Summary of Congo-Paris - Transnational Traders on the Margins of the Law

	Primarily a work of anthropology, this book also makes use of political and sociological analysis to study trade, identity and class struggle with a small group of individuals living, working of passing through Paris. The subjects of the text are the eponymous 'transnational traders' who operate in various European cities, particularly Paris, who originate from the two Central African nations Congo-Brazzaville and the Democratic Republic of Congo. The authors interviewed 20 of these traders in Paris and used their life-histories as a starting point examination of various issues.

	A central issue discussed in the book is the 'second economy'. The term used deliberately avoids placing emphasis on the legality or illegality of the subjects' activities, as they see the distinction between the two categories as being dynamic, fluid and a product of the decisions and interests of the powerful in society. They argue that the 'second economy' is worthy of study because thus far "very little is known about such trade" (p.172) and that it highly significant, particularly as a response "to a situation of chronic repression and violence and the disintegration of social and economic institutions" (p.7). The authors assert that trade occurring outside, or on the margins of, official boundaries is evidence the oppressed in societies do not passively accept their fate but engineer creative and often ingenious solutions to situations which often seem hopeless.

	Another key theme of this text is the concept of identity construction and ostentatious consumption of consumer goods, particularly clothes, by the traders. Many of these traders identify themselves as members of 'le Sape', a group who spend large amounts of money on 'designer label' clothes. MacGaffey & Bazenguissa-Ganga also interpret this as a response to societal circumstances in the following way; they identify that although the traders may, through ingenuity, luck and skill, be able to "find extraordinary opportunities to acquire wealth...but may rapidly lose it again. In other words, the prosperity of a trader over any given period is subject to any number of external influences over which the individual has no control, for example, a change in immigration law might make one previously lucrative trading route impassable. MacGaffey & Bazenguissa-Ganga therefore interpret apparently ostentatious and reckless consumption as a response to uncertainty; if money cannot guarantee security, then it should be used for personal pleasure and self-expression.

	Through identity construction, MacGaffey & Bazenguissa-Ganga argue, the traders offer another response to the circumstances in which they live their lives. Victims of racial harrassment and discrimination in Paris and (sometimes violent) oppression from 'above' in their own countries, the traders adopt what is labelled by the authors as an "oppositional, counter-hegomonic culture". This culture takes the form of idealizing some aspects of Western culture, such as the designer clothes, but resisting and subvert other cultural and economic norms. In this way, the refusal to adopt a Calvinistic, steady approach to trade and personal expenditure can be intrepted as a form of resistance.

	At this point, it is worth desribing exactly how MacGaffey & Bazenguissa-Ganga explain the particular form of resistance offered by the traders. They acknowledge that the traders have what Marx would desribe as a 'class conciousness', in so much as they realize their status as oppressed, but deny that they co-operate to directly oppose the powerful expoiters. Instead, drawing from the work of James C. Scott, they argue that the refusal to participate in the formal economy of the states, and avoidance of legal frameworks such as taxation and immigration control, they are opposing the states, in a non-violent but creative way. Their non-cooperation, MacGaffey & Bazenguissa-Ganga, can be successful in reducing the level of control the states have over their lives, and can liberate them, at least to an extent, in terms of allow them grerater levels of self-determination and expression.

	Other issues which MacGaffey & Bazenguissa-Ganga give significance involve the importance of personal ties in organising the trade networks. The assert that although the traders do not consititute a firmly structured network, as is the case in Islamic West African networks, they do have pathways and trajectories of trade which can persist over time. The authors emphasise the importance of social strata such as ethnicity, kinship, friendship, relgion and nationality in creating and sustaining successful trading partnerships. They argue that outside official trade, there are no legal sanctions for those who break agreements of trade. In this environment, the traders are forced to seek other means of securing their transactions, and thus rely on the bonds between the social strata decribed above to gurantee themselves against fraud and other abuse. This personalisation of trade, they argue, is another key feature in understanding the lives of the subjects.