The area studied is the parts of the counties of Wrecsam[1] and Fflint located close to the border with England. Particular focus will be given to the towns of Bwcle and Cei Connah where my two teaching practises have been situated. However, having grown up locally and currently being a resident here it will be possible for a study of the whole area.

Figure 1

Although the study is not solely concerned with the Welsh language or bilingualism, language issues will be examined. The Welsh language is the most conspicuous signifier of a distinct Welsh cultural identity, and its presence and status is a key factor in the issues in this study.

As Colin Baker argues:

“It appears that Welsh Culture is the bedrock and lifeblood of the Welsh language. It may be that it is not the Welsh language that should be fostered in order to preserve Welsh indigenous culture. It may be that the culture must be fostered to preserve the language. Ultimately both are entwined in an inseparable way”

Baker (1985) p170

I will look at the current situation regarding the implementation of Y Cwrricwlwm Cymreig and its effectiveness. I will also investigate the social and cultural context within which this policy exists.

My research will be based upon current practise within the schools, interviews, questionnaires, census data, bibliographic sources and empirical evidence.

It is the aim of this study not only to critique the existing situation but also to recognise good practise and to suggest ideas for development.

Background

When I went to school in the area there was no such thing as the Cwrricwlwm Cymreig. Any Welsh dimension to lessons was the responsibility of the teacher. We learnt about Owain Glyndŵr in History but precious little else.

It was more common to see English rugby or football shirts being worn than Welsh ones. Many households in the area could not receive broadcasts from BBC Wales, HTV or S4C, watching instead television from the North West of England. The main local paper was the Liverpool Daily Post.

The Welsh language was still given a very low priority outside of the designated Welsh medium schools. GCSE Welsh classes were given at lunch times through the voluntary efforts of a member of staff. In many areas the local councils were not implementing the bilingual practises so visibly fought for (and won) across the rest of Wales. Road signs were largely in English only. It was still a common experience to be followed by store detectives when speaking Welsh in shops. People even lost their jobs for speaking Welsh at work.

I left school in 1991.

Addysg Cymraeg: A historical context

As Baker (1985) describes education in Wales has long been an area of struggle and controversy. In 1846 an English M.P. demanded an Inquiry into Welsh education. In what has passed into Welsh folk memory as the Brad y Llyfrau Gleision[2] the Inquiry claimed that the Welsh Language was “a vast drawback to the people of Wales, and a manifold barrier to the moral progress and commercial prosperity of the people. It is not easy to over-estimate its evil effects”

During the second half of the Nineteenth Century the infamous “Welsh Not” was in use in schools across Wales. Any pupil caught speaking Welsh was forced to wear or carry a wooden plaque with the inscription “W.N.” upon it.

Figure 2

The first bilingual Primary School was founded in Aberystwyth in 1939 and six more established by 1950. According to Duncan Higgitt in The Western Mail (7 January 2004) “Between 1947 and 1956, 30 Welsh-medium primary schools were set up largely in the south east and north east in response to parental demand.”

In 1953 The Ministry of Education, Central Advisory Council Wales published the report “The Place of Welsh and English in the schools of Wales” it found:

“Four kinds of language policy were in operation. First, teaching is determined by the linguistic character of the area; secondly, only those children who express a desire to be taught in Welsh are provided for; thirdly, provision is made for teaching Welsh to all pupils, except those who say they do not wish to be taught the language, and fourthly the provision for teaching English and Welsh as equal and parallel activities”.

The report went on to recognise the importance of the language in the creation and maintenance of a sense of identity in Wales and to recommend further investment in Welsh education across Wales by local authorities.

In 1956 Ysgol Glan Clwyd, in North Wales, was established as the first Welsh medium secondary school, initially at Rhyl and subsequently at St Asaph.

In 1975 the Gwynedd LEA introduced a language policy that aimed to make “every child in the country thoroughly bilingual” (Baker 1985) such a move was not followed by other authorities across Wales. Areas with a much lower proportion of Welsh speakers did not share Gwynedd’s commitment to bilingualism. The old county of Gwent, for example, in 1985 had no Welsh medium Secondary schools. 92.5% of its secondary pupils were taught no Welsh language at all (Baker 1985). At that time the area of this study was part of the county of Clwyd whose language policy was that “bilingualism will be introduced at the earliest policy” and. It was claimed “In the Secondary schools of Clwyd, children learn Welsh as a first or second language throughout the five compulsory years”. My own experience in a Secondary school in Clwyd described above contradicts that claim, as does the figure given by Colin Baker of 36.8% of Secondary pupils receiving no Welsh language education.

In 1988 the Education Reform Act enshrined Welsh as part of the national Curriculum in Wales, making the teaching of Welsh mandatory until the end of Key Stage 3. Scenarios such as those in Gwent and Clwyd should no longer be possible. Welsh was a compulsory part of the curriculum in all areas of Wales. Schools were, however, given the right of exemption upon application from this.

In 1999 Welsh became a compulsory subject at key stage 4; this meant that all pupils in Wales study Welsh – either as a first or second language – for 12 years, from the ages 5 to 16.

The development and extension of Welsh language education did not come without resistance. Some schools have not given Welsh the obligatory number of hours required. Many still see the Welsh language as a burden to be “fitted in” around other more important subjects and use what can only be described as “creative timetabling” to meet the requirements. In some areas the introduction of compulsory Welsh and increasing bilingualism has faced more organised opposition. In Caerfyrddin/Carmarthen the group “Parents for Choice” was established to fight the LEA’s language policies. Arguing that it was ”the worst example of the minority dictating to the majority.” As recently as January 2004 Nottingham University caused controversy when it initially rejected a prospective student’s Welsh language A-level as an entry qualification.

In 2000 the document Art in the National Curriculum in Wales listed amongst its common requirements a Curriculum Cymreig, which states:

“Pupils should be given opportunities, where appropriate, in their study of art to develop and apply knowledge and understanding of the cultural, economic, environmental, historical and linguistic characteristics of Wales.” (p5)

However, the document earlier limits itself to calling for teachers to:

“…provide opportunities, where appropriate, for pupils to develop and apply the following common requirements through the study of art. The number and range of such opportunities are for teachers to determine in the context of their school’s scheme of work.” (p5)

The Education Act of 2002 extended the teaching of Welsh (in non-Welsh medium schools) through Key Stage 4 as a foundation subject.

The North East Wales Borders

The area of the study is comprised of parts of the counties of Fflint and Wrecsam.

Historically this area has always been disputed between Wales and England lying on the East of Offa’s Dyke, yet far to the West of the territory claimed by Owain Glyndŵr’s tripartite indenture.

Figure 3

Figure 4

It is no surprise that in a lot of ways the region suffers from something of an identity crisis. It is both industrial and agricultural; hill farms exist alongside steel plants and (closed) coalmines. It is both urban and rural, containing Wrecsam and the Glannau Dyfrydwy/Deeside sprawl as well as small villages and hamlets. Both agriculture and industry are in decline, and the area does not have many tourists unlike its neighbours.

The area appears highly anglicised. The Welsh language is not visually prominent except where this is a legal requirement and even here is still often missing; many road signs remain monolingual or miss-spelt (the signage at Shotton railway station is a particularly bad example of this – the Welsh version contains many words that are not even close to a correct translation). Very few businesses display the Welsh language, even those that in other parts of Wales claim to be committed to bilingualism.

The impression of Anglicisation is strengthened by the local accent. This can vary from town to town; Bwcle having historical connections with the potteries still retains traces of this in its accent. However, the predominant accent of the area resembles that of Merseyside. Even Welsh speakers will “not sound Welsh” when speaking in English. Because the area does not have an accent (in English) that conforms to an accepted stereotype of a Welsh accent – which is usually based upon the Gwynedd accent, the Cardiff accent or the Valleys accent, hardly representative of the whole of Wales in any case – its identity is often questioned both by outsiders and residents alike.

Linguistically, the reality is somewhat different. The percentage of Welsh speakers in the county of Fflint was 14.4% and in Wrecsam 14.6% according to the 2001 census. This compares reasonably well with the national figure of 20.8%. According to these figures there are nearly 40 000 Welsh speakers in the area. In both counties the numbers of Welsh speakers are rising. The popular idea that the area is anglicised is both misleading and all too often used as an excuse to fail to provide the opportunity for bilingualism. Indeed the Bwrdd yr Iaith answers such assumptions on its website:

"Are there any areas where nobody speaks Welsh?

No, Monmouthshire had the smallest percentage of Welsh speakers according to the 2001 census with 9.3% of the population able to speak Welsh. This was a considerable increase on 1991 figures when only 2.1% of the population could speak Welsh."

(http://www.bwrdd-yr-iaith.org.uk/)

Also contrary to popular misconception are the ages of Welsh speakers in the area. It is often claimed that the Welsh language is confined largely to the elderly population. The figures, however, show that compared to roughly 10% of over 60s speaking Welsh the percentage rises to over 40% for those of secondary school age.

The area also has significant immigration from across the border. This undoubtedly has an impact upon not only the language, but also the culture of the area more generally. Many of the immigrants come from areas of England close to the border such as Merseyside and Greater Manchester. The figures nationally according to the Bwrdd yr Iaith are:

“75% of the Welsh population was born in Wales, 20% born in England and 2% born outside of the European Community.

9% of people who live in Wales but born outside Wales could speak Welsh.”

(http://www.bwrdd-yr-iaith.org.uk/)

In the areas of the study the numbers of immigrants from England is likely to be far higher than the national figure because of its proximity to English population centres and historical links with these communities across the border.

Many of these immigrants commute to work across the border and remain, culturally, part of the English community that they have left. Shopping in, socialising in and identifying with that community.

However, as we shall see in the next chapter, these links go both ways and there are significant elements of Welsh culture that have been carried across the border in the other direction.

Cultural Identity in NE Wales

In art and culture, the real Wales it seems is elsewhere. Even my own work is elsewhere, out west, always looking further west; where people are really Welsh, and there are real mountains. This is the perception we face here in the borders. Wales is place we travel to when we go to Yr Eyri/Snowdonia. It is a place to visit, and then we return here. Despite the proclamation of Cool Cymru, the images of Wales do not reflect here, and image is a fundamental part of visual culture. We all know about Y Fro Gymraeg (Welsh speaking Wales) with its mountains, slate and language struggles; and we all know about English speaking Wales – it’s coal mining, Dylan Thomas and Valleys culture, isn’t it?

It seems that, here, we exist in a no-man’s land. Neither Wales nor England. We are encouraged to look at Wales, to observe it as spectators. But, as spectators of a distant Wales we cannot engage with. Is it any wonder that children here grow up choosing to engage with the notion of England instead? An England that although technically across a border is closer both conceptually and physically than the Wales they are told is their nation.

Yet, as we saw in the preceding chapter the area is "more Welsh" in language terms than is commonly perceived. It is equally significant in many other areas of Welsh culture.

The revolt of Owain Glyndwr originated in North East Wales. Indeed, Welsh Republicans continue to assemble in Caergwrle to commemorate the "Liberation of Hope Castle".

John Jenkins, imprisoned during the 1970s for his role in attacks by the Mudiad Amddifyn Cymru, is from the area and was known affectionately by some locals as "John the Bomb".

Wales' leading football club[3], Wrexham, is in the area and many of Wales leading stars of recent years are locals (e.g. Ian Rush, Mark Hughes, and Robbie Savage[4]). Prior to building of the Millennium Stadium many international games were held at the Racecourse Ground, as indeed were famous European matches involving Wrexham.

The proximity of the border does not only allow cultural traffic in one direction. The English side of the border has been significantly influenced by its contact with Wales.

The heritage of many English border communities is inseparable from the history of Wales. Chester is an excellent example and provides a perfect opportunity to develop projects that fulfil the mission of the Cwrricwlwm Cymreig, yet also reflect the specific local culture of the borders.

When we examine good practise in the classroom we shall look further at some specific examples of how Chester might be used.

Centres of population close to the Welsh border do not only provide immigrants to Wales, but also receive substantial numbers of emigrants from Wales.

Liverpool, Chester, Shrewsbury and Manchester all have significant Welsh populations. They also provide employment and education opportunities for Welsh commuters. Traditionally, an explicit reminder of these populations was the presence of Welsh chapels. It is also not uncommon to hear Welsh spoken on the streets in any of these towns. Anecdotal evidence suggests that both Liverpool and Manchester have enough Welsh speakers to support initiatives such as Welsh language Primary Schools.

The premier celebration of a distinct Welsh culture, the Eisteddfod Genedlaethol, has been held on several occasions on Merseyside in both Liverpool and Birkenhead. Although this has not happened for many years, there has been a recent bid by Liverpool to again host the Eisteddfod as part of its year as European Capital of Culture.

It can be argued therefore, that the border and the communities on the other side are not a reason for diluting the Cwrricwlwm Cymreig, but rather present an opportunity for a vibrant and unique, and distinctly Welsh trans-border culture.

Unfortunately at present there is a lack of knowledge of, or confidence in this potential culture.

In his essay about Capel Celyn as a lieu de memoire, Iwan Bala (2003) lists some existing sites in Wales.

“A nation with a history as long as that of Wales will have many such sites, both rooted and portable. Cardiff Arms Park used to be one, the Millennium Stadium might become one. Caernarfon Castle is one, and Cader Idris might be one. Then there’s Curnew Vosper’s ‘Salem’, or the slate strewn slopes of Blaenau Ffestiniog.”

Bala (2003) p 38

Wrecsam’s Racecourse Ground is not one, nor is Fflint Castle or Moel Famau. Bala then goes on to discuss how these places and especially Capel Celyn have become signifiers, places of iconic importance to the identity expressed through contemporary culture. Iwan Bala earlier argues that such ‘icons of identity’ are:

“…created at particular times and for particular purposes. In a colonial situation, they are sometimes invented by the indigenous population (Iolo Morganwg’s Gorsedd of bards), but often by the colonizers, or from the perspective of the ruling hierarchy, (Lady Llanover and the Welsh costume). Re-inventing the latter becomes a prerequisite condition of the postcolonial period, re-inventing the former a function of pragmatic nation building.”

Bala (2003) p 22

If we accept Bala’s argument, then there is an enormous onus upon artists to start “re-inventing” the visual culture of North East Wales. As we have seen the raw materials are already there.

Aside from our responsibilities as practising artists, it also falls to art education to develop a critical awareness of this visual culture. We need to bring it into the classroom.

Y Cwrricwlwm Cymreig in the Classroom

There is a great deal of autonomy for the teacher in how they choose to implement Y Cwrricwlwm Cymreig. This, of course, presents both difficulties and opportunities for the development of good practice.

Not all Art teachers are from the locality of the school. Many are from, and continue to live in, areas some distance away from the school and its community. A good number of teachers are not from Wales. In schools close to the border teachers often commute from across the border to work. Teachers may also have been trained outside Wales. Teachers who themselves are not aware of any particular “Welsh dimension” will find it difficult to implement the ideals of Y Cwrricwlwm Cymreig.

The potential danger of this is that teachers unaware of the specifics of a given locality’s engagement with the notion of Welsh culture, and under considerable pressure to fulfil a whole range of requirements such as literacy, numeracy etc., may either ignore the Cwrricwlwm Cymreig or may merely lapse into enough tokenism to tick the correct box on an ever growing list.

Such tokenism is counter-productive. It can create the impression that an idea of “Welshness” that does not match reality is being imposed upon the pupils. They can become even more alienated from a Wales that they already often do not feel a part of.

The form that lessons containing such tokenism may take, for example random “celtic knot work” projects or landscape paintings of Snowdonia, can also lead to the reinforcement of negative stereotyping of what passes for Welsh culture; little more serious or critically rigorous than the cheap souvenirs that can be found in tourist gift shops.

On other occasions lessons may go beyond mere tokenism, and certainly be less damaging. But, nonetheless, fail to really fulfil the ideals set out in the curriculum. There is an idea that the fact that a subject is local is enough for it to fulfil the Cwrricwlwm Cymreig requirements. So we may find art classes drawing their local landscape, or working with sources from local industry or heritage. But unless this coupled with an analytical or critical approach it does not necessarily result in a conceptual development regarding Welsh culture or identity. Indeed similar projects could be, and no doubt are, carried out by schools across the border in England. What would be the difference between the two projects?

Given the difficulties with the concept of “Welsh identity”, particularly in the area of this study, that we have examined earlier we cannot realistically expect a single art class to resolve this issue. Yet, there are examples of good practise that we can draw upon.

Local artists and craftspeople can often be used as a resource in lessons. Their practise may well either explicitly contain a “Welsh dimension”, as in the work of Mary Lloyd Jones, or may form a useful starting point for its introduction. Both Elfed and Connah’s Quay schools used local artists’ work in their lessons, such as Catrin Mostyn Jones for example, and this provides a tangible example for the pupils of the existence of a living Welsh “visual culture” that is contemporary, local and successful.

As this study has illustrated the perceived difficulties regarding implementing a Cwrricwlwm Cymreig can also provide opportunities. The border can be used as a resource rather than an excuse for inaction.

Chester, for example, is a city with immense historic interest. It is also a city familiar to most pupils in North East Wales as a destination for shopping trips, nights out or weekend employment. Despite being in England, much of Chester’s identity is derived from its status as a border town. The badge of the local Police force featuring three arrows, for example, comes from an ancient and still existing law that any “Welshmen” found inside the city walls after midnight may be shot with a bow and arrows! Folklore such as this surely provides ample openings for lively Cwrricwlwm Cymreig projects.

At a time when pupils studying Art are, quite rightly, being encouraged to explore themes and issues in their work and to develop their own critical and conceptual skills, the presence of something so socially significant as a national border on their doorstep ought to used as a source of ideas.

The problems we have seen in defining national identity, and of determining just what is distinct or different about the culture here from that a few miles away, can also be a stimulus for pupil’s cultural development - a motivation rather than an alibi.

Of course, such initiatives need imaginative, knowledgeable and brave teachers. Individual teachers can make a difference. For example, despite the generally poor status of the Welsh language at Elfed High, the Welsh teacher there encourages a broader, outward looking approach by her pupils through comparisons with other European minority languages in Welsh classes. Such an approach can only aid pupil’s contextualisation of their language and attitudes towards, allowing them to place themselves in a bigger picture with a distinct sense of place and belonging.

Unfortunately, individual teachers cannot do it alone. Teachers need support and the opportunity to train and develop the necessary skills to deliver these projects. INSET training, Welsh classes etc. must be made available for teachers who feel they need them. To paraphrase Karl Marx – the dominant ideas of any society are the ideas of the dominant class. In a school context this translates to the need for a wide-ranging and holistic evolution of the ethos and environment of schools in the area. This requires, as ACCAC have recognised, a thorough and serious whole school approach to the Cwrricwlwm Cymreig.

A Whole School Approach?

The School ethos has a vital role to play in determining the culture within which its pupils are educated.

A whole school approach can create the right atmosphere in which a lot of the groundwork has already been so that individual departments, and individual teachers are in a better position to implement the demands of the Cwrricwlwm Cymreig.

Of course, this doesn’t just apply to the Cwrricwlwm Cymreig; the school’s environment has a fundamental influence on the nature and quality of the learning that takes place within it.

An example of this that would be obvious to even a casual observer is the difference in atmosphere between a Primary school and the Secondary it feeds. Naturally, a good deal of this is due to the age of the pupils. But, other factors have contributed greatly. Primary schools are considerably smaller. Classrooms are “cosier”, with soft cushions, wall/roof hangings etc.

A visitor to one of Connah’s Quay High School’s feeder Primaries – Golftyn CP – might notice another difference in environment between it and the Secondary. Golftyn School is a “Welsh” school. The visitor cannot help but notice that they are in Wales.

It is not a designated Welsh Medium Primary (there isn’t one in whole Glannau Dyfrydwy area, the nearest is some distance away - Ysgol Croes Atti in Fflint). Yet the Welsh language is prominent in classroom displays. Pupils answer the register in Welsh, something only ONE student has done in any of my classes in both Elfed and Connah’s Quay High. Not only that but dinner requests are taken in the Welsh language.

Welsh language materials (such as maps) are also in common usage throughout the school. Assembles include some use of the language also. “National symbols” such as the Ddraig Goch, daffodils and national costumes also have a highly visible presence.

Connah’s Quay High School is only a few hundred metres away, yet has a completely different ambience. There is little evidence to the casual observer that they are in Wales. Outside the Welsh department’s classrooms, perhaps, there will be a display. But the same can be said about the French department without anyone believing that they are in a school in France.

On St. David's Day there was little evidence of a National Holiday at Connah's Quay High School. There was a small display in the visitor’s entrance, and St David was the theme for assemblies that week. However, there was no sense or atmosphere in the school that the day was different from any other. Pupils’ only indication that something was going on would be the daffodils that a minority of the staff were wearing.

The pupils in Connah’s Quay High School are the same ones who attended Golftyn CP. Indeed, the 2001 census records for the four wards of Connah’s Quay show over 800 children of school age as Welsh speaking. The vast majority of them will have attended English medium Primary schools such as Golftyn, and then continued on to Connah’s Quay High School. The table below of Welsh medium schools in the county of Fflint shows that only a small proportion of the county’s 6791 Welsh speakers between the ages of 10 and 19 could have attended a Welsh medium school.

Figure 5

Sir y Fflint/Flintshire

Ysgolion cynradd a'u lleoliad/Primary schools and location

Ysgol Croes Atti - Y Fflint/Flint

Ysgol Glanrafon - Yr Wyddgrug/Mold

Ysgol Gwenffrwd - Treffynnon/Holywell

Ysgol Gymraeg Mornant - Penyffordd/Picton, Treffynnon/Holywell

Ysgol Terrig - Treuddyn, Yr Wyddgrug/Mold

Ysgolion uwchradd a'u lleoliad/Secondary schools and location

Ysgol Maes Garmon, Yr Wyddgrug

A working party at Elfed High School recognised that “building on Primary experience” had an important role to play in the development of its Cwrricwlwm Cymreig policy.

ACCAC in its Developing the Curriculum Cymreig suggests the following checklist to help ensure the school ethos reflects the Cwrricwlwm Cymreig. I have tabulated the questions and provided answers for experiences of Elfed and Connah's Quay High Schools.

Figure 6

	ELFED	CQHS
Is there informal use of Welsh in the school - in conversation, during registration, during lessons?	NO	NO
Are signs and notices in the school bilingual?	A few	A few
Are telephone calls to the school answered bilingually?	NO	NO
Is Welsh used at all in correspondence with parents, to advertise school events, etc.?	NO	NO
Are visitors greeted bilingually?	NO	NO
In English-medium schools, do assemblies have a Welsh-language input from staff and pupils?	Rarely	NO
Is school stationary bilingual?	YES	YES
Does the school make any attempt to provide Welsh language tuition for parents who might appreciate learning at the same time as their children?	NO	NO
Does the school fly the Welsh flag?	NO	NO
Are Welsh personalities invited to school to share their experiences?	NO	NO
Do displays around the school reflect a Curriculum Cymreig in all its aspects - traditional and contemporary, local and national?	NO	NO
Would a visitor entering your school know it was a school in Wales?	unlikely	unlikely

It can be easily seen from the information above that these schools do not even begin to come close to meeting ACCAC's suggestions. Interestingly, Golftyn CP, the above mentioned Primary, would score significantly more yes's on the checklist. None of these measures on their own would result in the delivery of subject based Cwrricwlau Cymreig, but the changed school ethos would provide a much firmer base for subject areas to build upon.

Bibliography

ACCAC, Developing the Curriculum Cymreig, ACCAC, Cardiff, 2003.

Baker, Colin, Aspects of Bilingualism in Wales, Multilingual Matters 19, Clevedon, 1985.

Bala, Iwan, Here + Now: Essays on Contemporary Welsh Art, Seren, ????, 2003.

Cyngor Cwricwlwm Cymru, Developing a Whole-school Approach to a Curriculum Cymreig, Cyngor Cwricwlwm Cymru, ????, ND

[1] Throughout the study I shall be using the Welsh version of place names except where this may cause confusion. In these cases the name will initially be given bilingually.

[3] Sadly, nowadays this is opinion rather than fact!

[4] As is Michael Owen. Who is perhaps a perfect example of the lack of sense of national identity prevalent currently.