PRISMS CAN FOCUS, but only if you have more than one
4 Feb 1995
In "Democracy is the final victim of a cynical and adversarial
press" (STWE, 14 Jan), Mr Koo Tsai Kee argues that journalists and
writers who prescribe alternative "political agendas constantly" must
enter the political arena; otherwise they, unlike politicians, "cannot be
held responsible for the consequences of their words". He also implies
that a "free" press will not necessarily ensure that the truth is told.
Mr Koo unfortunately leaves the key term "political agenda"
ambiguous. This is non-trivial, for if "agenda" means "action plan",
then it is unclear how commentary, even the occasional acerbic article,
could possibly be construed as prescribing a political manifesto.
It is far from being the case that writers are unaccountable. As
Mr Christopher Lingle and Professor Bilveer Singh recently found out
to their chagrin, writers can, and have been, called upon to defend the
veracity of their work. Free speech does not entail the right to publish
libelous material; and victims of slander always have recourse to legal
action. This being a sufficient check, there is no justification for prior
restraint on the press without a "clear and present danger" to Singapore.
Mr Koo believes that Singapore journalism rates higher than
American journalism. This may indeed be the case; in the absence of
data, it remains speculative. Mr Koo paints a stark dichotomy of a
"cynical and adversarial" press and (presumably) a "responsible" one.
This is misleading; there are many positions between the polar
opposites of sycophancy and contempt. Now that we have emerged
from the unsettled Independence years, it is arguable that the Singapore
press ought to move further towards balanced scepticism. In this
respect, it is encouraging to note that Singapore journalists have also
recognised the importance of a high degree of credibility.
Mr Koo disparages the First Amendment of the Bill of Rights
of the United States Constitution, calling it "ignominiously born" and,
rather wittily, a "right to be wrong". The shades of James Madison and
Thomas Jefferson are summoned as witnesses. However, examples
plucked from history are, as always, problematic.
For example, it is surely salient that, as President, Jefferson
often felt that he was the target of seditious libel by the press. His
objectivity regarding the press is therefore suspect, particularly while he
was President, as he was at the time he voiced the opinion quoted by
Mr Koo. To Jefferson's great credit, he chose to prosecute his attackers
in court instead of trying to impose prior restraint.
It is odd that Mr Koo, as a Member of Parliament, derides
Madison's "U-Turn", and cites it as proof of the "ignominious" birth of
the First Amendment. What is the first duty of a parliamentarian, if not
to reflect the wishes of his constituents? Here I differ from Edmund
Burke, who reportedly once told his ward: "I could hardly lead you, if I
have to serve you too" (quoted in Koo Tsai Kee, "PAP Govt is popular,
but is not populist, Straits Times, 6 Sep 94). But, surely, it is far better
to be inconsistent, and right, than to be consistent, but wrong. James
Madison was right.
Was Jefferson fooled by his faith in the press as purveyors of
truth? Maybe so, but Madison knew precisely what a free press
entailed:
"That this liberty [of the press] is often carried to excess; that it has
sometimes degenerated into licentiousness, is seen and lamented, but
the remedy has not yet been discovered. Perhaps it is an evil
inseparable from the good with which it is allied; perhaps it is a shoot
which cannot be stripped from the stalk without wounding vitally the
plant from which it is torn."
Madison's faith was justified during the Nixon Administration. Would
the Watergate scandal or the Pentagon Papers have been published if
there had not been a free press in America? And if Madison, for all his
ingenuity and intellect, failed to solve the dilemma of ensuring lasting
good government without a free press, what then of us with our "lesser
minds"?
The point is not to sing a paean to the American media, which,
admittedly, has committed many excesses of liberty. However, a
"cynical and adversarial" American media is as much a caricature as a
"sycophantic" Straits Times. Like any caricature, it ignores the positive
aspects: investigative journalism; persistent probing; and asking tough
questions, etc. I believe the Singapore press can adopt those positive
aspects and resist the temptation to slide into gutter journalism.
Finally, to extend Mr Koo's optical metaphor: a single prism
distorts, true; but multiple prisms create the possibility of enhancing the
image and sharpening our view. There is a lesson here, and it is not just
a science lesson.
END
_David M. O'Brien, Constitutional Law and Politics, Vol.2, Civil Rights and Civil Liberties (1991), 343
_Annals of Congress: First Congress, 1798-1791, Vol. 1 (1834), 453, quoted in O'Brien, 341, emphasis in original.
Updated on 9 July 1996 by Tan Chong Kee.
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