toys in the attic:
ideological furnishings for the
homeless mind
action theory & the
human condition
III - SOCOLOGY OF RELIGION -167
11 - Belief, Unbelief, and
Disbelief - 233
Belief,
Disbelief, and Unbelief
The
Rational and Nonrational Components of Action
Durkheim
and the Moral Component of Society (note esp. society as object)
The
Concept of Secularization (note: religious values institutionalized)
The Institutionalization of Religious Values (note: there
developed the secular priesthood… )
From
the Reformation to Ecumenicism
The
Enlightenment and Radical Secularism
The
New Resurgence of the Nonrational
The New
Religion of Secular Love (note: master symbol has become that of community…)
Moral
Absolutism, Eroticism, and Aggression
(as Fixation, diffuse enduring solidarity, and Aggression)
As A GENERAL COMMENTATOR on the Symposium
on the Culture of Unbelief, there are two aspects of my position which
should be made explicit at the outset. First,
I am not a Roman Catholic, but a somewhat backsliding Protestant of
Congregationalist background. Second,
I am not a theologian, but a sociologist by profession. My commentary will not attempt a summary of
the discussions - though the Agnelli Foundation has kindly made a copy of the
transcript available to me - but rather will be critical in the sense of
ranging about some of the principal issues which figured in the papers and
discussions in my own terms, hoping in the process to help to define the
situation for future stages of discussion and research in this field.
Belief, Disbelief, and Unbelief
The relevant
context of the use of the terms "belief" and "unbelief" was
of course religious. It does not seem useful here to attempt
discussion of "What is religion?"
in general terms. At certain points
aspects of that question will arise and can be dealt with on those
occasions. Since, however, the concept
belief is so central, a brief commentary on it does seem to be in order. First a point of logic. In Western culture at least there has been a
strong tendency to think in terms of dichotomies,
often accentuated in their mutual exclusiveness
by such expressions as "versus."
Thus we have rational versus irrational, heredity versus environment, Gemeinschaft
versus Gesellschaft.
From The Culture of Unbelief, Rocco Caporale
and Antonio Grumelli, eds. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1971),
pp. 207-245. Copyright © 1971 by The Regents of the University of California;
reprinted by permission of the University of California Press.
234
If members of
such dichotomous pairs are to be treated as types, however, they have
frequently turned out, not only to admit of intermediate or mixed types, but to
be resultants of a plurality of variables, so that study of the possible
combinations of the component variables might at the typological level, yield,
not a single dichotomous pair, but a larger "family" of possible
types, which differ from each other, not on one, but on several
dimensions.
I think - or
"I believe" - that this is true of the concept of belief itself, at
religious and at other levels. I might suggest that stating the problem in
terms of belief-unbelief is already a start in this pluralistic direction in
that the alternative to belief need not be simply disbelief but might be some
way of avoiding being placed in the category either of believer or of
disbeliever. The logic here is similar
to that involved in the history of the concept of rationality and its antonyms. Namely, it was a major advance when
rationality was contrasted not with irrationality but with nonrationality;
there could be types which, though nonrational, were not irrational.
Certainly in the
Western tradition, the concept of belief has a cognitive
component. This is to say that however
difficult this may be in practice, beliefs are
capable of being stated in propositional form and then tested by
standards of "truth" or cognitive validity. It is true that most propositions of
religious belief are not subject to what we generally call empirical verification. But they still must, ideally, be tested by
standards of conceptual clarity and precision, and logical (-ly) correctness of inference.1 The equivalent of the empirical component in
science is the authenticity of the nonlogical
components of religious belief, for example, revelation,
or some kind of religious experience.
Another aspect of
the problem, however, is brought out by the distinction which was discussed
early in the conference, namely between what is meant by "belief that …"
and "belief in …" In my view, it would not be
appropriate to use the term belief in the latter context if there were no cognitive content involved, that is, if the
action referred to were completely nonrational expression of emotions. The little word "in," however, suggests
a noncognitive component which is not included in "that," which may
be called commitment. The "believer in . . ." of course
must, explicitly or implicitly, subscribe to cognitively
formulable and in some sense testable propositions, but in addition to
that, he commits himself to act (including
experiencing) in ways which are, to put it in the mildest form, congruent with the cognitive components of his
belief.
An important, perhaps the premier, example
here is the Protestant doctrine, especially associated with Luther himself, of
"salvation by faith alone."
This is faith in the Christian
God. The formula as such contains no
reference to the cognitive set of beliefs, but it clearly implies them in the
sense that faith is faith in God; with no
cognitive conception of God the commitment would be meaningless. The alternative, for Luther, to salvation by
faith, was clearly that by works through the Catholic sacraments. The definition of these alternatives did not
challenge the general strictly theological conceptions of God and his relations
to man.
1 The
aphorism of Tertullian, "Credo quia absurdum est," could not
prevail in Western religion.
235
From the point of
view of the Catholic Church of his time, Luther was a heretic. But his disbelief in the mission of the
historical church and in the sacraments, was only one form of unbelief. Surely in many ways he was not only a
believer in some vaguely general sense, but he was a believer in Christ and the
Christian God. This is to say, he accepted
much of the cognitive framework of the inherited tradition.
Professor Bellah
has spoken of a strong cognitive bias in Christian religious tradition. That the emphasis on the cognitive component
has been strong does not seem to be seriously open to doubt. That it has been a bias in the sense that
over the long run it has distorted Western religious development is a question
on which I prefer to withhold judgment.
Prior to rendering a necessary basis for arriving at such a judgment, it
seems to me more urgent to attempt to clarify the nature
of the components, both cognitive and noncognitive, rational and
nonrational, of religious orientation,
and certain aspects of their relations to each other.
That there must be a major set of noncognitive components is a view which has been accepted in the introductory statements of this commentary and is indeed very widely accepted. This noncognitive component is, to my mind, what distinguishes religion both from philosophy on the one hand, and science on the other, both of which are intellectual disciplines. While theology may well he considered to be such a discipline, clearly religion is not. Durkheim's famous dictum about religion, c'est de la vie séreuse, is one way of stating that difference and seems to be more or less adequately expressed in the term commitment which I have used above.
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