Notes from 'Politics and Society and Contemporary Africa' by Naomi Chazan et al

Chapter 11 - Inter African Relations (pages 361-416)

African has lots of states (30% of the world's, despite only 10% of the population, and 20% of the world's landmass)
"an intriguing mosaic of states whose relations are complex and diverse" (p.361)

inter-African relations appear follow general models for international relations, as well as some unique features

"one striking feature of inter-African politics has been the attempt to manage African diplomacy on a continental scale" (p.361)
- principally the idea of pan-Africanism and the Organisation of African Unity

"The attempt to construct solidarity at the continental level is not a sentimental illusion but a reasoned response to Africa's dependent position in the global economic system. African leaders are conscious of the utility of co-operation" (p.361)

OAU, however, is founded on the principle of respecting national sovereignty, non-interference

Key Arguments:

1)  "continental cleavages have sometimes exacerbated local frictions" as well as "local conflicts and regional disputes...[escalating] into continental-scale issues" (p.362)
2) heterogeneity of states as a source of rivalry 
3) foreign policy is important because of dependence

Egypt, Libya, Ghana, Algeria, Nigeria, Ethiopia have pursued active/ambitious objectives, others mainly focusing on regional issues

Scarce resources force African governments to focus on continental diplomacy has served to intensify inter-African relations

Discussion of Africa in terms of 3 broad groupings Saharan, Central, Southern

5 post-independence periods of inter-African relations:

1960-63 "turbulent phase of multiple rivalries", competing power blocs (p.363)
1963-70 Formation of the OAU (in May 1963), while it was "nominally acknowledged", there was still "considerable jockeying to define the direction of the continental system”
1970-75 an “upsurge of a spirit of solidarity and militancy”  - “strong identification with OPEC and a widespread break of diplomatic ties with Israel” (p.364)
1975/6 – late 80s conflicts
post-cold war “rash of internal breakdowns and the need for all African states to adjust to the new global distribution of power” (p.364)

Saharan Region

Vast, sparsely populated, notably for Algeria and Libya being unusually active in foreign
Algeria – involved in inter-African politics long before independence, wanted third-world support for its own independence
- devoted attention to 'pan-African' forums,
- outraged at lack of UN support for Lumumba in the Congo, yet failed to organised OAU intervention
- involved subsequently in a variety of disputes involving both Afro-Marxist and other states

Libya – became involved in foreign policy when the monarchy was overthrown in 1969 – most foreign policy initially concerned links with the Arab world
- also involved in Chad and Niger; which Libya considered part it its sphere of influence
- anti-Zionistic; supported Idi Amin after he expelled Israeli advisors

Nigeria – as a populous, oil-rich state, it “was slow to assume the role that its power resources appeared to hold out to it” (p.370)
- at first timid, it later sought to establish an 'economic hinterland' in West Africa
- led ECOWAS as an attempt to limit the influence of the “French neo-colonial influence” (p.371)
- post 1975/9 (under Mohammed/Obassanjo) attempts were made to expand this structure of influence
- wanted to assume leadership role in both Western & Southern theatres (partly for national prestige/global credibility)

Egypt- Under Nasser was anti-Western, supported Lumumba, but has since become much less active
- Nasser was for a time rivalling Nkrumah for leadership of the continent

Nkrumah – associated with “ambitious pan-African diplomacy” (p.374)
- his reputation was damaged by the Congo crisis – it was clear that his ambitions were beyond his means
- subversively attempted to undermine opposing state

The French speaking states were significant allies

Morocco – wanted to reclaim pre-colonial territory of Mauritania – bucking trend of acknowledging borders as legitimate

The Western Sahara was also a source of dispute:
- “the struggle over this arid and inhospitable stretch of land…has greatly intensified the network of interconnections across the northern third of the continent” (p.378)
- involved the OAU, the key issue being  self-determination

Morocco opposed the OAU's recommendation of a referendum, in response Morocco called in favours from allies to block decision making in the OAU
- this dispute continentalized African-issues because of OAU obligations and how it related to global alignments – West aligned states backed Morocco and the more radical ones supported the breakaway Polaris Front

Ethiopia is an indigenous imperial state, from which Eritrea achieved independence in 1993

summary: "the vast trans-Saharan region with its activist states and unresolved conflicts has been a major theatre of international relations" (p.387)

Central Africa

 - with the exception of Uganda, the states which encircle the Congo have all been influenced by 'la francophonie'

"Congo has had a turbulent post-independence period that has polarized the rest of Africa" (p.388)

Mobutu's defeat in Angola, where the Congolese army was involved in a civil war, on the same side as South African and CIA forces, was humiliating, as were Angolan insurrections in 1977 and 1978
- the French encouraged Morocco to support Mobutu, with troops - the Congo reciprocated this by supporting Morocco over the Western Saharan issue in the OAU

"Despite the fact that the disputes in the northern tier had caused major division within the OAU, there remained a broad consensus that the organisation was needed" (p.391)

The Central African Republic - "a grim case of external dependency and internal misrule" (p.392)

"Only two states across Central Africa have had relatively successful development experiences, but neither has mounted a very active inter-African politics"(p.392)- Cameroon and Kenya 

Cameroon - modest oil revenues, good agricultural policies, low international relations profile

Kenya - relatively rich - capitalist economic policies cause some degree of conflict with Tanzania/Uganda
- Somalia also claimed ownership of the northern part of the country
- aside from Somalia, Kenya maintained a cautious policy, concentrating on regional economic ties
- in crisis, however, Kenya turned to the US for support, a key example of the "most striking attitude of Central Africa...[which was to] rest to external supporters" (p.394)

As Central African nations "are relatively weak states, the external environment impinges on them in substantial ways" (p.394)

Southern Africa

Tanzania and Zambia were both significantly involved in the liberation movements of the southern states
- various nations had different policies in dealing with minority ruled South Africa

Tanzania is notably for its almost exclusively southern orientation in foreign policy - a maverick in the OAU, defying the principle of sovereignty by intervening in Uganda

Kaunda (of Zambia) and Nyerere (of Tanzania) had close relations, and similar ideals, but dissimilar tactics

Zambia wanted the UK to intervene in Zimbabwe, post-UDI, but when it didn't happen, tactics switched to guerrilla warfare

The Angolan civil war had similar effect on African politics as previous crises - exposing radical/moderate division

South Africa is a dominant power in region, and has been active externally

WANING COLD-WAR ERA:

"The end of decolonisation and minority rule as mobilization issues and the emergence of Mandela's South Africa as a legitimate actor in the continental system transformed the landscape of inter-African politics" (p.407)

"The civil war in Liberia divided ECOWAS, but it did not divide the entire continent as Congo and Angola had done"
- a "sign of the decline of bipolar competition in Africa" (p.408)

POST COLD-WAR POLITICS 

- collapse of Liberia, Somalia
- internal strife in Rwanda, Burundi, Sudan, Congo, Algeria, Nigeria

Somalia - Siad Barne's military regime was based on external resources, and when these were cut off, the state descended into virtual anarchy, defying attempts at regional, US, UN, NGO attempts at resolution

Rwanda would previously have been considered an internal matter - now vocal condemnation from across the continent; similarly Liberia

CONCLUSION: "A mix of competition and consensus" (p.414)

OAU not unified, but consistent agreement on the need for collaboration for common problems

OAU - failed to deal with major problems, but it "has successfully mediated some of the lesser disputes, and it has articulated a common position to the external world on apartheid and economic development issues" (p.415), as well as serving "to keep the lines of communication open" (p.415)