Religion and Social Organization

Religiously the Newars can be classified as both Hindu and Buddhist. The major cults are Vajrayana Buddhism and Tantric Hinduism.[46] The former is referred to as Buddhamarga , the latter as Sivamarga. Both creeds have been established since antiquity in the valley.[47] Both Buddhamargi and Sivamargi Newars are Tantricists, i.e., one believes that the union of male and female powers moves the universe. In this regard the cult of the mother Goddesses and their consorts, the Bhairavas, is particularly important. These cults are ritually characterized by the reversal of the values of orthodox Hinduism and Buddhism. In both, sexual abstinence, vegetarianism, non-violence, and teetotaling are imperative, whereas the Tantricist may copulate, eat meat, sacrifice animals, and consume fermented and distilled drinks ritually.[48] Tantricism is sometimes referred to as vamacara tantra, i.e., “left-handed” practices.(Slusser 1982:214)

The most important shrines in the valley are Svayambhunath (Buddhist) and Pashupatinath (Hindu). Different castes worship different deities at different occasions and more or less intensively. Only the higher echelons in the caste system claim to be exclusively Buddhist or Hindu. The Vajracharyas, Buddhist priests, will adamantly maintain that they are Buddhists, and so will the Bare and the Uray, whereas, the Deobrahman, the Jha, and the Shrestha caste will maintain that they are Hindus. However, if one goes deeper into this issue in a conversation, one will find that the distinction between the two groups is largely artificial. Hindu and Buddhist alike always worship Ganesh first in every ritual. Indeed, every locality has its local Ganesh ( Ganesh Than).[49] In addition, several of the valley’s most important mother Goddesses that are Hindu Tantric are attended by the Buddhist Gubhaju priests. Hence, the distinction is, in my opinion, rather an issue of identity in relation to other castes.[50] The differences between the two margas are smaller than their similarities.[51] Both groups worship the same deities, speak the same language, and have similar social organizations. Indeed, they are both part of the same society.[52]

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Further down in the caste hierarchy no distinction is made between Buddhists and Hindus. For instance, in Sunakothi, where I conducted my field work, the main priest, who officiates at all life cycle rituals, is the Buddhist Gubhaju.[53] The village also has a number of Buddhistic shrines (one chaitya was erected in 1983) and several religious societies ( guthis) devoted to the worship of Buddha. However, this does not prevent the villagers from also employing Brahmans who receive grain annually as payment for the performance of various other rites. If the villagers were asked, they generally asserted that they were Hindu. At the same time they did not hide the fact that they thought I was asking a silly or irrelevant question. To them the distinction seemed to lack meaning. If I pressed them for an answer, they would sometimes say that all Gods are the same, or that Buddha is an avatar of the Hindu God Vishnu.[54] Furthermore, the most important deity in the religious life of the village is Bala-Kumari, a virgin Goddess, who, in spite of her alleged virginity, is regarded as the “mother” of the village. According to Allen’s priestly informants, the virgin Devi “...represents pure and untouched creativity, not because she is the negation of sensuality and maternity. She is the pure unruptured vessel who nevertheless contains within herself the full potential of creative motherhood.”(Allen l975:60) The Kumari cult is also prominent in Kathmandu and Patan, where Kumari is represented by a prepubescent girl (the famed “living Goddess”) of Sakya caste.[55]

Other important deities are Karunamaya, the deity who ensures that the Nagas (serpents) give rain, and the Astha Matrika, the eight mother Goddesses. There is also a plethora of deities of the crossroads, spirits, and ghosts. This category includes supernatural beings which are peculiar to each neighbourhood. Most important are the Ajimas who dwell at the crossroads. The Ajimas are the grandmother Goddesses and are regarded as the keepers of municipal records. Hence, they are propitiated with offerings both at the birth and the death of any member of the community. In some instances these supernatural beings may be survivals of chtonian deities inherited from an unknown past, though others are hovering ghosts of those who have recently died in accidents. These spiritual beings are often propitiated when someone falls ill.

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In religious terms one can easily detect that many of the elements of the Newar social structure correspond to religious and devotional levels or categories. Indeed, this can be extended to the bulk of Nepalese Hindus, who all worship Pashupati. Certain deities are worshipped by all Newars: Karunamaya who is the lord of rainfall; the Astha Matrika, the eight mother Goddesses; Kumari, the deity of pure female energy; and the Bhairavas, the frightening Gods of movement, unruliness, and alcohol. Single castes are rarely associated to certain deities, but groups of castes are, e.g., the Buddhists (and the Pradhan Hindu aristocrats of Bhagvan Bahal in Kathmandu ) worship Bhimasen, the Pandava-brother, as a patron saint. Localities ( tole) also have their own deities. There is invariably a Ganesh Than, which is worshipped at life cycle rituals; new brides are taken to it to be introduced. There may also be particular cults tied to the locality, e.g., the Nardevi cult of Nardevi tole and the Bala-Kumari cult of Sunakothi. Within the castes there are subgroups which worship different deities. The higher castes have a type of secret God known as Agamdyo, and the cult acts of its worship are kept absolutely secret. One may also have Digudyo (lineage Gods), which are propitiated once a year by the assembled members of the patrilineage. On the household level the household’s private Gods are generally found. These commonly include Lakshmi, the Goddess of wealth, or in her place, Bhimsen, and an assortment of other Gods.

Often special societies, guthis (See chapter VIII), which hold land, have been instituted to worship particular Gods. These are invariably of a local nature. Then, participation in parts of the rites is restricted to the members of the guthi, while other parts may be public.

Religion is highly significant in Newari society. Most Newars seem to be performing ritual acts every day, and most festivities have overt religious elements. Indeed, it was difficult for my Newari friends and informants to even imagine atheism. The religious acts vary from the observance of rituals which last several days to minor ritual acts, such as, folding the palms every time one passes a certain deity, circumambulating the local Ganesh temple clanging a bell set up for the purpose, or always offering the first morsel of a meal (or beer or spirits) to God. Newari rituals are very complex and are supported by “more than 1.500 titles which codify rituals and rites, including the rites du passage.”(Malla 1982:15) Unfortunately, most are in classical Newari and (thus) not accessible to the layman. Nevertheless, daily life is saturated by ritual. Indeed, Malla describes the ritualization of Newari society as “[t]he Newar addiction to codification on the one hand and to rituals on another.”(Ibid., emphasis mine) Here it is noteworthy that Newari religion, as exercised by the layman, places little emphasis on belief in religious dogma (often people cannot explain why certain ritual acts are performed) but great emphasis on physical acts. Religion to the Newar is not the confession of a certain creed but rather a way of life which involves both belief and the observance of various ritual acts and rules (e.g., caste endogamy) which may be highly varied. Indeed, according to Toffin, religion and ritual are so closely related to society that “[p]our avoir une existence légitime, une unité sociale doit avoir une function rituelle.”(1978a:130) The religious pluralism is extreme to the extent that even the same image of a God may be taken to be different Gods by different persons or groups. Thus, the favourite God of the Newar farmers, the rain bestowing Karunamaya, is worshipped by people of all castes and walks of life also as Bunga Deya, “Padmapani Lokesvara, Matsyendranath, Visnu, Siva, Sakti, Bhaskara, Brahma each according to his devotion.”(Locke 1980:452)

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[46] There are several other cults in the valley. The Parbatya castes practice their form of Hinduism in which Pashupati plays a central role, too. There are also other cults, various schools of Tibetan Buddhism, and different types of shamans (Jhankri). However, there is no open religious strife between the adherents of different religions. On the contrary they often worship the same Gods, except for the Muslims, who, however, constitute such a small group that, one can say, it lacks significance for the larger Nepalese society. Indeed, in the old legal code, the Muluki Ain, they were ranked as a caste among those from whom one does not accept water.

[47] The Kiratas, who were the forefathers of the present Newars, worshipped Pashupati, one of the most important Gods in modern Hinduism. They also worshipped Bhairavas. Both Pashupati and Bhairav represent different aspects of Siva, one of the most important Gods in Hinduism, and one who is thought to be much older than the later forms of Hinduism which have largely developed subsequent to the “Aryan” invasions of the subcontinent during the dominance of the Brahmans. It is generally agreed among scholars that the Siva-cult and many other religious features of the sub-continent were there before the “Aryan” invasions which led to the formation of Hinduism as we know it. The argument is that these ancient cults were so popular and deeply ingrained that the Brahmans, and other politically and religiously significant groups, had no choice but to accept the integration of these cults into the religion and society of the sub-continent.

[48] Although, indeed, ritual copulation is supposed to occur in certain rites, one should not get the impression that Newari society and religion is orgiastic. On the contrary, such rituals are held absolutely secretly. Indeed, I have lived in Newari society for years, and I have never heard of such rituals actually being performed. The persons who possess such information will be restricted to the participants, who maintain absolute secrecy.

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[49] In Hindu mythology Ganesh is the son of Siva. His main attributes are his elephant head, his pot belly, and a rat upon which he rides. Ganesh is known to be clever and fond of sweets. Among the Newars he is regarded as the protector of the locality, and he is particularly worshipped on Tuesdays.

[50] This accords with Barth’s (1970) relational analysis of ethnic identity.

[51] The Hindus are referred to as Sivamargi and the Buddhists as Buddhamargi. Marg is from the Sanskrit and means path; thus, the terms refer to the followers of the path of Siva and the followers of the path of Buddha.

[52] The problem of the “casteism” of Newar Buddhist priests and other practices which contradict the tenets of original Buddhism have been discussed by Greenwold (1974a and 1974b).

[53] The Varjcharya priest is referred to in common parlance as “Gubhaju” or “Guruju.” The latter is the respectful form of address.

[54] Avatar is a Hindu concept which refers to the appearance a God may have taken in Hindu mythology. The important Hindu God Vishnu has had, according to popular mythology and, indeed, the scriptures, ten forms, each of which are referred to as an avatar.

[55] Theoretically, there are two distinct Goddesses Bala-Kumari and Bala-Kaumari. Then, Bala-Kaumari would be a virgin form of Kaumari, the spouse of Kumar, whereas Bala-Kumari would be a virgin form of Durga.(Slusser 1982:334 and 336) However, in Sunakothi no distinction is made between Bala-Kumari and Bala-Kaumari. In any case, to the villagers Bala-Kumari represents virginal female energy, though she is also regarded as a mother.