toys in the attic: THE
EVOLUTION OF SOCIETIES: Preface & Chapter 1 PARSONS' THEORY OF SOCIETAL
EVOLUTION , 1 The Differentiation of
Action Systems ,
4 Evolutionary
Breakthroughs , 10 The Inclusive Societal
Community of Modern Societies
, 18 Conclusion, 19 References, 23 This book
consists of the republication in one volume of two previously published books
by Talcott Parsons on the subject of societal evolution. I hope it is also something more: a clearer
guide to Parsons' thinking about societal evolution than was available in
either book. In order to achieve this
goal of clarity, I have tampered with the original texts in three ways: 1 By eliminating both of the purely
theoretical chapters in the original volumes and scattering the theoretical
material throughout the text, as needed, I sought to integrate more completely
Parsons' theory with the detailed accounts of particular societies. After all, Parsons was less interested in
Egypt or in medieval Europe in themselves than as illustrations of societal
differentiation. But this was drastic
surgery. This editorial decision makes
it difficult for the reader to examine his theory separately from the empirical
materials. There may also be places
that are unclear because all of the theoretical distinctions Parsons uses did
not find their way into the revised text-although a glossary of Parsonian definitions,
newly prepared for this edition, ought to address this problem. I hope that,
for most readers, the advantage of integrating theoretical discussions with
empirical data will outweigh the disadvantages. 2 By combining what were two separate volumes
published five years apart, I sought to emphasize Parsons' conception of the
sweep of the evolutionary process from prehistory, through historic epochs, and
into the contemporary world. I also
wrote a new Chapter One to serve as a guide not only to Parsons' theory of societal
evolution but also to some of the broader issues of sociological theory with
which Parsons has been concerned. 3 By careful editing of the text, sentence by
sentence, I sought to clarify Parsons' meaning by simplifying his prose
style. Occasionally I deleted sentences
that seemed to carry the reader toward a peripheral rather than a central
point. More usually I deleted
adjectives, adverbs, or entire phrases that Parsons had intended to qualify an
overgeneral statement but which might confuse the reader. Thus, there are places where Parsons would
prefer to state his argument more tentatively than he does in this edited
version of his theory of societal evolution.
Although not an
easy task, editing a masterpiece brings its own reward: the satisfaction of
contributing to the accessibility of a work that will be studied by
sociologists still unborn. JACKSON TOBY Rutgers University 1
PARSONS' THEORY
OF SOCIETAL EVOLUTION, by JACKSON TOBY (return to top) Parson’s interest in societal evolution
may have surprised some sociologists because it seems on first thought
unrelated to his previous intellectual preoccupations. Actually it represents a return in a more
sophisticated form to a problem that engaged him as a young man. Recall that his earliest publications were
concerned with the development of capitalism (1928; 1929; 1930). In particular, he was impressed with Mac Weber’s
interpretation of the role of religious values in the emergence of capitalism
in the Christian West rather than in China or in India. His analysis of societal evolution in this
book revises and extends the Weber thesis so as to make it relevant not merely
to the emergence of capitalism but to the development of modern societies from
the earliest beginnings of social organization. Parsons approaches this monumental task with a three-fold
strategy: 1
He goes much farther back in time than Weber. Since the historical record is only about
five thousand years old, he relies on archeological to place some societies in
his scheme. For very primotive
societies, he shifts to contemporary anthropological evidence – on the
reasonable assumption that the simple social structure of the Murgin of Australia
and the Shilluk of the Sudan tell us what human societies were like at early
stages of social evolution. 2
He uses as his pivotal concept, not religious values, as Weber
did, but shared symbolic systems (culture) of which religious values as only
one subtype (constitutive symbols). Cognitive
symbols, moral evaluative symbols, and expressive-appreciative symbols are the
other subtypes. 3 He
formulates a theory of social change logically
more compelling than Weber's. It
provides a cybernetic model for the cultural direction of change; the model
emphasizes four processes (differentiation-adaptive up-grading, inclusion, and
value generalization) that clarify the ambiguous relationship between religious
ideas and modernization in Weber (1964). continued (return to top)
ideological furnishings for the
homeless mind
daurril library: talcott parsons