Beware
the Bushfire
by Siddharta Varadarajan
ANY nation that has been the victim of such an unspeakable
crime as the killing of thousands of innocent people in New
York and Washington will find it difficult to resist the urge
to retaliate against suspects and their backers with overwhelming
force.
This is especially true for the United States, which is the
world's most powerful country and one whose mainland has been
immune to the depredations of terror and war.
Nevertheless, the Bush administration would do well to resist
the temptation to lash out. Tuesday's terrorist outrages call
for painstaking investigation in order to identify the individuals
or groups responsible so that they may be brought to justice.
Any use of force by the US will probably be illegal in international
law and counter-productive as well. America cannot buy security
for its own people by making life more insecure for people
elsewhere.
US airstrikes will invariably lead to the 'collateral' killing
of innocent civilians and provide more fuel to the already
incendiary mindset of those who have historically been victims
of US policies.
Far from stopping terrorist outrages, US airstrikes will
make future occurrences even more likely.
When the use of force in international politics has been
raised to the level of a cult by the US in the years since
the Cold War ended, it is inevitable that America's enemies
and victims around the world will adopt equally monstrous
methods.
The attack on the World Trade Center is a product of the
same diseased moral compass which allows the slow strangulation
of Iraq's civilian population through economic sanctions,
the destruction of Sudan's main pharmaceutical plant, the
killing of journalists in the deliberate bombing of Belgrade's
television station, or the continuing humiliation of the Palestinians.
Thanks to US insistence on sanctions remaining in place,
more than 500,000 Iraqis have been sent to an early grave,
most of them children. The official Iraqi reaction to Tuesday's
carnage was appallingly callous; but no more so than Madeleine
Albright's ghastly declaration that the death of half a million
Iraqi children ''is a price worth paying''.
In the past, Washington has used force against those it considered
responsible for acts of terrorism but none of its actions
brought the US greater security.
In 1986, the Reagan administration sent bombers to blast
an area around the residence of Libyan leader Muammar Gaddhafi
in retaliation for the bombing of a Berlin discotheque in
which two American soldiers died.
Scores of innocent people, including Gaddhafi's infant daughter,
were killed but Washington has still been unable to prove
the complicity of the Libyan government in the Berlin bombing.
If that bombing was meant to serve as a 'deterrent', it was,
by Washington's own reckoning, a spectacular failure since,
according to the US, Libyan agents later planted a bomb on
PanAm 103 which exploded over Lockerbie in Scotland.
In 1998, the Clinton administration fired cruise missiles
at a medicine factory in Khartoum, Sudan, and a suspected
training camp of Osama bin Laden at Khost in Afghanistan.
The attack was in retaliation for the bombing of its embassies
in Kenya and Tanzania. The US claimed the Sudanese factory
was a chemical weapons plant but blocked an attempt by the
UN to investigate the veracity of this charge.
The owner of that factory is now suing the US in a Washington
court for millions of dollars. As for the former CIA operative,
Osama, the Khost attack did nothing to blunt his enmity or
capacity to hit back.
Earlier this year, militants believed to be linked to the
Saudi millionaire blew a huge hole in USS Cole, a US warship
anchored off Aden. And now, if initial leads by US investigators
prove correct, Osama's men have delivered their most catastrophic
and brutal blow yet.
Even as they mourn the thousands who died in New York and
Washington, the American people must resolve to force their
government never to undertake military operations which violate
international law and place innocent civilians at risk.
Rather than seeking to build an international coalition against
'terrorism' in order to try and eliminate the problem though
the use of force, the US must confront the historical legacy
of its flawed policies towards West Asia and other parts of
the world.
US support for repressive regimes like Israel and Saudi Arabia,
its interventions in Lebanon and Afghanistan, and its use
of sanctions as a weapon of mass destruction against the people
of Iraq have caused so much death and suffering that irrationality
has become an integral part of the region's politics. As the
grievances pile up in combustible layers, fanatics have no
difficulty in finding and motivating others to do the unthinkable.
In the territories occupied by Israel, for example, young
Palestinians are prepared to blow themselves up just so that
they can kill one Israeli in the process. No cruise missile
or world coalition can ever provide protection from such a
perverse and self-destructive sense of victimhood.
Only the implementation of UN Security Council resolutions
and the chance for Palestinians to live in dignity can help.
Full statehood for the Palestinians and the dismantling of
Israeli settlements in the West Bank and Gaza will do more
to take the wind out of Osama's sails than the bombing of
Kabul, Kandahar or Khost.
Since several hundred Indian nationals are thought to have
been killed in the attack on the World Trade Center, India
is very much an interested party.
But instead of counselling the Bush administration that it
is embarking on a foolish and dangerous path which can only
make the world's peoples more insecure, the Vajpayee government
has indicated that it will offer the US military facilities
for the 'war' against international terrorism.
Of course, the government is being driven primarily by its
desire to use Washington against Islamabad but what this will
also do is to make the US even more of a player in South Asia
than it already is.
Those desirous of an alliance between India and the US may
ask whether that is necessarily a bad thing. What they should
realise is that America has its interests and will stick to
them.
'Global' coalitions are summoned only when those interests
are endangered. Helping India to develop, feel secure or combat
terrorism do not figure anywhere in Mr Bush's list of priorities.
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