1798 and Newport

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by Joe Mc Dermott

 

Almost a hundred years of peace and progress followed the wars of the seventeenth century. Ireland seemed to be at peace. The old Gaelic order appeared to wither away in the face of war and colonisation. The eighteenth century saw the emergence of a new aristocracy to replace that which had been reduced to emigration or peasantry.

The enactment of the "Penal Laws" as they are referred to, ensured the subjugation of the general body of Catholic clergy, though it must not be forgotten that other dissenters such as The Society of Friends (Quakers) and the Presbyterians also suffered under penal legislation.

By the end of the century changes were afoot, and relationships between Church and state much improved; for instance 1795 saw the enactment of legislation to create St. Patrick's College, Maynooth. Both government and church saw the possibility of radical French ideas invading the country through a continentally priesthood, neither side wanted this. Newport had not existed in 1700. Its emergence as a trading centre and the focal point of the great Meddlicotte estate had been achieved by the efforts of one James Moore a highly successful land agent for the Meddlicotte landlords.

His demise led to a decision to sell the estate and at this juncture the O'Donnell family were sufficiently powerful land holders and traders within the estate, to purchase it. They had prepared the way by joining the Church of Ireland in 1765 and fulfilling the necessary sacramental test. The O'Donels of Burrishoole where an emergent branch of the once mighty Gaelic Lords of Tir Conail who had migrated to West Mayo and with patience and endeavour re-established the family fortunes. There is some speculation as to how they acquired sufficient wealth to purchase the Meddlicotte estate, smuggling has been suggested by some and lots of evidence will need to be examined to determine if this is so.

It is into this background of a consolidating O'Donnell landlordship, a trading port town, a growing populous hinterland and nationally an emergent United Irish movement and the beginnings of the internecine religions conflict, that Newport's involvement in the 1798 conflict was to fit.

In attempting to determine the role of Newport and Newport people in the conflict (on whatever side they chose to ally themselves) the following sources are the ones to be examined.

The rebellion papers:

These are a series of papers which emanated from all parts of the country and are directed to the government administration in Dublin Castle. They are an invaluable source for a history of the rebellion but of course they reflect essentially the official view of events and tell little of the rebels story except what one can deduce from them.

Here and there in the official and private papers of individuals are eyewitness accounts to the events of that year, some of these are on record in the various national repositories and some of them reflect the rebels views of the rebellion. There may still be other accounts in private papers in private hands which have yet to be published or made available to scholarly research.

There are also newspaper accounts contained in papers such as the Freeman's Journal, the Hibernian Journal and Faulkners Dublin Journal and they may be consulted in the National Library of Ireland.

A number of diaries exist for the period, Bishop Stocks account is probably the best known and General Sir John Moore's account within the context of his biography is another military account. French diaries such as ??? and presumed last copy of Henry O'Kane's account were relevant to the rebel cause. Other accounts may exist for Irish rebels who escaped and made their way to France. Some of these people are known to have kept records such as Austin O'Malley of Burrishoole. The Rev. Little of Lacken also kept a diary. The proceedings of a court-martial held at Castlebar on charges made by Reverend John Benton, Protestant chaplain, South Mayo militia involving the O'Donels and their accusers (they were accused of being soft if not actual complicity in the case of the rebellion in Mayo) is extant and provides some clues as to what actually occurred.

Finally in a society where in the nineteenth century the folk culture of the peasantry ensured the survival of fragments of information, stories of involvement in the rebellion were available until this the twentieth century. Richard Hayes in his Last Invasion of Ireland alluded to this and uses information thus acquired to reconstruct part of his account of the revolt. This account reflects the rebel view of events. So it is possible to reconstruct a scenario which sheds light on the involvement of Newport men and women in the 1798 rebellion. Working with those sources alluded to above the following story emerges.

Was the United Irish moment well organised or organised at all in County Mayo. The evidence to suggest they where is slim enough. Here and there in the rebellion papers one gets glimpses of a possible organisational drive in the 1790's. For instance James Moore O'Donnell writes to Dublin Castle to Secretary Cook.

Sir,

In consequence of having received positive information that some men from the North had themselves to reveal some persons of this town [Newport] and neighbourhood to assist and become United Irishmen. I endeavoured to apprehend them and all who had been concerned...

this letter is dated May 21st 1797 and names the northerners who were recruiting as Lennon who were claimed to be pedlars from Newry together with a Robert McDonnell and a men named Duffy, a dealer, all from the North. Michael Kilcoine, a tailor, is the Newport man named in the letter, he swears that he is loyal and refused to be sworn into the United Irishmen, one learns that the action took place in Larmoniers pub.

As a result of the Battle of the Diamond and an ongoing state of unrest in Ulster many Catholic families had fled south and as many as two thousand persons were resettled in County Mayo. Some of these where undoubtedly settled on the O'Donnell estate and some perhaps had United Irish sympathies, in this way the Northern recruiters may have been invited to visit the town.

The other Newport men that can be traced to the rebellion through the rebellion papers and other sources are as follows:

Peter Gibbons, Newport, a leading merchant referred to in 620/7/76/7 and proclaimed a rebel.

Austin Gibbons of Newport, brother to Peter Gibbons and referred to in 620/14/189/1.

In the first case above the proclamation is printed and the following persons are also named, they are noted to be still at large and are:"excluded from the grace and pardon aforesaid"

£500 was offered for McDonnell one of the insurgent leaders and £200 for each of the others. £100 was offered for information leading to their arrest.

By 1805 one learns that many of these men are still at large "Austin Gibbons lives in the neighbourhood of Newport". McDonald and Prendergast are concealed by tenantry in the Martin estate in Connemara. The priest is "a man much looked up to by the disaffected". A Mrs Donohue is accused of harbouring Austin Gibbons.

As late as April 1805 in a letter to Dublin Castle, Austin O'Malley is reported to have returned to the Newport area. This O'Malley attained the rank of Colonel and was a second son to Owen O'Malley of Burrishoole. According to other sources reported in Richard Hayes book the Last Invasion of Ireland, Colonel Austin and his brother Jack as well as Patrick Coyne and others unnamed had immediately formed with Humbert in August of 1798.

Austin O'Malley and Patrick Coyne had escaped Ballinamuck and made their way to France on a yacht, stolen from Denis Bingham of the Mullet. It is not clear if Joseph O'Malley escaped or was hanged at Ballinamuck.

James MacDonald of Newport appears in a letter of October 28 1803 signed by Dennis Brown "this man (McDonnell of Newport) was condemned to be hanged at Ballina for treason escaped from confinement the night before - was lately taken in Erris by Major Bingham.

This letter to Dublin Castle further suggests transportation to Botany Bay or military service abroad for McDonnells. A further letter from Stoneyford near Lisburn dated October 1799 to the Dublin Castle written by a Mr Alymer names "the priest Canning of Newport" as well as many of those already mentioned above.

Folk memory has strongly preserved the same John McLaughlin of Tiernaur as one of the local leaders in the revolt. According to Hayes he was accompanied by his three sons one of whom had been expelled from Trinity College. Richard Hayes asserts that McLoughlin arrived in Killala with 250 men from Newport. Who those Newport men were or if indeed there were actually 250 is difficult to determine. Certainly the growing population of the area could well have subscribed such numbers to the revolt.

Priests played a large part in the revolt of 1798 an much has been written elsewhere about these men. One of the men who accompanied Humbert, the French Commander to Ireland was father Henry O'Kane who acted as a translator for the French, he was said to have come from the North Mayo area and might have been instrumental in advising Humbert to land at Killala and not to proceed across Donegal Bay to Killybegs as was originally planned.

Father Conroy of Lahardane advised the French on their route via the Windy Gap to Castlebar. He later paid with his life for his republican convictions, it is interesting to note that like many priests of his time his education was in France, in Nantes. Like Father Manus Sweeney he could speak fluent French and undoubtedly was sympathetic to the cause of republicanism, after all it was only in 1795 that provision was made for the seminary training of priests in Ireland at St Patricks in Maynooth, before this young Irish seminarians went to the continent for training, to France, Belgium and Spain and of course Rome itself.

The French Commander dispatched a Captain Boudet to Newport on 28 August 1798, the day after the capture of Castlebar. It was important that another sea port be held for the French forces and Newport was strategically positioned on the North East corner of Clew Bay and undoubtedly the Newport men now with the French/Irish forces had made a case for Newport's importance to the republican cause.

There was no engagement of forces at Newport, James Moore O'Donel and his loyal yeomanry had already evacuated. His father Sir Neal the first baronet had also departed for Athlone.

Captain Boudet met with Father Manus Sweeney who, like Father Conroy of Lahardane spoke excellent French. Undoubtedly this meeting and its consequences were to mean court-martial and a death sentence for the young priest.

When Humbert left Castlebar, the O'Donels returned to Newport and retook the town again with little by way of fighting. However, Sweeney now noted as a rebel was taken and held. The Reverend Josiah Hern agreed to detain a now injured Manus Sweeney and subsequently allowed him to "escape". Sweeney met with Captain Boudet and now decided to throw in his lot with the rebel forces. After the defeat at Ballinamuck and the subsequent hunt for rebels Father Sweeney was captured on Achill Island, returned and tried in Castlebar accused of being involved in the rebellion, levying money for the French and being an active rebel leader. Father Sweeney was executed in Newport in June of 1799 and buried in the Dominican Abbey at Burrishoole, revered as patriot priest and as Dr Mulloy's account of his life proposes "a moral leader".

The final document that gives clues as to who those Newport rebels might have been is the "Proceedings of a Courtmartial", held at Castlebar, beginning Monday 1st December 1800 and ending with the Lord Lieutenant's opinion and decision handed down from Dublin Castle 24th January 1841.

This is the locally famous trial of James Moore and Connel O'Donnell on charges brought by Dr, the Reverend, John Benton, Protestant chaplain to the South Mayo Militia. He alleges that the O'Donel family at the very least where neutral in the rebellion, if not actually conspiring to await the outcome and then take sides. The allegations and the court proceedings are not the subject matter for discussion here. Rather are the people named by Benton as rebels. He is supported in varying degrees by local Newport members of the Orange order and by the half-hearted statements of Dr Ellison of Castlebar. James Moore O'Donnell in his own and his family's defence states, "Dr Benton, whom I am justified in comparing to a roaring lion seeking whom he may devour". "We did not in the hour of victory, turn bloodhounds and urge the indiscriminate and general punishment of the ignorant, deluded and I will say deserted peasantry. We fought for the ringleaders, and we endeavoured to restore confidence and tranquillity by giving full effect to the proclamations and humane intentions of the Marquis Cornwallis." The Lord Lieutenant found in favour of the O'Donnell family and the matter closed or so it appeared. Within a year James Moore O'Donnell was dead, shot in a duel, with Dennis Bingham of Erris who opposed the O'Donels in the above court case, if not in person, then in spirit and now in deed.

From the document one may speculate that the following persons who lived in or about Newport may have been rebels, at heart, if not actual United Irishmen. The force of Dr Benton's allegations and the counter-arguments of James Moore O'Donnell will not allow other than speculation except where corroborative evidence exists elsewhere. Dr Benton in the course of his written allegations and stated evidence before the court names the following;

Benton goes on to make the general statement "That the tenants of Sir Neal O'Donel or the chief part of them were remarkably active in the rebellion".

Anthony Wilkes, a local Orangeman giving evidence to support Benton names others "Hugh ODonel, a Newport yeoman mounted a rebel guard at Newport and was armed with a yeoman carbine". "Hugh Maguire, Peter Duffy, Dennis Maguire yeomen of Derrylohan are also named by Wilkes. They were bound to the King's peace from July 1799, for varying sums up to £100.

The Reverend Josiah Hern, who may have colluded in father Manus Sweeney's brief escape, names Peter and Henry McLaughlin and Joseph O'Malley (these were alluded to earlier in this paper) he cannot name others whom he knew only by sight. Dr Ellison of Castlebar names Stephen Davis of Newport a yeoman witness in favour of Peter Gibbons (a rebel).

John Irwin, a loyalist when pressed to name such inhabitants of Newport as he knew were concerned in the rebellion (stated) "That it would endless work for that every Papist in the town was implicated more or less".

The court-martial failed to find in favour of Dr Benton. Where does that leave those accused of rebellion? Probably in balance they were sympathisers if not actually active United Irishmen. Some of them have appeared in other sources. Joseph O'Malley may well be the brother of Austin of Burrishoole referred to elsewhere as Jack. The McLaughlins of Tiernaur may be related to those McLaughlins cited by Reverend Hern.

It is unfortunate that probably the great majority of those from the Newport area who were involved in the 1798 rebellion in Mayo will never be named. Such is the sparcity of written data that their names could only be speculated upon. The great population boom was well under way by 1798 and undoubtedly many young men of Newport were among those never to return from Ballinamuck.

A Note on the sources : 620/ is the designation given to a collection of papers in the National archives, which are collectively referred to as the rebellion papers. The are essentially from country sources to Dublin Castle over the years before and after the 1798 rebellion.

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