The Newar people are the indigenous inhabitants of the valley of Kathmandu. They are the people seen in the greatest numbers in the capital city, and they are found in great numbers in every market town and village in the outlying districts, the hills and the Terai. They are small shopkeepers, big businessmen, importers, exporters, farmers, craftsmen and so on. Among them you will find artisans and caste groups ranging from the lowest to the highest, from sweeper to priest, both Buddhist and Hindu. They are a unique and interesting people, and one of the oldest known groups in Nepal.

Many scholars, foreign and Nepali, have studied the Newars, and much has been published concerning them. The term Newar itself was derived from the name of the country, or vice versa. When we refer to Nepal in association with just the Newar people we usually mean only the Nepal Valley, Kathmandu Valley.

At present the term ‘Newar’ describes a fairly complex group of people. It is not really fair to discuss them under just one title, as has been done with every other group in these pages, but for brevity and uniformity Newars must be treated as one subject here. After all, theirs is a cultural entity, although it is not one single ethnic group in the sense that Gurungs, Magars, or Tamangs are for example. In fact, the Newars were a ‘nation’ apart, until they merged into the larger Nepal formed during the eighteenth century by a large and powerful group that came from outside Kathmandu Valley. These later arrivals, the Shahs of Gorkha and other Chhetris and Brahmans, dominated the valley in short order and set about to unify the country politically, while the Newars underwent a significant process of change.

top

Today the term ‘Newar’ embraces people of both Mongoloid and Mediterranean physical types who speak both Nepali, an Indo-Aryan language, and Newari, a Tibeto-Burman language which includes some half a dozen dialects.

Because of the complexities in the composition of Newar society, scholars in the past have developed various interesting theories about their origins. The Newari language, although greatly influenced by Sanskrit, is still distinctly a Tibeto-Burman tongue. Although it uses Devanagri script today, it does have its own script as well. Sylvain Levi put forward the theory that Newars migrated to Nepal from “regions north of the Himalayas”.
Some other scholars suggest that the Newars may have originated in South India, with ties or distinct similarities to a Hindu community on the Malabar Coast called the Nair, or Nayar. This theory was probably based on the mere phonetic similarity of terms that describe them and one or two other coincidences of customs. Not believing either of these theories complete. Christoph von Furer-Haimendorf draws his own conclusion that “the bulk of the Newar people had been settled in the Nepal Valley since prehistoric times.”
Regmi, however, speculates that the early Newars may have an ancestry connected with both the Kiranti and the Lichhavis, one-time rulers of the Nepal Valley.

During the course of history a considerable amount of cultural influence has been exerted on the Newar culture by various immigrant groups. These immigrants were ultimately absorbed into the Newar community. Of all the people who migrated to the Nepal Valley, the Malla Kshatriyas of India were the most distinctive. The beginning of Newar civilization is estimated to be around the 6th century B.C. when the Kiratas, Kolliyas, Salmaliyas, Sakyas, Lichhavis and Shresthis combined to form the earliest known group of the Nepal Valley. The Mallas ruled from the thirteenth to the eighteenth century, when they were finally replaced by the Shah Kings. The Mallas brought with them the influence of a Hindu socio-religious base. To an otherwise noncaste country they introduced the caste system after the fashion of the Indian Hindu caste hierarchy followed by the Indian immigrants to Nepal.

top

Today, the bulk of the Newar population is concentrated inside the valley in the large cities of Kathmandu, Patan, Bhadgaun, Kirtipur and half a dozen smaller towns. In addition, a fair number of Newars have settled in villages and markets outside Kathmandu Valley during the course of the last two centuries.

The Newars total nearly 400,000 people, of which fifty-five percent live in Kathmandu Valley. The rest are spread almost equally through the eastern and western hills and adjacent Terai plains. In their movement away from the Valley some Newars, unlike other of Nepal, have made and an exception to an otherwise general rule of migrating eastward; they have settled in the western towns of Pokhara, Tansen, and Butwal, and even in the far western Silgarhi Doti. The differences in migration trends reflect specialization of professions. Newars have always traveled for trade and business, while all other groups, Thakalis excepted, migrate in search of land for farming or for other employment. There have been very few Newars living in these outlying districts who have taken to agriculture as their sole occupation, whereas in Kathmandu Valley great numbers of Newars are strictly farmers.

Newar housetypes in the outlying districts are basically the same as in Kathmandu Valley. Houses are built closely together and line the cobbled streets and alleys. The standard house has several storeys, many and large framed doors and windows, and often a verandah overlooking the street below. Roofs are almost always of tile or slate, with only the few very poorest Newars in the villages using thatch roofing. Elaborately carved wooden doors and windows are the mark of Newar aristocracy.

top

Subdivisions within Newar society are at the same time unique and involved. One’s religion is either Hindu or Buddhist or even both; and furthermore, one belongs to a particular subgroup which is ranked in order by the rules of the caste hierarchy.

Scholars believe that the Newars were predominantly Buddhist in the early period. Later, Brahman immigrants form India brought Hinduism with them. From the thirteenth century onwards political power came into the hands of the Malla Kings, high caste Hindus, concurrently with the gradual degeneration of Buddhism, which in time incorporated the rigid caste formula. However, the two religious groups have never antagonized each other to any obvious extent; only mutual integration has taken place.

The Gubhajus are traditionally Buddhist priests, but a majority of them work as masons, carpenters, wood carvers, ivory workers, painters, goldsmiths, silver-smiths, brass smiths and bronze smiths. The Bare caste, second in ritual status among Buddhist Newars, are also artisans. These Gubhaju, Bare, and other Newar artisans developed unique architectural monuments, various domestic arts and an urban civilization, a heritage which con-temporary Nepal is proud to claim. The Uray and Shrestha – of either religious group are traditionally businessmen and shopkeepers. In the ritual areas of Kathmandu Valley and throughout the hill districts many shresthas have settled as farmers. In the markets and cities they worked as civil servants or in other professions.

Within the Shrestha community there are three hierarchically ranked groups which describe themselves as chhathare, panch-thare, and char-thare, literally ‘six’-, ‘five’-, and ‘four’-grade Shresthas. The chha-thare are the highest class among them and in fact consider themselves above almost all Newars. They do not call themselves ‘Shrestha’, but use their family names, for example, Pradhan, Malla, Pradhananga, Munshi, Joshi, Rajbhandari, and so on. Some people believe that chha-thare is not the correct word to describe them. The term appears to be a corruption of the Nepali word Chhetri which immediately brings to mind another element of status classification. The chha-thare Shresthas do follow many traditions very similar to those of the Chhetris. Char-thare is the term used slightingly to describe the new entrants from the lower castes.

Uray and Udas are general merchants or craftsmen in various specialized fields.

top

Jyapus are the farmers of the community, whose grain and vegetable produce is seen in the market places. They use an hoe for field work and never use bullocks as is most generally done in the hill and Terai regions. For carrying loads they use a yoke balanced across the shoulders, slung with two baskets. Jyapus also run domestic errands for wages for other caste people, but culturally and religiously they are interdependent with the Gubhaju, Bare, adn Uray. Kumales are almost exclusively potters by trade.

The following groups, briefly, are the skilled laborer castes who work to make the Newar community run smoothly: the Chhipa are color dyers; Saymi run the oil presses; Kau are blacksmiths; Pun are painters and printers; Mali work as gardeners and florists and also play an important role in the ritual life of the temples by performing as the masked and costumed dancers in ritual performances; Nau are barbers and nail cutters, but they leave cutting the toe nails of anyone beneath the Jyapu caste to the Nay caste of butchers. Duhin are poor agricultural laborers, often called upon to porter loads as well, and are also masked performers in religious dances. Bha have the specific role of pipers during funeral processions. Pore are the keepers of the temples of Tantric deities in addition to being sweepers. Kulu, Pore, Chame and Halahulu are considered the lowest to the Newar caste hierarchy.

First among Hindus are the priestly Deo Brahmans. The Bhatta Misra and Jha Brahman act as temple priests, recite religious texts, and take roles as lawyers, pleaders, and advocates. The Misra and Jha Brahmin were 'adopted' into the Newar community several centuries ago after migrating up form India, but they still maintain contact with their original community in Tirhut in Bihar State. Therefore the Misra and Jha are referred to as "Tirhute Brahman." Other Newars do not consider them Newar. The Deo Brahmans migrated from India to Nepal Valley independently of the Brahmans discussed in the previous chapter. Today there is absolutely no social intercourse at caste levels between the two groups although many are living in close proximity in urban Kathmandu, Patan and Bhadgaun.

top

The Shrestha Hindus have virtually the same standing ritually and economically as their Buddhist counterparts. But because of the greater political power of the Hindu aristocracy from the time of Malla Kings through to the Rana days, the Hindus have enjoyed more prestige and social recognition. Therefore, there was an incentive to many Buddhist Newars to turn to Hindu ways.

The low caste Jogis are tailors and play musical instruments on special occasions, notably at the weddings of those caste people listed above them.

Marriage customs among Newars are as interesting and often as involved as their social-religious organization.

Marriage is as a rule patrilocal and monogamous. The parents traditionally arrange marriages for their sons and daughters, although modernization of Nepali society, the number of young people choose their own partners is increasing. Marriage by elopement is more commonly practised by the Newars partners must belong to different descent group lineages within the same caste living outside of the large urban areas. The marriage group, among the Shresthas, since they are divided into the three grades discussed earlier, one's marriage partner must be from the same grade as well. Buddhist Newars living in a baha, a residential quadrangle around a central court with Buddhist shrines and temples, consider themselves to be of common descent, and intermarriage therein is a taboo. In some areas the rule of 'seven generations' of descent is also observed; members who fall within the common descent group of seven generations are restricted from intermarriage.

Many Newars- especially Buddhist Newars- do not consider marriage as a particularly sacred or unbreakable union or relationship. It is looked upon from a matter of fact point of view. Divorce is not subject to much criticism. But Hindu Newars tend to follow the attitudes of Brahmans and Chhetris and avoid divorce.

top

A majority of Newars observe the symbolically arranged marriage of their daughters with a bel fruit before they ever marry a man. The bel fruit marriage is done when the girl is seven to nine years old, or before she attains puberty; and since it is the general belief of Hindu and Buddhist Newar communities that a proper marriage with full rites can be held only once in a lifetime, her subsequent marriages, if any, are considered of only secondary importance. Although a Newar girl marries a boy later on with almost the full ritual, the girl retains her marital status with the bel fruit. So a woman can, if she wishes, break her marriage with her husband by giving the gift of areca nuts she received during the wedding back to him by putting those areca nuts beside the dead body of her husband in the event of his death. The wife, by this act, becomes free to enter into another marriage union and also escapes the obligation of mourning for the death of her husband.

The Newar marriage is completed after several stages of formalities. At first the father of the boy locates a girl whom he considers to be a suitable bride for his son. Then he appoints one of his relatives as a mediator to carry on the negotiations back and forth. Meanwhile, the horoscopes of both the boy and the girl are analyzed by an astrologer who determines whether the two will make a good match. Once it is agreed that the horoscopes are compatible, several presentations of small gifts of food, sweets, areca nuts and fruits are sent to the girl's parents by the boy's parents. The wedding ceremonies follow.

On the day before the marriage ceremony a pathi, or about one gallon, of milk with some molasses and cardamom is sent to the girl's home. This ceremony, called duradai, is a symbolical act of repayment to the girl's mother for suckling her. The following evening, the girl's parents give a feast to their relatives and friends. The invitees bring their gifts for the girl, usually brass and copper bowls and silver plates and spoons. The maternal uncle of the girl usually bring a goat. The mother gives her a box for keeping vermillion powder, and her father gives a bronze mirror.

On this same wedding evening a procession is organized at the house of the boy. The party consists mostly of male relatives and friends of the family, numbering a hundred or more depending upon the status of the family. After having been entertained with sweets, dried fruits, betel nuts and cigarettes, they leave for the girl's house preceded by a musical band. Except in a very few cases among the chh-thare Shresthas, the groom stays behind at his own house. The procession usually arrives at the girl's house between nine and ten o'clock at night. The members are entertained again with sweets and nuts, after which all but the groom's father and few close relatives return to their own houses. After midnight the girl is carried in a hammock (This is being replaced by cars in the urban areas) slung on a long pole to the house of a friend of the boy's father, who accompanies her. Some people take the bride directly to the groom's parents' house.

top

Early the next morning the bride is taken to the groom's house and welcomed at the gate by her mother-in-law. The bridegroom's mother bathes the bride's feet with holy water, gives her a key and takes her into the house. Inside, a priest completes the ritual, invoking and offering food to various deities. At the end, the bride distributes areca nuts to all members of the family including the groom. This day's ceremony is completed as the bride and groom eat riutal food from the same plate.

In the evening a big feast is provided to friends and relatives at which a son-in-law of the bridegroom's family serves curds, the bridegroom's mother serves wine, and the groom serves sweets.

The following day the bride is formally received into the family kitchen where they all eat boiled rice and other food. The day after that the bride is taken to the family deity where the family priest conducts a ceremony wherein the groom combs the hair of his bride, puts medicated oils in her hair and applies verimilion to her forehead. This evening the bride's father, accompanied by a few near relatives, comes to fetch her back to his house where she is offered fruit, nuts and liquor. The groom is invited to accompany her and on arriving there is offered sweets, nuts and the like. Following these simple observances of respect for the new marriage relationship between families, the groom returns home with his bride to make a home within his larger extended family.

The Newar woman in her husband's house has much more authority and freedom than her Brahman or Chhetri counterpart. She is readily accepted into the extended family group and adapts quickly to her new role in relation to the family and in particular to the husband.

top

Next