CLINICAL
PSYCHOLOGY REVIEW, VOL. 14. NO. 8, pp. 737-742, 1994
CHILD VISITATION INTERFERENCE IN
DIVORCE
IRA DANIEL TURKAT, PH.D.
Florida Institute of
Psychology and University of Florida College of
Medicine
ABSTRACT. Divorce related child
visitation interference is a national
problem, affecting six million
children. Such interference may be acute or
may represent chronic disorders, such
as Parental Alienation Syndrome and
Divorce Related Malicious Mother
Syndrome. In certain cases, visitation
interference is accompanied by vicious
behaviors toward the noncustodial
parent, including violence and
violations of law. The present paper
describes the problem of child
visitation interference, associated clinical
syndromes, and attributes of the legal
system that perpetuate the problem.
Absence of scientific research
devalues psychological input to the
courtroom. It is hoped that the
present paper will contribute to the
development of a body of scientific
literature in this area.
In recent years, the divorce rate has
been similar to the rate of new
marriages. Approximately one million
divorces occur each year in the United
States alone. The children involved in
marital dissolution are commonly
acknowledged as a vulnerable group
(Hetherington & Arasteh, 1988). As
parents often fight over custody and
visitation, the demands placed on
these children increase significantly.
To aid in the decision regarding
custody and visitation, each state has
developed guidelines for legal
proceedings. Generally, these guidelines
reflect the best interest of the child
principle (Keane, 1990). It is
assumed that frequent visitation with
the noncustodial parent is an
important right to both parent and
offspring (Hodges, 1991). The
overwhelming majority of custodial
parents are female.
Unfortunately, the desire for ongoing and liberal visitation
between child
and nonresidential parent has
frequently not kept pace with actual
practices. The Children's Rights
Council (1994) estimates that six million
children in the United States have
their visitation interfered with by the
custodial parents. Two surveys support
the range of this problem. Arditti
(1992) reports that approximately 50%
of divorced fathers relate that their
ex-wife has interfered with visitation with their offspring.
Similarly,
approximately 40% of custodial mothers
admit denying their ex-husband
visitation in order to punish him
(Kressel, 1985). In some cases,
visitation interference has been
associated with malicious unlawful acts
against the father of such children
(Turkat, in press). On rare occasions,
a parent may actually kidnap the
child.
The problem of child visitation
interference has yet to be adequately
addressed in the national media.
Relatedly, there is an absence of research
on the nature of child visitation
interference, its etiology, or treatment.
The purpose of the present paper is to
raise awareness of the child
visitation interference problem among
psychologists. The first part of this
article will describe some of the
common types of child visitation
interference situations that exist.
The second part of the manuscript will
discuss associated difficulties in handling this problem in the
legal
system.
TYPES OF
VISITATION INTERFERENCE
Before discussing specific types of
visitation interference, it is
important first to describe
"noninterference." Here, a child's patents
divorce but the child is not estranged
from either parent. The residential
parent (typically the mother)
encourages the child and the nonresidential
parent to interact frequently and to
be fully involved in each other's
lives. The noninterference situation
usually involves joint custody, which
functionally results in joint
decision-making by the parents in regard to
their offspring. The child visits
frequently with the nonresidential
parent, speaks on the phone with the
parent whenever needed or desired, and
enjoys the benefit of that parent's
involvement in school, extracurricular,
religious, and other activities. State
laws, reflecting the best interest
of the child principle envision the
noninterference situation in divorce
involving children.
Unfortunately, it is becoming
increasingly apparent that millions of
children and parents are suffering
from the problem of child visitation
interference. From the clinical and
legal literature, there appear to be at
least three types of situations
related to child visitation interference:
(1) acute interference; (2) Parental
Alienation Syndrome (Gardner, 1987);
and (3) Divorce Related Malicious
Mother Syndrome (Turkat in press).
ACUTE INTERFERENCE
The custodial parent who engages in
acute interference has no systematic or
devious plan for ongoing disruption of
the relationship between child and
nonresidential parent. Rather, the
custodial parent intermittently or
transiently denies visitation either
through direct action (e.g., informing
the nonresidential parent that his or
her visitation is being denied) or
passively (e.g., the nonresidential
parent arrives to meet with his or her
child and neither the custodial parent
or the child are at home). Such
instances of child visitation
interference are typically associated with
anger at the nonresidential parent for
some matter (e.g. lack of payment of
child support), poor advice by a
friend, or other reasons (e.g. abusive
behavior by the father toward the
custodial mother -- see Shepard, 1992).
PARENTAL
ALIENATION SYNDROME
In certain cases, child visitation
interference is a direct result of a
custodial parent suffering from a
Parental Alienation Syndrome (Gardner,
1987, 1989). Here, the custodial
parent engages in a variety of direct and
indirect methods designed to alienate
the child from his or her
nonresidential parent. The result is
that the child becomes preoccupied
with unjustified criticism and hatred
of the nonresidential parent.
Gardner (1989) has outlined four
factors that he believes contributes to
the development of Parental Alienation
Syndrome. These include: (1)
brainwashing, (2) subtle and
unconscious parental programming, (3) factors
arising within the child, and (4)
situational factors.
Gardner (1989) uses the term
brainwashing to refer to "...conscious acts of
programming the child against the
other parent" (p. 233). Examples include
accusing the father of being an
"adulterer" and "abandoner." Typically, the
father is unjustifiably accused of
providing too little money, sometimes to
the point that the mother misleads her
children to believe that terrible
things will happen to them. When the
father leaves the home, the mother may
make statements such as, "your
father has abandoned us," to teach the child
that the rejection extends not only to
the mother but to the offspring.
Minor negative attributes of the
father are exaggerated greatly. For
example, the father who occasionally has an afterdinner drink is
described
as an alcoholic. Sarcastic comments
are common, including statements to the
child such as, "your wonderful
generous father is finally going to spend a
few dollars and take you to the movies!"
More subtle attempts to program the
child against the nonresidential parent
include comments such as, "there
are things I could say about your father
that would make your hair stand on
end, but I'm not the kind of person who
criticizes a parent to his
children" (Gardner, 1989, p. 239). Clearly,
statements such as this create much
negative emotion in the child. In
regard to visitation, the child in
such a home becomes astutely aware of
the mother's desire for the child to
hate the father. To gain her
acceptance, the child makes statements
suggesting uncertainty or lack of
desire to visit with the
nonresidential parent. The mother suffering from
Parental Alienation Syndrome may act
in a "neutral" manner by communicating
to the child that it is the child's
decision whether or not to visit with
the nonresidential parent. This
"neutrality maneuver" helps to further
alienate the father from his offspring
by passively discouraging
visitation; the child knows not to
express desire to visit the "hated"
parent.
Engendering guilt in the offspring is
another common maneuver. A child who
desires visitation with the father
might be told, "how can you leave your
poor old mother!" (Gardner, 1989,
p. 241).
In regard to factors arising within
the child, Gardner notes that the
child's predivorce psychological bond
with the residential parent is
typically stronger than that with the
nonresidential parent. Fearing
potential abandonment from the
residential parent, the child is more prone
to join the mother in the parental alienation attempt. Gardner also
believes that psychodynamic factors
such as reaction formation and oedipal
attributes sometimes are contributing
factors to the development of
alienation.
Finally, a variety of situational
factors contribute to the development of
the syndrome as well. For example, a
child who views a sibling being
punished for having expressed positive
feelings towards the father will
learn quickly not to express such
feelings openly. A child who observes the
mother verbally abuse the father may
declare emotional preference for the
mother for self-protection purposes.
Gardner notes that the Parental
Alienation Syndrome varies in degree from
case to case. While the overwhelming
majority of adult cases are female, he
believes that 90% of all custody
battles reveal some aspects of the
Parental Alienation
Syndrome.
DIVORCE RELATED MALICIOUS MOTHER SYNDROME
Some cases of chronic visitation
interference go beyond attempts at
alienating a child from a parent.
Turkat (in press) has reported on cases
where the divorcing wife has attempted
to get her divorcing or divorced
husband fired from work, investigated
for (falsely alleged) sexual abuse,
publicly ridiculed, or physically
harmed. From a variety of clinical and
legal cases, Turkat (in press) has
identified the Divorce related Malicious
Mother Syndrome. The specific criteria
for this disorder can be seen in
Figure 1.
The disorder is characterized by the
mother: (1) attempting to
unjustifiably punish her divorcing
husband; (2) interfering with the
father's visitation and access to the
child; and (3) engaging in a variety
of malicious acts towards the husband,
including lying and violations of
law.
Turkat (in press) provides some
dramatic examples of the kind of behavior
engaged in by individuals suffering
from Divorce Related Malicious Mother
Syndrome: burning down the house of
the ex-husband; falsely accusing the
father of sexual abuse; manipulating
mental health professionals to testify
in court that the divorcing husband is
in need of therapy (even when the
mental health professional has never
met the father); manipulating a
secretary at a school to participate
in kidnapping the child; informing her
offspring that their father is not
really their father; telling the
father's boss, at his work location,
that the father has abused his
children; breaking into the residence
of her divorcing husband and stealing
important papers; and one woman who
intentionally drove her car into the
house of her divorced husband.
Divorce Related Malicious Mother
Syndrome is a serious disorder. Turkat (in
press) has noted that such individuals
rarely see themselves as having a
problem, are adept at manipulating
others in the campaign against the
father, and are skilled fabricators.
The classification, etiology, and
treatment of such cases is unknown.
FIGURE 1. Diagnostic criteria
for Divorce Related Malicious Mother
Syndrome. (Adapted from Turkat, in
press, with permission of the publisher,
Plenum Publishing, New York.)
A mother who unjustifiably punishes
her divorcing or divorced husband by:
Attempting to alienate their mutual
child(ren) from the father
Involving others in malicious actions
against the father
Engaging in excessive litigation
The mother specifically attempts to
deny her child(ren):
Regular uninterrupted visitation with
the father
Uninhibited telephone access to the
father
Paternal participation in the child(ren)'s
school life and extracurricular
activities
The pattern is pervasive and includes
malicious acts towards the husband
including:
Lying to the children
Lying to others
Violations of law
The disorder is not specifically due
to another mental disorder although a
separate mental disorder may coexist.
VISITATION
INTERFERENCE AND THE JUDICIAL SYSTEM
The reader unfamiliar with divorce and
custody proceedings may be perplexed
as to why behaviors such as the ones
cited above are permitted.
Technically, they are not permitted.
However, from a practical perspective,
there is little that can be done to
prevent such actions.
The legal system has a variety of
attributes that unfortunately help to
perpetuate child visitation
interference by a parent who is dedicated to
such interference. For example, most
judges will demonstrate significant
patience and "bend over backwards" to allow each side
to adequately present
the case at it's own pace.
Unfortunately, the benefit of giving everyone
his/her "day in court" slows
the process considerably. Attorneys who wish
to stall, postpone, or delay hearings
have little difficulty doing so in
most cares. Often, these are
deliberate tactics utilized in a custody
battle. Thus, a parent who might be
charged with visitation interference
may not have to appear before the
judge on the issue for months after the
fact.
An additional complicating factor is
the expense. Attorney fees can run as
high as $300 per hour or more. Few
individuals can afford repeated
appearances in court as the bills
mount exorbitantly. This proves
especially straining to a family that
must now divide it's income and
assets into two separate households.
A further complicating factor is that
the court system can be powerfully
manipulated by a good liar (Snyder,
1986). Research shows that detection of
fabrication is generally poor (Ekman
& O'Sullivan, 1991), and this provides
an additional problem when it comes to
child visitation interference. For
example, a father who accuses the
other parent of interfering with
visitation may find that the other
parent not only denies such interference
but accuses the nonresidential parent
of not appearing at designated
visitation times. As there are
typically no witnesses, the court is left in
a quandary. Relatedly, a parent who
has continually interfered with
visitation may state in the courtroom
that he or she will comply with the
nonresidential parent's visitation request. Immediately
following the
hearing, the custodial parent returns
to the visitation interference
pattern, knowing that months may go by
before a return to court.
An additional difficulty is that there
is often a lack of potent
consequences for custodial parents who
engage in child visitation
interference. A mother who interferes
with visitation typically will be
warned by the judge that she will be
held in contempt of court.
Unfortunately, this does not really
amount to much more than merely
"slapping her wrists."
Rarely are custodial parents who interfere with
child visitation imprisoned, penalized
financially, or forced to lose
primary residential custody of the children. As such, many
parents who are
aware of the court's ineffectiveness
take full advantage. It should be
noted that the judicial system is well
aware of its own inadequacies in
this area (see the Commission on
Gender Bias in the Judicial System, 1992).
In recent years, the courts have
facilitated growth of mediation either by
mental health professionals or by
attorneys as an alternative to the
adversarial process of the courtroom.
Unfortunately, it only takes one
unreasonable or uncooperative parent
to sabotage the mediation effort. The
parent who utters words of cooperation
and then violates these words by
actions outside of the mediation room
frustrates the process.
Finally, when mental health experts
are asked to provide input to the court
on visitation matters, the absence of
sound scientific research findings
hampers the contributions that such
experts can make. Accordingly, judges
often receive widely varying opinions
which sometimes serves to depreciate
the value of mental health input in
the courtroom. At times, the mental
health "expert" is in fact,
incompetent (Turkat, 1993).
CONCLUSION
Each year millions of children are
denied visitation with their
nonresidential parent. Little is known
about the nature of such
interference, the causes of such
interference, or how to treat such
interference. Until this issue becomes
the focus of scientific research, it
would appear that psychologist input
into the courtroom is significantly
compromised. Given that millions of
individuals are suffering, it behooves
the profession to begin to address
this important and perplexing problem.
REFERENCES
Arditti, J. A. (1992). Factors
relating to custody, visitation, and child
support for divorced fathers: An
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and Remarriage, 17, 23-42.
Children's Rights Council. (1994).
Annual convention brochure. Washington,
DC: Author.
Commission on Gender Bias in the
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justice in the courts: A report to the
Supreme Court of Georgia. Georgia
State University Law Review, 8,
539-807.
Ekman. P, & O'Sullivan, M. (1991).
Who can catch a liar! American
Psychologist, 46, 913-920.
Gardner, R. A. (1987). The parental
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Gardner, R. A. (1989). Family
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Hetherington, E. M., & Arasteh, J.
D. (Eds.) (1988). Impact of divorce,
single parenting and step-parenting on
children. Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence
Erlbaum.
Hodges, W. F. (1991). Interventions
for children of divorce (2nd. ed.) New
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Keane, G. (1990). Florida divorce
handbook. Sarasota, FL: Pineapple Press.
Kressel, K. (1985). The process of
divorce. New York: Basic Books.
Shepard, N. (1992). Child-visiting and
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Snyder, S. (1986). Pseudologia
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Turkat, I. D. (1993). Questioning the
mental health expert's custody report
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Turkat, I. D. (in press). Divorce
Related Malicious Mother Syndrome.
Journal of Family Violence.
Correspondence should be addressed
to Ira Daniel Turkat, PhD, Florida
Institute of Psychology and
University of Florida College of Medicine,
1225
Avenida Del Circo, Venice, FL 34285.