gift was the
sacrificial
death of Jesus, which has frequently been symbolized as the giving
of his blood
for our redemption. Within this framework, then, the death of the
human
individual can be conceived as a sacrifice for others but also as
a gift to others
for the future of humanity.
The question now
arises of what modifications of this predominantly Catholic
definition of the situation should be introduced to take account
of i'ie Protestant
development and more recent phases which are no longer
predominantly Pro-
testant.
Before discussing
the Protestant phase and what has followed it, let me sum
up what seem to me the four principal steps in the development
from the Book
of Genesis to full-fledged medieval Catholicism.
4 Religion and Modem Society Religious
Symbohzation and Death 85
1 It is clear that the original meaning of
death was as punishment for the
disobedience of Adam and Eve in the Garden. The sin, however, was
not merely
disobedience but the pretention to the status of divinity, and
mortality is the
primay symbol of nondivinity. The imposition of death and the
expulsion from
the Garden were linked with the conception that this life should
be burdened
with travail.
2. With the development of the covenant
relationship between Yahweh and
his ch( ~en people, death took on a new meaning. The biblical
phrase is re-
ception into "the bosom of Abraham," which may be
interpreted to mean that
the dead achieve the honorific status of ancestors (as in
traditional Chinese
religion) in the transgenerational collectivity of the people.
Mortality is accepted
as part of the generalized human condition with all its
limitations but with a note
of special value emphasis on the concept of chosenness. The symbol
blood
emerges in the first in~ance as a symbol of ethnic belongingness,
not only in
one generation, but in the continuity of successive generations.
This continuity
in turn is linked with the special significance of the Law, which
was divinely
ordained through Moses.
3. In the original Christian syndrome,
a major shift took place. There was a
relative disassociation from an ethnic community, and both the
spiritual and
temporal fates of the individual acquired a new salience. Human
life, with its
continuities, is in a new sense conceived as given. The primary
symbol here is
the portrayal of Jesus as the only begotten son of God the Father.
God's begetting
of Jesus is quite different from his creation of Adam. It presumes
the continuity
of humanity and the human reproductive process. Maty gives Jesus
the gift of
life at the human level, and it is the synthesis of the divine
element and the
human as symbolized in the Annunciation which qualifies Jesus to
be the
redeemer of mankind. In his role as redeemer, by his sacrificial
death, "He
gave His blood" for the redemption of mankind. It must be
remembered that
blood in this sense was neither wholly divine nor wholly human but
a special
synthesis of the two, which transcended the stark dichotomy of
divine and
human in the Book of Genesis.
4. It seems to be clear then that the
primary symbolic effect ofjesus' sacrifice
was the endowment of ordinary humans with the capacity to
translate their lives
into gifts which simultaneously express the love of other human
beings and the
love of God, reciprocating God's love for "the world."
The sacrifice of Jesus by
dying on the cross was therefore conceived in a generalized manner
so that all
human deaths could be conceived in sacrifices. The element of
sacrifice, how-
ever, emphasizes the negative side, the cost side, of dying, which
was so salient
for the crucifixion because of its excruciating suffering. The
positive side is the
gift, not Mary's gift of the particular human life of Jesus, but
the gift of his own
life by the living, human Jesus. This seems to me to be the
primary symbolic
meaning of the Christian conception of death transcended. Death
acquires a
transhiological meaning because the paramount component of its
meaning is the
giving of a life, at the end of a particular life, to God. It is
conceived as a
perpetuated solidarity between the bio-human level, symbolized by
the blood
of Mary, and the divine level, symbolized by the blood of Christ.
In the ideal
Christian death, one came to participate in the blood of Christ at
a new level.
In the Catholic
system, the mutuality of giving as the expression of love was
mediated by the sacramental system of the church and fragmented by
particu-
larized absolutions from time to time. In the Protestant version,
however, the
sacramental system no longer had this capacity. The "power of
the keys" was
eliminated, and the clergy became essentially spiritual leaders
and teachers.
Most important, the life of perfection - the life conceived to be
both sacrifice
and gift to God, namely, that of members of religious orders -
lost its special
status, and every human being, layman and clergyman alike, was
placed on the
same level. I think it legitimate, as Weber did, to see this as
basically an
upgrading of the status of the laity rather than a downgrading of
~ ~t of the
religious. As Weber put it, "Every man was to become a monk.'
In one sense, the
accent on life in this world was strengthened rather than
otherwise. The Calvinist thought that it was the mission of man to
build the
kingdom of God on earth. In this context the whole life of the
human individual
was considered a unity, and its basic meaning was that of
contribution to the
building of the kingdom, that is, insofar as the individual lived
up to religious
expectations. His death then was seen as consummatory, as
signaling the
completion of the task for which he was placed in this world. The
consummat-
ory aspect, of course, requires divine legitimation, but it also
means that dying
becomes in a sense a voluntary act, as it was for Jesus. It is,
for example, striking
that a sharp distinction is made between dying a natural death and
being killed.
Dying as consummation is beautifully symbolized in the phrase in
the Episcopal
funeral service, "His work is done" (also in "Well
done, good and faithful
servant"). The individual human being is brought into a
~'pecial kind ofpartner-
ship with God in the implementation of the divine plan for the
world. One might
say that the Genesis conception of the life of travail and its
bitter ending by
death following expulsion from the Garden has been transformed
into the
conception of life in this world as a great opportunity to serve
as an instrument
of the divine will in the great task of building the kingdom. One
of the marks of
Protestantism is acceptance of worldly life as basically good and
of death as the
natural and divinely ordained consummation.
There is,
however, an underlying conflict. This positive and, one might say,
optimistic view of life and death is essentially conditional on
fulfillment of the
divine mandate, on actually doing God's will. Fulfillment,
however, cannot be
guaranteed. What Burke calls the element of the negative, the
capacity to
disobey, is just as characteristic of modern man as it was of
Adam. Hence, the
problem of what is to happen to the inveterate sinner cannot be
avoided,
because it cannot be guaranteed that sinners will cease to exist.
The note of
death as punishment and its symbolic aftermath is always a
counterpoint note to
the positive Protestant conception.
It seems to me
that the same basic view of life and death has survived the often
suggested abandonment of the traditional Judeo-Christian
conceptions of the
transcendental God. It has survived most conspicuously in Marxian
socialism,
which, at least in its Communist version, bears striking
resemblances to early
Calvinism. Here, clearly, the basic human assignment is the
building of social-
ism. The fate of the individual "soul" after death is
clearly thought of differently
than in theistic Protestantism. But I think that the basic pattern
is very similar,
4,
86 Religion and Modern Society
that is, mortality and the other fundamental features of the human
condition are
accepted and, therefore, the completion of a total life in the
ideal case gives
death a consummatory meaning.
Recent movements
suggest a shift from the Protestant Ethic emphasis on
"work" to a communally organized regime of love, which,
of course, links with
the Christian traditions of love at both the divine and the human
levels. It is not
clear j".-t how these movements are going to crystallize, if
at all; but one thing is
almost certain: that they will share with Puritan Protestantism
and Marxian
socialism the conception of the religious sanctification of life
in this world.
We must not
forget, however, that the early Christians were eschatologically
oriented: they looked forward to a second coming of Christ and,
with it, the day
of judgment and the end of the world as it had existed and been
known. Those
who were saved would then enter into a state of eternal life in a
new paradise, in
some respects resembling the Garden of Eden, yet different from
it. The belief
in some kind of p?eexistent paradise in which man participated has
reverberated
through the centuries, especially during the Enlightenment, in
Rousseau's idea
of the state of nature. A preexistent state of nature has been
dynamically linked
with the conception of a terminal state where all the problems of
the tragic
human condition are believed to have been solved. This kind of a
utopia, of
course, has been exceedingly prominent in the socialist movement,
most nota-
bly in the idea of communism as the end state of socialist
societies, guided by the
communist vision of Marxism-Leninism.
Very similar
orientations seem to be characteristic of the movement that I
have elsewhere (1971) called the new "religion of love."
Indeed, in its extreme
versions it is suggested that the regime of total love can be set
up in the
immediate future. It will, however, have to be a terrestrial
regime which cannot
conceive "the end of the world" in the sense in which early
Christians used that
phrase. It would mean only the end of the evil parts of the world.
A clear
conception of the meaning of death has not yet emerged in these
circles. But
there is a fantasy of immortality - a feeling that death, as it
has been known since
the abandonment of Christian eschatological hopes, is somehow
unreal - that is
attributable to new understandings of the centra~ess of human
life. It will be
interesting to follow developments in this area.
Note
This paper is a slightly different draft version of the first part
of the article "The
'Gift of
Lfe' and its Reciprocation," of whicb the coauthors were
Renee C. Fox and Victor M.
LAde and which was published in Social Research, Fall 1972.
Reference
Parsons, Talcott (1971) "Belief, Unbeh~f, and
Disbelief," pp. 2O7~5 in R. Caporale
and A. Grumelli (eds), The Culture of Unbelief Berkeley:
University of California
Press.