Mark Weber says: What is emerging is a new bi-polar world, with the
United States and Israel on one side, and the rest of the world on the
other. 

Alas, it is not exactly true: probably Mark did not know of Poland and a
few other countries who support Judaeo-American Empire. Probably he did
not hear of the nuclear submarines given to Israel by Germany. Maybe he
did not tune in to watch Sharon's reception in Paris. And for sure he
missed a new and dangerous initiative of Israel, as this country
proclaimed its supreme sovereignty over the entire world and abrogated
the right to judge Americans, Zulus and Russians for an offence given. I
refer to the Global Holocaust-deniers bill that passed in Knesset. If
other countries will not object, it means that Jewish supremacy is not a
wet dream but frightful reality. Weber and his people demonstrated
against Wiesenthal's Centre in LA - but it was before the new law. 

-------------------------------------------------------------------------


The Challenge of Jewish-Zionist Power in an Era of Global Struggle 

http://www.ihr.org/other/thechallenge.html 

An address by Mark Weber, director of the Institute for Historical
Review, delivered at an IHR meeting in New York City on July 16, 2005. 

During World War II, Henry Luce, the publisher of Time and Life
magazines, coined the term "The American Century" to refer to the
twentieth century. And in the years since then the term has been used
many times. In the decades since the end of World War II, the United
States has indeed been the world’s foremost military, economic and
financial power, and the most important cultural factor. 

But that title is not the only one that’s been given to that century. A
few months ago Princeton University Press issued a remarkable book by a
Jewish scholar, Yuri Slezkine, that explains why the Twentieth Century
is, or has been, the century of pre-eminent Jewish influence and power.
In fact, the book is entitled The Jewish Century. 

In that spirit, the prominent French Jewish writer Alain Finkielkraut
was moved to write in 1998, in an essay published in the prestigious
Paris daily Le Monde: "Ah, how sweet it is to be Jewish at the end of
this 20th century! We are no longer History’s accused, but its darlings.
The spirit of the times loves, honors, and defends us, watches over our
interests; it even needs our imprimatur. Journalists draw up ruthless
indictments against all that Europe still has in the way of Nazi
collaborators or those nostalgic for the Nazi era. Churches repent,
states do penance..." / 1 

But that was then, and this is now. There are good reasons to believe
that both American power and Jewish power have crested. The twentieth
century – what has been called "the American Century" and "the Jewish
century" – is passing, both literally and figuratively, into history. 

Although the US is still the world’s most important military and
economic factor, its relative military and economic power in the world
has been declining over the past 20-30 years, and will continue to
decline in the years ahead. In the Middle East, Israel is still the
foremost military power in the region. It is the only state in the area
with a nuclear arsenal, for example. All the same, Israel's stature in
the world, and – more generally – Jewish-Zionist power, are declining
from the high point of the 1980s and 1990s. 

Tony Judt, another Jewish writer, put it well in an essay published last
year in The Nation. He wrote: / 2 

"Following the invasion of Lebanon, and with gathering intensity since
the first intifada of the late 1980s, the public impression of Israel
has steadily darkened. Today it presents a ghastly image: a place where
sneering 18-year-olds with M-16s taunt helpless old men ("security
measures"); where bull-dozers regularly flatten whole apartment blocks
("rooting out terrorists"); where helicopters fire rockets into
residential streets ("targeted killings"); where subsidized settlers
frolic in grass-fringed swimming pools, oblivious of Arab children a few
meters away who fester and rot in the worst slums on the planet; and
where retired generals and Cabinet ministers speak openly of bottling up
the Palestinians "like drugged roaches in a bottle" (former Israeli
Chief of Staff Rafael Eytan) and cleansing the land of its Arab cancer
(former Housing Minister Effi Eitam). 

" Israel is utterly dependent on the United States for money, arms and
diplomatic support. One or two states share common enemies with Israel;
a handful of countries buy its weapons; a few others are its de facto
accomplices in ignoring international treaties and secretly
manufacturing nuclear weapons. But outside Washington, Israel has no
friends -- at the United Nations it cannot even count on the support of
America's staunchest allies. Despite the political and diplomatic
in-competence of the PLO [Palestine Liberation Organization]... ;
despite the manifest shortcomings of the Arab world at large... ;
despite Israel's own sophisticated efforts to publicize its case, the
Jewish state today is widely regarded as a -- the -- leading threat to
world peace. After thirty-seven years of military occupation, Israel has
gained nothing in security. It has lost everything in domestic civility
and international respectability, and it has forfeited the moral high
ground forever." 

What is emerging is a new bi-polar world, with the United States and
Israel on one side, and the rest of the world on the other. This new
alignment of forces, this shift in power relationships in the world, is
strikingly reflected in the United Nations, where, time and time again,
votes on issues in both the General Assembly and the Security Council
pit the United States and Israel on one side, and virtually the entire
rest of the world on the other. 

On October 21, 2003, for example, there was a vote in the UN General
Assembly on a resolution condemning Israel’s so-called "security
barrier," a grotesque thing, parts of it larger and more formidable than
the Berlin Wall, that Israel has built on occupied Palestinian
territory. Supporting the resolution were 144 countries, representing
nearly the entire world’s population. Twelve countries abstained. Just
four countries opposed the resolution. They were: Israel, the United
States, the Marshall Islands and Micronesia. The latter two member
states, small island countries in the Pacific ocean with a combined
population of 180,000, are utterly dependent on the US. And on December
9, 2003, the members of the UN General Assembly considered a resolution
re-affirming the principle of Palestinian sovereignty. It received the
backing of 142 states, including all the nations of Europe and South
America. In this case as well, just four countries voted against the
resolution: Israel, the US, the Marshall Islands and Micronesia. 

This reminds me of a story. A senior citizen whose brain didn’t work as
well or as quickly as it once did, was driving on the freeway when his
cell phone rang. He answered it, and heard his wife urgently warning
him, "Charles, I just heard on the news that there's a car going the
wrong way on the freeway. Please be careful!" Charles immediately
replied: "Honey, it's not just one car. It's hundreds of them!" 

Well, like Charles, President Bush and Israeli premier Aerial Sharon
insist that everyone else is recklessly going the wrong way. And as the
United States and Israel increasingly regard the rest of the world as
"out of step," most of humanity views the US and Israel with mounting
distrust, hostility and fear. 

United States support for Israel did not come about because Americans
are markedly more intelligent, humane or enlightened than, say,
Norwegians, Japanese or Irish. No, the US-Israel alliance is, rather, a
consequence, a result, of the Jewish-Zionist grip on American political
and cultural life. Awareness of this fact is growing everyone. And along
with that, ever more people understand the crucial factor behind the US
invasion of Iraq was concern for Israel and its interests. 

Jewish-Zionist plans to overthrow the Iraqi regime by force were already
in place well before George W. Bush became president. A group – a cabal
-- of high-level, pro-Israel "neoconservative" Jews in the Bush
administration -- including Paul Wolfowitz, Deputy Secretary of Defense;
Richard Perle of the Pentagon’s Defense Policy Board; David Wurmser in
the State Department; and Douglas Feith, the Pentagon’s Undersecretary
for Policy – played a decisive role in prodding the United States into
war in Iraq. / 3 

This is so widely understood by Washington insiders that US Senator
Ernest Hollings was moved last year to declare that Iraq was invaded, as
he put it, to "secure Israel," and that "everybody" – his word -- knows
it. Referring to the cowardly reluctance of his Congressional colleagues
to openly acknowledge this reality, Hollings said that "nobody is
willing to stand up and say what is going on." With few exceptions,
members of Congress uncritically support Israel and its policies due to
what Hollings called, "the pressures that we get politically." / 4 

In Britain, a veteran member of the House of Commons candidly declared
in May 2003 that pro-Israel Jews had taken control of America’s foreign
policy, and had succeeded in pushing the US and Britain into war in
Iraq. "A Jewish cabal have taken over the government in the United
States and formed an unholy alliance with fundamentalist Christians,"
said Tam Dalyell, a Labour party deputy known as "Father of the House"
because he is the longest-serving Member of Parliament. "There is far
too much Jewish influence in the United States," he added. / 5 

By supporting Israel and its policies, the United States betrays not
only its own national interests, but the principles it claims to embody
and defend. The truth is, that if the United States held Israel to the
same standards that it has applied to Iraq, Serbia, and other countries,
American bombers and missiles would be blasting Tel Aviv, and we’d be
putting Israeli prime minister Sharon behind bars for war crimes and
crimes against humanity. 

Americans have already paid a high price for the US alliance with
Israel. This includes tens of billions of dollars in economic and
military aid to the Jewish state, the cost of the Iraq war and
occupation, now more than $200 billion, and the deaths of more than
fifteen hundred Americans there. Directly and indirectly, America's
"special relationship" with Israel has also generated unprecedented
distrust, fear and loathing of the United States around the world. 

In the years to come, the cost of the US alliance with Israel is certain
to rise much more. As some Jewish leaders have openly acknowledged, the
Iraq war is merely part of a long-range effort to install
Israel-friendly regimes across the Middle East. Norman Podhoretz, a
prominent Jewish writer and an ardent supporter of Israel, has been for
years editor of Commentary, the influential Zionist monthly. In the
September 2002 issue he wrote: "The regimes that richly deserve to be
overthrown and replaced are not confined to the three singled-out
members of the axis of evil [Iraq, Iran, North Korea]. At a minimum, the
axis should extend to Syria and Lebanon and Libya, as well as ‘friends’
of America like the Saudi royal family and Egypt ’s Hosni Mubarak, along
with the Palestinian Authority, whether headed by Arafat or one of his
henchmen." / 6 

Now the world watches anxiously as the danger grows of war with Iran.
Israel has threatened to attack Iran if it builds a nuclear reactor, and
Iran has vowed to retaliate forcefully against any such assault. The US
could easily be drawn into such a conflict, which would be much more
destructive than the Iraq war. 

There are some who object to the power of the "Jewish lobby" because it
supports, or, rather, makes possible, Israel’s oppression of
Palestinians. Others object because they are un-happy with this or that
aspect of the lobby’s agenda. But to me this seems beside the point.
Apart from the harmful consequences of this or that particular policy
enforced by the Jewish lobby is the injustice and danger inherent in
permitting any distinct minority group or interest to wield immense,
disproportionate power and influence -- and especially in the country
that is the world’s foremost military, economic and financial power, and
most important cultural factor. Imagine the response, for example, if
Mormons, or evangelical Christians, or African-Americans, or the tobacco
companies, were to secure a grip on the American media and on America’s
political life comparable to that held by Jews. 

In reality, the Jewish hold on American life is far more dangerous than
one that, in theory, might be held by any of the other groups I’ve
mentioned. There are two main reasons for this: 

First, Jews in America have, manifestly, a staunch loyalty to a foreign
country, Israel, that since its founding in 1948 has been embroiled in
seemingly endless crises and conflicts with its neighbors, and which is
now an formidable military power with a large nuclear arsenal. 

Second, because of the distrustful and even adversarial way that Jews
view the rest of us. This latter remark may seem overstated, so I’ll try
to explain. 

It is not merely that such great power is wielded by a small minority
group, it’s that it is wielded by a group that, more than any other, has
a pronounced sense of separateness from the rest of humanity, and which,
accordingly, views its interests as quite distinct from those of
everyone else. This Us vs. Them attitude, this mindset that sees Jews as
distinct from, and superior to, the rest of humanity, is deeply rooted
in the Jewish psyche. 

It is laid out in the Hebrew scriptures, the Torah, or, as most
Christians call it, the Old Testament. / 7 In the book of Deuteronomy,
for example, we read: "For you are a people holy to the Lord your God.
The Lord your God has chosen you to be a people for his own possession,
out of all the peoples that are on the face of the earth." Jews or
Hebrews are also referred to as a People that Shall Dwell Alone, or, in
another translation, as "a people dwelling alone, and not reckoning
itself among the nations." In the book of Exodus, we read of the Jews as
a people "distinct... from all other people that are upon the face of
the earth." In another passage, we are told, God says to his chosen
people: "This day I will begin to put the dread and fear of you upon the
peoples that are under the whole heaven, who shall hear the report of
you and shall tremble and be in anguish because of you." 

The ancient Jewish sense of alienation from, and abiding distrust of,
non-Jews is also manifest in a remarkable essay published in April 2002
in the Forward, the prominent Jewish community weekly. Entitled "We’re
Right, the Whole World’s Wrong," it is written by Rabbi Dov Fischer, an
attorney and a member of the Jewish Community Relations Committee of the
Jewish Federation of Los Angeles. Rabbi Fischer is also national vice
president of the Zionist Organization of America. / 8 So this essay was
not written by an obscure or semi-literate scribbler, but rather by a
prominent Jewish community figure. And it did not appear in the some
marginal periodical, but rather in what is perhaps the most literate and
thoughtful Jewish weekly in America, and certainly one of the most
influential. 

In his essay, Rabbi Fischer tells readers: "If we Jews are anything, we
are a people of history. .... Our history provides the strength to know
that we can be right and the whole world wrong." He goes on: 

"We were right, and the whole world was wrong. The Crusades. The blood
libels and the Talmud burnings in England and France, leading those
nations to expel Jews for centuries. The Spanish and Portuguese
Inquisition. The ghettos and the Mortara case in Italy. Dreyfus in
France. Beilis in Russia and a century’s persecution of Soviet Jewry. 

"The Holocaust. Kurt Waldheim in Austria. Each time, Europe stood by
silently -- or actively participated in murdering us -- and we alone
were right, and the whole world was wrong. 

"Today, once again, we alone are right and the whole world is wrong. The
Arabs, the Russians, the Africans, the Vatican proffer their aggregated
insights into and accumulated knowledge of the ethics of massacre. And
the Europeans. Although we appreciate the half-century of West European
democracy more than we appreciated the prior millennia of European
brutality, we recognize who they are, what they have done -- and what’s
what. ... 

"We remember that the food they [Europeans] eat is grown from soil
fertilized by 2,000 years of Jewish blood they have sprinkled onto it.
Atavistic Jew-hatred lingers in the air into which the ashes rose from
the crematoria... 

"Yes, once again, we are right and the whole world is wrong. It doesn’t
change a thing, but after 25 centuries it’s nice to know." 

I can’t resist mentioning that some of the Rabbi’s remarks here are
stupefying distortions of history. To speak, as he does, for example, of
"a century’s persecution of Soviet Jewry" is a breathtaking falsehood.
For one thing, the entire Soviet period lasted 72 years, not 100. And
during at least some of that period, above all during the first ten
years of the Soviet era, Jews wielded tremendous, if not dominant power
in the Bolshevik regime. Or did Rabbi Fischer forget such figures as
Leon Trotsky, commander in chief of the young Soviet state’s Red Army,
Grigori Zinoviev, head of the Communist International, or Yakov
Sverdlov, the first Soviet president. / 9 

The Rabbi’s essay is noteworthy not so much for his distortions of fact,
as it is for what it reveals of the mentality of the man who wrote it,
and of the literate Jews who published and read it -- and for what it
says about our times. 

For example, Fischer pins blame for "the Holocaust" -- that is, for the
event that Jews routinely regard as the single most horrible crime in
history, collectively on non-Jewish humanity. This view, which has
gained wider acceptance in recent decades, represents a drastic
re-writing of history. During World War II itself, of course, Jews did
not dare say to non-Jewish Americans that they actually shared blame and
guilt with "the Nazis" for murdering innocent Jews in Europe. During the
war, Jews said just the opposite. 

During World War II, and for about some years after, the official story,
the "party line," if you will, was that responsibility and blame for the
horrors of the Nazi era lay with Hitler and his "Nazi henchmen." The
official story in those days was that most Europeans -- French,
Austrians, Poles, Hungarians, and so forth, and even most Germans – were
victims of the evil Nazis. In recent decades the circle of guilt -- the
list of perpetrators -- has grown steadily, so that not merely Hitler,
or "the Nazis," or "the Germans," but now the French, the Hungarians,
Poles, Ukrainians, the Vatican -- in short, all of Europe, indeed all
non-Jewish humanity -- is held to be collectively responsible for this
allegedly greatest of all human crimes. 

The most direct and obvious victims of Jewish-Zionist power are, of
course, the Palestinians who live under Israel’s harsh rule. But we
Americans are also victims. Through the Jewish-Zionist grip on the
media, and the organized Jewish-Zionist corruption of our political
system, we are pressured, seduced, cajoled, and deceived into propping
up the Jewish state, providing it with billions of dollars yearly and
state-of-the-art weaponry, and even sacrificing American lives. 

But it is also the truth that we Americans share some responsibility for
all this. We have allowed immense power, affecting every aspect of our
lives and our future, to be wielded by members of an ethnic-religious
minority group who view the American people as future enemies and
potential murderers. Put another way, Americans have permitted people
who regard them with profound distrust to play a major role in
determining how we live our lives, and in determining our future both as
individuals and as a nation. To permit such power to pass into the hands
of people who clearly do not have our best interests at heart -- indeed,
do not even trust us -- is, to put it mildly, irresponsible. 

I want to emphasize here that to deal candidly with the reality of
Jewish-Zionist power is not, as some may claim, "anti-Semitism" or
"hate." We do not wish harm to any individual, Jewish or not, because of
his or her ancestry, religion or background. At the same time, we should
not let smears or malicious accusations, no matter how vehemently
expressed, keep us from saying the truth, or doing what is right. 

One of the most important centers of Jewish-Zionist power is the Simon
Wiesenthal Center. Headquartered in Los Angeles, it reports a membership
of more than 300,000 and an annual income of $27 million, including $10
million in taxpayer funds. The Center and its head, Rabbi Marvin Hier,
wield considerable political power. According to the Los Angeles Times
Magazine, "Hier has accrued unprecedented clout in the Legislature, on
Capitol Hill, in the city's boardrooms and even in Hollywood." / 10 The
Center’s imposing "Museum of Tolerance" in West Los Angeles, which
presents a relentlessly Jewish-Zionist version of history, reportedly
draws 350,000 visitors yearly, including tens of thousands of school
children. 

Although it claims to promote "tolerance," the Center’s real agenda is a
narrowly Jewish-Zionist one. It is a staunch supporter of Israel and its
Jewish supremacist regime. It fervently defends Israel’s policies of
oppression, occupation, dispossession, and institutionalized
discrimination against non-Jews. The Center supports Israeli policies
that violate United Nations Security Council resolutions. It applauds
Israel’s "security fence," a hideous barrier that is part of a long-term
Zionist effort to seize land of non-Jews, and which the International
Court of Justice says is illegal. 

While the Center denounces violence and terrorism against Jews, it
sanctions Zionist terrorism. It has publicly honored two Israeli leaders
– Menachem Begin and Yitzhak Shamir – each of whom has a well-documented
record as a terrorist. 

The Center has a long record of reckless propaganda for war. For years
it had been pressing for an American attack against Iraq, backing its
warmongering with alarmist claims about the supposed danger posed by the
Baghdad regime. As long ago as November 1990, Rabbi Hier was telling
readers of a piece he wrote that appeared in Newsweek magazine: "I think
the United States should go in. Maybe not tomorrow, but very soon… Three
years from now, Iraq will have nuclear weapons." / 11 

In the Spring 1991 issue of its glossy magazine, Response, the Center
was claiming that Iraq was killing Iranian prisoners in German-built gas
chambers. The Center’s magazine went on to claim that German firms were
producing Zyklon B gas in Iraq, "the chemical used by the Germans to
murder millions of Jews during the Nazi Holocaust." Iranian prisoners of
war, the Center’s magazine said, were being killed with Zyklon B "in gas
chambers specially designed for the Iraqis by the German company Rhema
Labortechnik… An eyewitness reported the [Iraqi] gas chambers were tiled
to look like operating rooms, with a separated observation room for each
gas chamber with reinforced glass visibility." / 12 

Of course, these fantastic claims had no basis in reality. 

In a statement issued in October 2002, several months before the US
invasion of Iraq, the Wiesenthal Center insisted that war was necessary
because the Saddam Hussein regime had been "continuing to stockpile
weapons of mass destruction." Moreover, the Center went on to assert:
"For while there are other tyrants, Saddam alone stands as a menace to
world order and stability. While there are others who possess chemical
and biological weapons of mass destruction, only Saddam has shown an
eagerness to use them." / 13 

As the world now knows, these claims were not true. 

In the view of Dr. Frank Knopfelmacher, a prominent Australian Jewish
scholar, the Wiesenthal Center foments "ethnic hatred." Australia
government officials, he says, should have "banned the members of the
Simon Wiesenthal Center from entering Australia and should have deported
those who were here." / 14 

Through its Museum, its glossy magazine, Response, and other propaganda
materials, the Center relentlessly exploits painful memories of the
Holocaust and Jewish suffering during World War II to raise millions of
dollars annually. In a book entitled One, by One, by One, author Judith
Miller, the New York Times journalist who has been in the news a lot
lately, wrote: "The enormous success of the Simon Wiesenthal Center has
given new meaning to what was once a macabre in-house joke ... 'There is
no business like Shoah business'." / 15 ("Shoah" is the Hebrew term for
Holocaust.) 

A few years ago, the director of Israel's Yad Vashem Holocaust center
said: "Rabbi Hier and the Wiesenthal Center are, in my opinion, the most
extreme of those who utilize the Holocaust. The Jewish people does many
vulgar things, but the Wiesenthal Center [has] raised it to a complete
level: The optimum use of sensitive issues in order to raise money…" /
16 

The Wiesenthal Center has been a major player in what American Jewish
scholar Norman Finkelstein calls the "shakedown" campaign by Israel and
organized Jewry to extort billions of dollars from European countries
and corporations. Finkelstein, author of the bestselling study, The
Holocaust Industry, calls the Center "a gang of heartless and immoral
crooks, whose hallmark is that they will do anything for a dollar." / 17

At a time of belt-tightening by California and other states, with money
short for schools and highways, it is all the more outrageous that
millions of dollars in taxpayer funds go to support this wealthy bastion
of Jewish-Zionist power, and its bigoted, self-serving agenda. The
Wiesenthal Center deserves the scorn and contempt of every decent
person. 

And that’s why, on Friday, July 29, we’ll be rallying at the Wiesenthal
Center’s offices in Los Angeles to focus attention on the Center’s
record of lies in support of war, Zionist oppression and Jewish
supremacism, and to protest the giveaway of millions of dollars in
taxpayer funds to this bulwark of Jewish-Zionist power. 

* * * * 

A few of those who are here this evening have come, perhaps, out of
simple curiosity, or to meet others who are attending. But for most of
us, we are here this evening because we care. We care about what is
right and wrong. We care about what is true and not true. We care about
the past and, more importantly, we care about the future. We care about
the world we live in. We feel a sense of responsibility for the world
we’ve inherited, and for the world of the future. We want to make a
difference – to make this a better world – a world that, even beyond our
own lifetimes, is more just and right. 

Some of us may feel a special concern for the cause of peace, mindful of
the destruction, suffering, and death of war. Some may feel a special
concern for justice, perhaps especially for the people who have lived
for decades under Zionist occupation. Some of us may feel a special
concern for the welfare and future of his or her own culture, race or
nation, while others may feel a responsibility for the future of all
mankind. 

Regardless of the particular causes or principles that most move us,
that are closest to our hearts, no issue is of greater urgency than
breaking the Jewish-Zionist grip on American political, social and
cultural life. As long as this power remains entrenched, there will be
no end to the systematic Jewish distortion of history and current
affairs, the Jewish-Zionist domination of the US political system,
Zionist oppression of Palestinians, the bloody conflict between Jews and
non-Jews in the Middle East, and the Israeli threat to peace. 

Throughout history Jews have time and again wielded great power to
further group interests that are separate from, and often contrary to,
those of the non-Jewish populations among whom they live. This creates
an inherently unjust and unstable situation that, as history shows,
never endures. 

Now we are engaged in a great, global struggle -- in which two distinct
and irreconcilable sides confront each other. A struggle that pits a
self-assured and diabolical power that feels ordained to rule over
others, on one side, and all other nations and societies -- indeed,
humanity itself -- on the other. 

This struggle is not a new one. It is the latest enactment of a great
drama that has played itself out again and again, over centuries, and in
many different societies, cultures and historical eras. In the past this
drama has played itself out on a local, national, regional, or,
sometimes, continental stage. Today this is a global drama, and a global
clash. 

It is a struggle for the welfare and future not merely of the Middle
East, or of America, but a great historical battle for the soul and
future of humanity itself. A struggle that calls all of us here this
evening – and many more across the country and around the world – who
share a sense of responsibility for the future of humankind. 

Some of those here this evening have already done much. But so much more
still needs to be done. To expose and stand against this insidious power
is often difficult and disheartening work, but it is absolutely
necessary. During this momentous historical era, we pledge to carry on
in this struggle, for the sake not only of our own nation and heritage,
but for all humanity.
------------------------------------------------------------------------

Notes 

1. A. Finkielkraut, "Mgr Stepinac et les deux douleurs de l'Europe," Le
Monde , Oct. 7, 1998, p. 14. Quoted in: R. Faurisson, "Paying Tribute to
Jewish Power: `Ah, How Sweet It Is To Be Jewish…’," The Journal of
Historical Review, Nov.-Dec. 1998, pp. 11-12. Posted at:
http://www.ihr.org/jhr/v17/v17n6p11_Faurisson.html 

2. Tony Judt, "Rootless Cosmopolitan," The Nation, July 19-26, 2004, p.
34. 

http://www.thenation.com/doc.mhtml?i=20040719&c=6&s=judt 

3. M. Weber, " Iraq : A War for Israel." Posted at:
http://www.ihr.org/leaflets/iraqwar.shtml 

4. M. Weber, "'Iraq was Invaded to Secure Israel,' Says Senator
Hollings, and 'Everybody Knows It'," July 16, 2004.
http://www.ihr.org/news/040716_hollings.shtml 

5. F. Nelson, "Anger Over Dalyell's 'Jewish Cabal' Slur," The Scotsman
(Edinburgh), May 5, 2003; M. White, "Dalyell Steps Up Attack On Levy,"
The Guardian (London), May 6, 2003. Quoted in: M. Weber, " Iraq : A War
for Israel." (cited above). 

6. N. Podhoretz, "In Praise of the Bush Doctrine," Commentary, Sept.
2002. Posted, for example, at:
http://www.ourjerusalem.com/opinion/story/opinion20020904a.html 

7. The four biblical quotations here are from Deuteronomy 7: 6, Numbers
23: 9, Exodus 33: 16, and Deuteronomy 2: 25. See also: Deuteronomy 6:
10-11, 14: 2, 23: 10-20, 33: 29, Genesis 27: 28-29, Isaiah 60: 10-14,
61: 5-6, Joshua 24: 13, Psalms 2: 8. 

8. Dov Fischer, "We’re Right, the Whole World’s Wrong," Forward (New
York), April 19, 2002, p 11.
http://www.forward.com/issues/2002/02.04.19/oped3.html 

9. See: M. Weber, "The Jewish Role in the Bolshevik Revolution and
Russia's Early Soviet Regime," The Journal of Historical Review,
Jan.-Feb. 1994. Posted at:
http://www.ihr.org/jhr/v14/v14n1p-4_Weber.html 

10. "The Unorthodox Rabbi," Los Angeles Times Magazine, July 15, 1990,
p. 9. 

11. Marvin Hier, "Crisis in the Gulf," Newsweek, Nov. 26. 1990.
Facsimile in Christian News, Nov. 26, 1990, p. 4. 

12. "German Firms Produce Zyklon B in Iraq," Response: The Wiesenthal
Center World Report, Spring 1991, pp. 2, 4. 

13. Simon Wiesenthal Center news release of Oct. 7, 2002. " Wiesenthal
Center Supports Congressional Resolution on Iraq." Posted at:
http://www.wiesenthal.com/site/apps/s/content.asp?c=fwLYKnN8LzH&b=
253162&ct=286230 

14. The Australian, July 31, 1990. Cited in "Influential Australian
Jewish Figure Condemns `Nazi Hunters’ and Simon Wiesenthal Center," IHR
Newsletter, April 1991, p. 5. 

15. Judith Miller, One by One, by One: Facing the Holocaust (New York:
Simon and Schuster/ Touchstone, 1990), p. 237. 

16. Ha'aretz (Israel), Dec. 16, 1988. Reported in: David Sinai, "News We
Doubt You've Seen," The Jewish Press (Brooklyn, New York), Dec. 23,
1988. 

17. "A Conversation with Professor Norman Finkelstein." Conducted by Don
Atapattu, Dec. 13, 2001. Posted at
http://www.counterpunch.org/finkelstein1.html