Roll Back, Abbas!
By Israel Shamir

Mahmud Abbas, the PNA’s president, is about to do a big mistake. So big
that it will be a cause for regret for many years to come. He decided to
push for a referendum whether the Palestinians agree with The Prisoners’
Agreement. The Prisoners’ agreement was made by leaders of Fatah, Hamas
and other groups presently in Israeli captivity, so one could think it
is a bilateral and non-controversial document. Indeed it is: this
agreement says the Palestinians are ready for peace with the Jewish
state on fulfilment of three conditions: (1) all POWs should be
released; (2) Israel should withdraw to 67’ borders, (3) and accept the
Right of Return for Palestinian refugees of 1948. The three conditions
are fully based upon UN resolutions and on the norms of international
law; and there is no slightest doubt Olmert’s government is not going to
fulfill them. 

When Rabbi Akiba, a Jewish sage of 2nd century AD, got carried away and
proclaimed a military commander of the then Jewish Intifada against Rome
"The Messiah of Israel", his colleagues poured cold water on him:
"Sooner grass will grow on your cheeks than we’ll see Messiah". They
were right: Akiba was executed, and his commander was killed, and grass
grew on their tombs. Their words are perfectly suitable for the
Prisoners’ Agreement: no Zionist government of the Jewish state will
ever accept and fulfill these conditions, no matter how much they’d lie
to conceal this. 

So who needs this referendum? Next step, cats will run a referendum for
offering peace to dogs provided they will cease to pursue them. If all
Palestinians will answer yea, will it make the Jewish state to tremble
and accept the conditions? No, no, and again no. Fatah and Hamas know
that; Abbas understands that, and still he pushes for this meaningless
referendum. He is doing this to embarrass the legitimate government of
Palestine, for Hamas and Fatah differ on what would happen if these
impossible conditions will be fulfilled: a life-long truce or full
peace. This difference is as important for real politics as the
difference between eating a boiled egg from the rounded or a sharp end,
in Gulliver’s Travels. Even less: the Lilliputians actually ate eggs,
while Hamas and Fatah will never have a chance to test their theoretical
difference in real life. This does not mean these three conditions can’t
be met; but then, Israel won’t be a Jewish state, and it won’t be led by
a Zionist government, and the difference between Hamas and Fatah will be
even less relevant on this point. 

Hamas is right to reject Abbas’ call. Now is not the time to deal with
purely theoretical question of possible future. Sufficient unto the day
is the evil thereof, or in plain words, each day has enough trouble of
its own. (Matthew 6:34). Worse, Abbas is not playing straight. Though he
refers to the Prisoners’ Agreement, he actually means something else: he
is ready to agree to “peace” if some prisoners will be released, in some
places Israel will withdraw to the 67’ border, and some (a token number)
of refugees will be allowed back. This is also a legitimate position;
but Palestinians can’t accept or refuse it unless the full details of an
agreement with Israel were known. Now, in absence of an agreement, the
referendum is not just premature: it is misleading. Let Abbas say
frankly: “I want to make peace with the Jewish state and rule over
Palestine consisting of three or four cantons, without Jerusalem, and
with token release of token prisoners. And forget about the Return” –
and then referendum will be unnecessary, for the last elections gave the
answer of the people. 

This referendum is going to waste one of great achievements of Hamas
government – withdrawal of unconditional recognition of the Jewish state
made by Arafat and Fatah in the heyday of Oslo. Every agreement must be
based on reciprocity: the Palestinians may recognise Israel in 1967
borders if and when Israel recognises Palestine in 1967 borders.
Otherwise, Israel will see its 1967 borders as a starting point for
future conquests. Hamas returned the Jewish-Palestinian dialogue back to
sanity by introducing the concept of reciprocity: and now Abbas wants to
surrender this most reasonable demand by recognising the Jewish state
unconditionally. 

The Jews applied a “moderate physical pressure” (torture, in Shabakese)
trying to squeeze this recognition: they besiege Palestine, they steal
Palestinian money, block entrances and exits; by their orders no
American or European bank dares to trade or transfer money to Palestine.
The Jews want Palestinians to surrender; and the referendum may be seen
as a sign of surrender. Thus, it would have dire consequences: Hamas’
legitimacy will be called in doubt by its own electorate; freedom of
manoeuvre so necessary for carrying out negotiations with Olmert’s
government will be severely limited; the split within Palestinian
society will become a fait accompli. 

The Zionists tempt Abbas to grasp more power than is due to him; to
interfere with rightful choice of the people; to disregard the election
of Hamas. Abbas took the bait: he succumbed to the Zionist temptation.
He forgot that he is the President of all Palestinians and preferred to
be the king of Fatah. He forgot that just a few months ago, Sharon and
Olmert proclaimed him “irrelevant” and “not a partner” – now he dreams
to crawl back to empty negotiations. This call for referendum is
accompanied with beefing up of Abbas’ own private army. Israel’s wet
dream is to have a civil war between Palestinian groups, and this rash
step of Abbas leads on the way to Hell. He should remember that
undermining of Hamas will not solve the problem; it will rather
undermine legitimacy of his PNA. Before it’s too late, Abbas should rise
up to the occasion and roll back his troops and his demands. 

www.israelshamir.net