Is a public
policy needed to deal with environmental matters ?
I Why does
the environment matter ?
A - A new public and political concern
1 - In the
1950s there was no influential generalised concern for the environment
3 -
Emergence of Green parties
4 -
Political threat to governments ̃ incentive to act
B - The problem of unsustainable growth
1 - The
'limit to growth' School (1960s - and
Meadows 1992)
2 - Critics:
efficient markets solve the problem (Pearce and Barbier)
3 - In
practice markets are not efficient.
II -The
market fails to deal with environmental matters ̃
need for public policy
A - Definition of an externality
2 - Private
costs and social costs
B - Pollution is the textbook example of externality
1 - Prices
are too low and output level too high (Social and private costs of pollution)
2 - The
optimal level of pollution is not zero (Costs and benefits of pollution
abatement)
III - The
market can internalise these externalities ̃ no need for public policy
3 - The key
for internalisation : property rights
B - Optimal allocation is achievable by private
bargaining
1 -Fishermen
own the water rights and industrialists pollute
C - Optimal allocation is reached irrespective who has
the property rights
1 -
Industrialists own the water rights
2 -
Optimality, irrespective who has initial rights
IV - The
Coase approach has a limited practical relevance
A - Limitations related to legal rights
1 -
Distributional (income) effects can lead to importance of initial rights
2
-Impossibility of clearly defined propertty rights
3 -Therefore
no clear liability
B - Limitations due to the bargaining process
1 - Non localised
problems : non-viable bargaining process
2 -
Imperfect information / uncertainty
C - Limitations due to imperfect markets
1 -
Localised problems : markets are likely to be oligopolistic (coalition)
D - Relevance for interstate bargaining. No relevance for
private agents
1 - Direct
relevance only for inter-State bargaining over transfrontier pollution
2 -
Bargaining between private actors needs to be sustained by public policies
V -
Relevance on private actors is only reached by governmental and judicial
involvement
A - The need for governmental action
1 -
Enforcing the hypothesises of the Coase theorem
2 - Allowing
for a non economic view of the environment
B - The forms of governmental actions
1 - Clearer
specification of rights
2 - The
government has to take some property rights
3 -
Improvement of scientific knowledge
4 - Support
to creation of markets for environmental resources
C - The need for a massive judicial involvement
1 - A
massive recourse to courts
2 - Need for
a governmental action improving the judicial system
Environmental problems are important since they are a public concern with political implication and have an economic dimension raising the question of sustainable growth (concern included in the TEU 1992).
The question is therefore, is not whether the environment matters or not (it clearly does). The question is rather : Is a public policy needed to deal with environmental matters ?
Environment has slowly become a new public concern.
Occasionally, a specific particularly harmful episode of pollution would give rise to remedial action, but no more. For example, in the winter 1952-1953 there was an even denser than usual smog in London, leading to a dramatic increase in mortality among elderly people and bronchitics. But the episode did not lead to a more widespread concern with air pollution.
As a result the Treaty of Rome made no provision for any joint EU policy on controlling pollution.
Although initially not as strong as in the United States, noticeable numbers of people in Western Europe had begun to express concern over degradation of the environment.
̃ various organised groups within the burgeoning 'environmentalist' movement different strands, not always compatible both in terms of the issues concerned and of the political outlooks.
These movements have eventually succeeded in getting enough votes to have some Green party members in the European Parliament, as well as representatives at national and lower levels.
The greens have become a real political threat to the government majorities. Especially true of the German and Dutch governments among the original six.
Conclusion : the question is not whether we should pay attention to environment or not. The starting point of this paper is the assumption that the public is concerned about it. In economic terms, its utility function includes some concerns about their environment. The question is therefore : given this concern, is a public policy needed to deal with environmental problems.
· In the late 1960s, the 'limit-to-growth' School suggested that there was an inherent conflict between economic growth and the maintenance of the environmental quality. This theory has been recently re-formulated by Meadows (1992).
·Other thing being equal (notably resource/output and waste/output) economic growth results in faster rates of natural-resource depletion and higher level of waste disposal.
· Given :
- limits to the stock of natural resources
- limits to the capacity of the environment to assimilate increased wastes
· Continuing economic growth eventually ceased to be sustainable. That is, the environmental system is no longer able to sustain the levels and quality of production and consumption.
· This School of thought was therefore in favour of limiting the growth rate.
· Under certain circumstances, especially when markets work efficiently, a number of the above effects may be reduced or not occur at all.
· The increased scarcity of natural resources will increase their prices ̃ greater economy in their use, higher rates of re-use.
· The increased scarcity of suitable waste-disposal sites will increase disposal costs.
· Product which use the scarcest natural resources will be relatively more expensive.
· However, in practice, markets do not work efficiently.
· Underpricing of natural resources :The price charged for natural resources does not take into account the long-term social opportunity costs (to future generations).
· Absence of markets :Sometimes the market does not exist (e.g. for nature reserves or natural landscape).
̃ let us examine this argument is greater detail.
For economists, pollution is a problem that cannot be solved by the market mechanism because it is an externality.
Externalities are cases where there is no feedback mechanism leading the agent to take accounts of their of its behaviour's effects on other agents.
It is not the existence of an effect on others that constitutes an externality but the lack of incentive to take full account of it.
Another way of expressing an externality is to define it as when the marginal private cost (benefit) is not equal to the marginal social cost (benefit).
Most textbooks on microeconomics use pollution as the classic example of an externality. Two diagrams are used to analyse the problem of pollution and its consequences.
This first diagram emphasises the implications of a negative externality. Prices and output level do not maximise the society's welfare : prices are too low and the output level is too high.
The diagram shows the divergence between social and private cost in the context of a competitive industry, which causes pollution during the production process.
The
supply curve of the industry is the sum of the marginal costs of the firms.
Given the demand curve, Q0
is produced and sold at a price P0. This is not socially optimal.
If the pollution emitted during
production is allowed for, the true sum of the marginal social costs for the
firm is given by MSC. The optimal output is where P=MSC, i.e. at Q1 and P1.
From this diagram it is clear that the price to consumer is too low and therefore the consumption too high. It is therefore that both employers and trade unions are sometimes opposing policies.
The previous diagram has the disadvantage of neither explicitly showing what happens to pollution nor showing whether pollution can be reduced by means other than a drop in production. For these reasons, an alternative diagram is now often used, which draws attention to these aspects.
In this figure, pollution is measured explicitly. It shows the abatement of some particular form of pollution for some particular industry.

The marginal benefits (MB) of pollution abatement are the avoidance of the external costs placed on others (health problems, noise, and loss of amenity). The MB curve, is usually drawn downwards, although the justification is not firmly founded. It can fit the effects of pollution on human health but does not its effects amenity - for instance.
The marginal costs (MS) of pollution abatement to the firms in the industry are 1) the costs associated with various abatement techniques 2) as well as the loss of profits if output has to be reduced, therefore decreasing the final product sold. The shape of the MC curve, follows from the fact that some abatement is often easy but, removal of the 5 percents remaining is usually much more expensive.
The major conclusion here is that less than 100 percents of abatement is usually desirable. The optimum level which maximises welfare, is where the marginal costs of further abatement just equal the marginal benefits, level A0.
This is an implication of the economists' approach (human welfare maximisation) which is uncongenial to some in the Green movement.
Given the need for pollution limitation, does the society need to set up a public policy ? Can this market failure be managed by market forces ?
Theory has shown that under perfect competition, when property rights are clearly defined and there is a precisely determined polluter and pollute(s), completely free trade of all property rights will lead to economic efficiency. Furthermore, the efficient outcome is independent of how the property rights are assigned (Coase, 1960).
2) if the market system is perfectly competitive
1) the efficient allocation of those resources should be automatically achieved
2) irrespective what is the distribution of rights.
3) therefore government intervention is not needed : bargaining between economic agents is sufficient to deal with environmental externalities
The Coase theorem is an example of externality internalisation by the setting up of property rights, distributed to private agents.
We will justify this theorem on an example. Let us consider a case where industrialists produce a given level of output and have to discharge waste-waters into a river where fishermen work. We aim at showing that :
1) the optimal level of abatement is reached by mutual bargaining
2) without government intervention
3)
irrespective who has
the property rights over the river.
Industrialists, producing a given level of output, negotiate with fishermen (who own the water rights) to accept the discharge of their waste-water into the river. The payments will depend upon the damage which the waste-water will cause to their fishing activities.
The downwards slope of the MRD curve (marginal reduction in damage) reflects that pollution treatment prior to waste disposal makes the damage fall, but less and less efficiently.
The upward slope of the MPTC curve ( marginal pollution treatment cost) reflects the fact that some abatement is often easy but, removal of the 5 percents remaining is usually far more expensive.
The outcome of the negotiations is that the industrialists reduce their pollution by an amount of BC and pay compensation for the actual pollution of CD. The compensation equals the area ACD. Industrialists are prepared, on a voluntary basis, in order to maximise their profit, to treat their waste-water so long as the reduction in damage to fishing activities exceeds the increase in their treatment costs
Conclusion : Pollution treatment is performed on a voluntary basis by industrialists. No need for any public regulation.
At this level, again, the combined total pollution-damaged and pollution-control costs are at a minimum, which is consistent with the efficiency objective. In other words, the costs to society as a whole are minimum.
What is happening is that the environmental costs are being fully internalised within the costing and decision making system of the industrialists.
Let
us now assume that the water rights are now held by the industrialists. As a
consequence the Fishermen have to make payments to cover the costs of the
pollution treatment.
E
Industrialists will treat the
waste-waters so long as the extra payments exceed their marginal
pollution-treatment costs. The amount of money fishermen are willing to pay
must be lower than EBCA. If they know the Marginal Pollution Treatment Cost
curve (MPTC), fishermen can convince industrialists to treat up to BC, by
paying BCA + epsilon. Since industrialists are profit-maximising, they would be
happy to treat their wastes in order to gain epsilon.
The important point is that the outcome, in terms of the mutually agreed level of treatment, is the same.
At this level, again, the combined total pollution-damaged and pollution-control costs are at a minimum, which is consistent with the efficiency objective. In other words, the costs to society as a whole are minimum.
There is no need for governmental involvement. Indeed, property rights internalise the externality. All what we need is a well defined system of property rights. Private bargaining between private economic agents will do the trick.
The above analysis is used to show how markets might respond, in the absence of government intervention, to the presence of an environmental pollution. However, its practical value is limited, given that:
1) real markets are often imperfect
2) legal rights to the use of the environment are often inadequately or unsatisfactorily (from an equity view points) defined.
Even though social welfare efficiency is attained, outcomes of bargaining between private parties can have huge distributional consequences, reflecting the different distribution of property rights. Income effects can be tremendous, especially were markets are imperfect, as in the case of oligopoly.
The legal rights to the use of the environment are not easy to establish. Who owns the air we all breath ? Who own the river ? Who own the landscape in its aesthetic dimension ? Rights are often logically in multiple ownership. This has two consequences : and
There are many source of a pollutant, many receptors are affected by it. Therefore it will always be difficult, in both a technical and legal sense, to establish liability without great uncertainty.
There are many source of a pollutant, many receptors are affected by it. The great number of actors involved can even the mere feasibility if the bargaining process. greatly increase the transaction cost
The scientific knowledge over these issues is limited. Controversies are unavoidable. This can hinder the bargaining process.
When the pollutant is more localised (example of the fishermen and the industrialists using the same river), because of the small numbers involved, the market may be oligopolistic and the efficient solution may not emerge.
Some actors might benefit from an arrangement that they are not part of. Environmental quality is a public good. The price that the fishermen might pay to preserve the water quality of the river should also be born by other actors, like tourists, inhabitants of the area, farmers who use the water.
What it special about inter-State bargaining over transfrontier pollution is that :
1) small number of actors involved
2) easy geographic localisation of emitters and receptors (because of the larger scale)
3) convenient level of liability (states)
4) important financial means
On the other hand, the Coase approach seems not to be manageable at the level sub-national private actors (for all the reasons we have seen). However, surprisingly enough, a set of public policies can help to implement this free market approach to environmental problems.
The next section sets out the public policies needed to set up a viable bargaining system between private actors.
The Coase theorem is often seen as a key argument against any public policy. However, it is more of a minimum policy argument. Indeed, in this framework, the public authority has to :
1) organise the granting of property rights
2) ensure that market work efficiently, in a competitive way
The Coase approach is stuck in the economists' view of the environment. That is to say that it does not consider the environment to be a value in itself. Only the welfare of private economic actors is taken into account (since the latter only bargain to maximise their welfare).
Therefore the Coase approach is powerless to protect the environment for its own sake. However, protecting the environment for its own sake is nowadays is something desired by a non negligible part of the public opinion (c.f. Green movements).
Animals cannot bargain with the industrialists. Would there be a protection of wild birds ?
This would be the most urgent task for a government willing to let the market handle environmental matters. The law would have to undergone important changes. Property rights over natural resources would have to be massively distributed. This process is unlikely to avoid big problems of equity and arbitrary allocation.
The government would have to take over certain property rights, given
1) (public good) the intrinsic public nature of certain goods (especially water and air)
2) the taking into account of environmental protection for its own sake (wild birds...)
Therefore states cannot avoid entering the generalised bargaining process it tries to institute. This ends up in the creation of environmental taxes.
In order to make the private bargaining more efficient, the government would have to subsidy scientific research to improve public's knowledge about pollution.
The development of emission permits trading is one example.
The massive use of private bargaining and the subsequent importance of property rights are likely to trigger a massive use, by private actors, of the judicial system. One can say that the limited of involvement on the part of the government would have to be compensated by a massive involvement of the judicial authorities.
This new needs and constraints placed upon the judicial system would need a governmental action. Have been suggested :
- stricter liability (onus of proof placed upon the polluter)
- legal aid to finance environmental protection cases
- massive investment to make the judicial system more efficient
We have seen that there is no way a society can deal with environmental matters without any governmental involvement. Indeed, even the Coase theorem approach (defining property rights on environmental resources) needs, to be enforced, a full set of public policies and judicial monitoring.
A government,
which does not want to get involved, would follow the Coase approach. In doing
so, as we have seen, it would get involve anyway : initial allocation of
property rights, unavoidable taxation, support to the judicial system... Placing
the environmental issues in the hand of the free market require a very comprehensive
public policy.
Our conclusion is therefore that we need a public policy, because real markets cannot cope with diffuse public goods (over which property rights are difficult to define) as environmental resources. In real life, even the Coase approach requires a careful public policy.