MAIN RESOLUTION
15th National Congress of the New
Communist Party of
December 2006
Table of Contents
INTRODUCTION................................................................................................................................ 4
BRITAIN.............................................................................................................................................. 7
CURRENCY GAMBLING................................................................................................................. 11
WORLD TRADE................................................................................................................................ 12
THE WORLD TODAY....................................................................................................................... 13
EUROPEAN UNION......................................................................................................................... 14
RUSSIA.............................................................................................................................................. 17
UNITED STATES of AMERICA........................................................................................................ 17
LATIN AMERICA.............................................................................................................................. 20
JAPAN................................................................................................................................................ 20
AFRICA.............................................................................................................................................. 21
CHINA............................................................................................................................................... 23
WAGES.............................................................................................................................................. 24
OUTLOOK......................................................................................................................................... 27
TAX THE RICH.................................................................................................................................. 27
NO TO EMU, NO TO THE EUROPEAN
UNION............................................................................ 29
FOR A DEMOCRATIC LABOUR PARTY....................................................................................... 30
WOMEN............................................................................................................................................ 32
ADVANCING FASCISM.................................................................................................................. 34
OPPOSING RACIST AND FASCIST
ORGANISATIONS.............................................................. 37
IMMIGRATION AND ASYLUM...................................................................................................... 37
THE ELDERLY................................................................................................................................... 38
LESBIAN, GAY, BI-SEXUAL AND
TRANSGENDER RIGHTS...................................................... 39
HEALTH............................................................................................................................................. 39
EDUCATION..................................................................................................................................... 41
ENERGY POLICY AND NUCLEAR
POWER.................................................................................. 42
HOUSING.......................................................................................................................................... 43
LAND................................................................................................................................................. 44
THE WORLD TODAY....................................................................................................................... 44
PALESTINE....................................................................................................................................... 46
IRAQ.................................................................................................................................................. 48
UNITED NATIONS........................................................................................................................... 49
THE EUROPEAN UNION AND THE
CRISIS.................................................................................. 50
THE THREAT TO WORLD PEACE.................................................................................................. 51
THE SOCIALIST WORLD................................................................................................................ 52
THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNIST
MOVEMENT................................................................... 52
FOR A UNITED IRELAND AND
LASTING PEACE....................................................................... 53
EUROPEAN LEFT PARTY................................................................................................................ 55
SCOTLAND AND WALES............................................................................................................... 55
PROGRESSIVE CO-OPERATION................................................................................................... 56
BUILD THE NEW WORKER.............................................................................................................. 56
THE COMMUNIST WAY................................................................................................................. 57
A BETTER TOMORROW.................................................................................................................. 58
DISTRICT AND CELL RESOLUTIONS........................................................................................... 60
Propaganda work............................................................................................................................ 60
Middle East..................................................................................................................................... 60
On the DPRK's nuclear test............................................................................................................. 60
Turkey............................................................................................................................................ 60
Climate Change............................................................................................................................... 60
Mental Health.................................................................................................................................. 61
THE FIFTEENTH CONGRESS of
the New Communist Party of Britain (NCP) meets at a time when British workers
are increasingly being asked to make sacrifices in their standard of living to
support an ailing capitalist economy. These come in many forms such as the loss
of relatively high-wage jobs in manufacturing and their substitution with
low-wage jobs in the service sector, increases in the working week, the collapse of occupational pension schemes and the threat
of increase in the retirement age to 67-plus.
Household incomes have fallen but the costs of housing and energy have
increased, substantially forcing many workers to take on huge debts just to
provide a warm home for themselves and families.
Whilst the working class is
being forced increasingly into debt, the rich have been profit taking, their
incomes increasing by 18 per cent in 2005. But even they know that the debts
will have to be repaid and this can only happen if workers cut back on spending
and as workers form the majority of the population any cut back in spending
could provoke a severe and prolonged downturn in the economy which may even
lead to recession.
Our last Congress
anticipated that the downturn would first become evident in the motor car
industry where the ruling class would resort to mass sackings of workers and
invoke other anti-working class measures such as cuts in pay, benefits and
pensions. Since then hundreds of thousands of workers have lost their jobs, the
bulk in manufacturing and engineering, which is the wealth-creating sector. In
trying to “manage” the economy, whether it be in
In attempting to justify reductions in
workers’ wages and benefits, the ruling class has a whole armoury of excuses
that they use to explain the crisis. In the 1980s it was Japanese productivity
rates, in the 1990s it was European productivity rates, in 2001 it was the
destruction of the World Trade Centre, in 2002 and 2003 the high-profile
corruption scandals in the
Wages, the working day,
pensions, retirement age and job security are all elements of the social wage that have been won
over decades by workers engaged in class struggle against the ruling class and
their representatives. If the ruling class succeed in their new attacks on the
working class, the erosion of this social wage, or the threat of it, could
force workers to cut back on consumption leading to more job losses, less
consumption and so on. It is the capitalists’ solution to the crisis that will
in effect lead to its
[DL1]coming; it is
this contradiction that is the heart of the crisis facing capitalism and it is
this contradiction that must be exposed during the fight to defend wages, pensions,
work-life balance and jobs. But in the long term the only way to ensure that
these are maintained and improved – and will not have to be defended again
every time there is a crisis – is by fighting for working class state power,
the dictatorship of the proletariat: for socialism to replace capitalism.
It is the capitalists’
ceaseless, unremitting aim to make profit and ever more profit. The driving
force behind this is not satisfaction of personal needs but a necessary
condition of the capitalist system itself, namely competition and the declining
rate of profit. Failure to seize an opportunity of making more capital and,
therefore more profit, is to reduce that capitalist’s competitive strength in
relation to other capitalists, resulting in their eventual elimination from the
race and their capital being absorbed, or destroyed, by their rivals.
This rivalry between
capitalists spills over into their respective base countries and is a cause of
capitalism's uneven development. Of course the responses of their respective
ruling classes, acting in their own self-interest, can lead to temporary
recoveries but only measured by their own economic criteria and definitely not
to the benefit of the working class.
Their past efforts have
always proved fruitless as the history of capitalism is a history of crises,
collapses in stock markets, major uncontrollable swings in currency exchange
rates accompanied by the continuing relative reduction in profits, In the last
decade they have failed to avert recessions in Japan, Germany, the US,
Argentina, Turkey and south-east Asia.
Capitalists only look for
solutions that protect their own self-interest and ignore the long-term
solutions that could counteract recession and deflation, such as substantially
increasing wages thereby allowing workers to buy back the goods that have been
produced. These long-term solutions can only be forced on the ruling class by a
strong trade union movement, which recognises the unity that can be achieved by
demanding flat-rate monetary increases. The struggle to increase wages will be
intense as the fight could be over a relative declining “pot”, but it is a
necessary fight as otherwise it could mean the destitution of the working
class. Nevertheless this Keynesian approach can only produce short-term
solutions. There are no long-term solutions to the contradictions of capitalism
except its overthrow and workers capturing state control.
Since the mid-1990s the
capitalists have found themselves unable to invest capital profitably in
expanding production. In the 12 years to the end of 2004 the use of productive
capacity in the
The last five years has been
a history of booms and slumps for capitalism. During 2001-2003, the stock
markets collapsed to 40-60 per cent below their "dotcom" 2000 peak,
resulting in the wholesale liquidation of capital as various "dotcom"
enterprises failed. Since 2003 the stock markets have recovered with the FTSE
100 index gaining 16 per cent in 2005, following rises of 7.5 per cent in 2004
and 13.6 per cent in 2003. This third consecutive year of gains means the
market has recouped much of the losses sustained in the slump period between
2000 and 2002. The recovery to 2005 has come in the aerospace, defence, banking
and oil sectors. The value of shares in Rolls Royce and BAE
Systems have risen by 77 and 64 per cent respectively. Smaller companies
as represented in the FTSE 250 have seen a rise of more than 26 per cent, in
their share capital, during 2005.
Capitalism is portrayed to
be all about risk taking and whoever takes the risk should be rewarded
appropriately. But who takes the risk? Not the directors with their large
salaries, share option schemes and other perks. The risks have been transferred
away from the boardrooms to the small shareholders, pension scheme members and
above all workers. On the basis of this “success” directors awarded themselves
on average 18 per cent pay rises during 2005 with more than 150 raking in more
than £1 million during the year and eight receiving pay packages worth more
than £5 million. Chief Executives' total remuneration in the
British non-financial companies made a
13.7 per cent rate of return on capital employed in the second quarter of 2005.
In the financial sector British banks made a whopping £34 billion in profits
during 2005, in the energy sector Shell reported profits of £12.9 billion, up
30 per cent on 2004 and BP reported £11.04 billion. But British Gas owner Centrica only managed a £1.5 billion profit for 2005 so
promptly raised gas prices by 22 per cent so that it's “poor” shareholders would
not suffer in 2006!
In the
Why do capitalists find the
●
Public spending is low, 41 per cent in 2004 as
compared to 44-48 per cent during much of the 1980s
●
Laws and regulations are weighted in favour of
capitalism to the detriment of the working class;
●
Weak trade unions;
●
Relatively unregulated labour markets;
●
The expansion of outsourcing and temporary work;
●
Privatised social provision and the Private Finance
Initiative (PFI);
●
The ease with which capital can be relocated abroad.
In 2005
Capitalism's current major concern is
what will happen to the
Cutting workers’ wages and
jobs is a “double-edged” sword as it is only workers with wages to spend who
can buy the goods being produced. Eventually this contradiction will rupture
when the “highly productive” factories have produced too many goods for the market
to absorb, workers get sacked and cut back on
consumption, exacerbating the problem further. If this combines with a
declining appetite by foreigners to buy US assets and the high price of oil the
burgeoning trade deficit will become unsustainable.
The British economy grew by
just 1.7 per cent in 2005 the slowest rate in 12 years. British manufacturing
declined by 0.8 per cent and is in its fourth recession since 1997.
Recessions are now occurring
more frequently than in the past when manufacturers reacted in the first
instance by reducing inventories and cutting overtime and only sacking workers
as a last resort. Now with just-in-time methods [DL2]keeping
manufacturing inventories small and the service industry, with little in the
way of inventories, becoming a more dominant sector in the economy, any cut
back in production almost immediately causes job losses. This loss of jobs brings about a cut-back in
consumption and with household consumption accounting for 83 per cent of the
cumulative demand in the economy, the tendency of just-in-time and a
service-oriented economy is to increase the volatility and frequency of
repeating crises. In the last few years a credit-driven consumer boom was
engineered to offset the weakness in investment and exports in an attempt to
prevent a service sector recession compounding the almost continuous recession
in manufacturing.
In this period of low
relative growth and manufacturing recession, capitalism is placing the burden
of recovery onto workers by increasing the intensity of work, the hours worked,
reducing wages and closing the least profitable sectors of their organisations
in the hope of reversing the decline in their net rate of return on capital.
The motor industry in
The last month of 2005 and
the first few days of 2006 saw the collapse of household names such as Golden
Wonder crisps, Canterbury Foods, Kookai and Firkins, Unwins, LDV, Past Times and Tiles R Us. All of this
contributed to an 11 per cent rise in corporate failures compared with 2004.
With the increase in corporate debt, notably at businesses that have undergone
management buy-outs, it takes only a small rise in interest rates for lending
arrangements with the banks to be broken. Rising energy and raw material
prices, or even a flu pandemic, could turn this recent increase in business
collapses into a total meltdown of the British corporate sector.
Manufacturing in
With the capitalists’
ceaseless quest for more profits, capital is increasingly gravitating out of
manufacturing, looking for more profitable sectors. This is one of the reasons
why the present Labour government is encouraged, by the ruling class, to
continue with the previous Tory policies of privatisation, especially in the
health and education sectors.
Up till recently the ruling
class's preferred mechanism of privatisation has been PFI and the private
sector delivery of public services, which has resulted increased burden on
local government and NHS resources when capitalists take their substantial
profits. The consortium that built the £229 million
PFI and private sector
delivery have proved quite lucrative for the capitalist class but they have of
late become more brazen in their demands for privatisation. This is shown by
the sale of Qinetiq, the former Defence Research
Agency (DRA), in February 2006 and the proposed sale of British Energy
announced in March 2006. British Energy had been privatised in 1996 and saved
from bankruptcy in 2002 by a £5 billion government rescue package.
●
The NCP demands that those companies privatised
since 1979 and those services that have been subject to PFI and private sector
delivery should be restored to the public sector.
For all the hype, from
Labour and Tory leaders, home-ownership is proving to be a chain around the
necks of the working class. The ruling class would like working people to
believe that “they’ve never had it so good” in that the value of their homes
increases year on year. What is not pointed out is that when house prices
increase, no extra resources are created, no extra services are provided and
the overall wealth of society doesn’t increase by a single pound. The ruling
class has encouraged mortgage equity withdrawal, debt, used to buy back the
goods that working people have produced but could not afford to buy – debt that
ultimately lines the pockets of the ruling class in more profits through extra
interest payments and other charges. This is one of the reasons why the
financial service sector is becoming predominant in the British economy, at the
expense of manufacturing, by encouraging and by the servicing of debt
repayments. The servicing of debt repayments does not increase the overall
wealth of
Finance capitalism
encourages workers to borrow to their limit and this debt burden is a big
factor in the
By the end of 2005 personal
debt was over £1,100 billion jumping from 117 per cent of disposable income in
2001 to 155 per cent by the end of 2005, the highest in the group of seven
leading countries. Unsecured debt, credit cards, rose nine per cent in the year
to the end of September 2005, more than three times as fast as wages. Unsecured
debt owed by individuals amounted to £190 billion at the end of July 2005 equivalent
to £7,600 per household or £3,200 for every person in
Rising unemployment combined
with the anxiety caused by these high debt levels is already making workers cut
back on consumption. In January 2006 the year-on-year growth rate in retail
sales fell from 4.3 per cent to just 1.2 per cent, on this news the currency
gamblers reacted by forcing down the value of the pound which only exacerbates
the problems as the Bank of England may put up interest rates to cover the
increased trade deficit, which in turn increases debt levels, reduces consumption
and so on.
Any further rise in
unemployment or rise in interest rates could have a catastrophic effect, not
only on those who have those debts but also for the banks, as household debt
accounts for 40 per cent of all bank loans. Even with a default of only eight
per cent the banks, even with their mega profits, would be in serious trouble.
At the end of February 2006 Barclays reported that charges for bad loans had
jumped 44 per cent to more than £1.5 billion in 2005, equivalent to about 25
per cent of its annual profits. Default rates among credit card borrowers have
grown from 4.5 per cent to six per cent in the two years to the end of 2005;
for the credit card issuer Capital One the default rate is 7.5 per cent.
The trend over the last few
decades has been to further tie workers to capitalism, and to extract as much
profit as possible, by linking their pensions (deferred wages) and housing
costs (endowment mortgages) to stock exchanges. In 2003 the FTSE-100 had lost
half its value as compared to its "dotcom" peak of 2000 resulted in
workers, depending on those equities to fund their retirement or pay their
mortgages, being cheated of almost half their savings. As pointed out at our
last Congress, a worker on the then average wage of £24,000 paying the maximum
15 per cent into a company money purchase scheme over the three years prior to
2003 would have “invested” almost £10,800 of earned income. The fund after
those three years would have been worth only about £7,200 – a loss of about a
third. Those on endowment mortgages could have paid £800 in payments during
2002 and seen no increase at all in their “investment”. This money did not
disappear – it was real money that could have been spent on food, clothing or
other retail goods at some retail outlet. The money had been stolen to maintain
the lifestyles of the mega-rich – the ruling class.
However, the story doesn't
end there. In 2003, with the FTSE-100 at a low point, those companies with
defined benefit pension funds, who hadn't already closed them, started to
transfer the pension funds from equities to bonds.
As companies attempted to
clear pension deficits, they shifted away from equities to “safer” bonds,
driving up bond prices, which because of their nature lowered the derived
income. This in turn increased the deficits. These companies then tried to
recover their positions by buying yet more bonds, thus reducing the income
still further – a vicious circle. It will be current and future pensioners who
will eventually pay for this folly.
Subsequently equities, as
represented in the FTSE-100, have recovered to their "dotcom" peak but
pension funds, to a greater or lesser extent, have withdrawn from equities. So
workers who lost out in the collapse of share values during 2000-2003 and are
now loosing out in the bond markets will not recoup their losses from these
equity gains, because those equities were sold at rock bottom prices. This is
theft on a grand scale. The money has been used to fill the pockets of the
ruling class. This whole sorry saga is another proof that capitalism does not
work, or if it does work it works for the capitalists, not for the workers.
So important have
international capital flows become that they are now a principal determinant of
exchange rates. When one compares the global annual turnover in financial
markets of $693,500 billion with world exports of approximately $9,100 billion
a year, or with
Interest rates were increased with the aim of
slowing growth in the wealth-creating sector by making the use of borrowed
money expensive relative to the rate of return on capital during the “dotcom”
boom years, in an attempt to limit the severity of the impending slowdown. But
in the long-term this aggravated it. Slowing growth resulted in increased
unemployment and made conditions more difficult to fight for increased wages.
In effect it passed the burden of averting a slowdown onto the working class.
As the slowdown developed,
at the beginning of 2001 the US, Britain and the euro‑zone changed tack
and started to substantially reduce interest rates, then again reversed the
trend in the autumn of 2003 so that US interest rates have risen from one per
cent to five per cent in April 2006.
Prior to 2006
The ever-inventive ruling
class has found new ways to exploit the volatility of these exchange and
interest rates between countries. This gave rise to a huge demand for products,
known as derivatives; by 2005 the market for derivatives was $500,000 billion.
Derivatives are contracts,
entered into by various parties, known as swaps, futures or options. They are
not new having been used since the early days of market economies to manage
cash flow. A forward contract is an agreement to buy or sell a given quantity
of a particular commodity, at a specified future date at a pre-agreed price. So
for example a farmer planting barley will have no idea what the price of barley
will be following its harvest. By entering a forward contract with a merchant
at a pre-agreed price, the farmer can guarantee today the minimum price that
the barley will ultimately be sold for.
What is new in these
derivatives is that they are used in the financial markets to gamble on whether
an interest rate, a currency, a share or a bond will go up or down.
One of the riskier uses is
to promise to sell, at a set price on a future date, shares one does not own
but has simply borrowed, in the hope of buying them on the stock market at a
lower price to return to the lender and thus pocketing the profit. Some funds
hedge these bets by buying shares that they hope will rise and borrow large
amounts of money in an attempt to maximise their profits.
The “inventiveness” of the
capitalists and the increased complexity has now completely outstripped the
ability of central banks to supervise or to assess the total financial exposure
within the system. They can now only act as a safety net or a siren call. At
the end of 2005 the Bank of England warned that the continued “search for
yield” could be leading some investors to underestimate risk, and that they
might harbour overly optimistic views about the capability of policy makers to
offset shocks to the macro-economy. Generally the scale of the problem only
gets discovered when a company goes into administration as in the case of
In December 2005 Mizuho
Securities, the Japanese brokerage, lost $345 million after selling 620,000
shares in J-Com, a recruitment company, at ¥1 a share instead of one share at
¥620,000 this is no one-off event. Amid accusations and allegations of immoral
behaviour some who profited from the mistake repaid the monies. But there is
still $170 million that has not been repaid, indicating that a large number of
primarily Japanese brokerages, institutions and individual investors have not
been swayed and prefer to abide by the dog-eat-dog capitalist ethics.
In May 2001 a trader selling shares in a
company missed out the decimal point. So instead of trying to sell $5.64
million worth of shares, $564 million worth was put up for sale. The effect of
this one transaction was to wipe $40 billion from the value of shares on the
FTSE 100.
One of the most notable
signs of the potential for chaos and disorder can be seen in the challenge that
exists to capitalist state power by the monopoly capitalists. This is another
example of the contradictions in monopoly capitalism; the state and the big
economic monopolies are essential to each other yet also challenge each other.
The harnessing of these monopolies to a new system of discipline is a chief
preoccupation of capitalist states whilst the monopolies seek to limit the
powers of the state.
The most powerful monopoly
capitalists, represented by the leaders of the developed countries, have
striven through the World Trade Organisation (WTO) to tighten their grip on the
economies of all countries, in particular those of the developing world.
The view of the developed
nations is that the raison d'être of the WTO is to remove any restrictions
imposed by host countries, to ensure that member countries deregulate their
markets in trade and services, drop any restrictions on incoming international
capital and remove export subsidies and import tariffs that protect home grown
industries and agriculture. In other words it exists to give maximum freedom to
the monopoly capitalists.
The EU proposed in December
2005, at the
In the
We should support the G4
bloc, consisting of
Globalisation, the
internationalism of the division of labour, has continued apace since the turn
of the millennium. It is a product of science, technology and the development
of the productive forces and should be at the service of humankind with the
right of every human being to develop and practice their talent, skills and
knowledge. But globalisation is currently used at the behest of the
capitalists, so much so that the global capitalist system presides over a
festering morass of exploitation (of workers and the environment), racial and
communal strife, and rapid growth in crime, drug trafficking, violence and
conflict from local to international levels – not to mention HIV/Aids and
Malaria. The potential for major military conflicts is now greater than at any
time since the 1930s.
Imperialism, led by the US
and Britain, is resorting to war and the threat of war, in it’s quest to
dominate the Middle East, eastern Europe, the Americas, Africa and Asia. But
wherever there is oppression there is resistance. The Iraqi people have defied
the might of imperialism for over a decade and continue to do so even though
the
Since the crises of 1997 in
south-east
Socialism remains the system
upheld and developed in People’s
In developing their
economies through equitable trade many countries in
The European Union (EU) is
one of many regional markets, operating with a unified set of rules and
regulations, with the purpose of allowing capital to be used more efficiently
within its member states and with minimum regulatory interference. The purpose
is to enable capitalists to move capital to other states within the regional
bloc, maximising their rate of profit unfettered by specific state control.
The EU has strengthened
European monopoly capitalism by creating a global convertible currency, the
euro, on a par with the dollar by centralising the control of its member economies
in the European central bank, which determines interest rates and government
spending levels, and takes away the right of member states to impose any
restrictions on the movement of capital.
Practice has shown that the
merging of the 11 individual currencies into one has transformed the euro‑zone’s
capital markets. The elimination of currency risk and trade barriers has
increased the efficiency of capital and reduced its cost. This initially led to
a series of mergers and acquisitions within the national boundaries of member
states but this has now extended across the euro‑zone and beyond. This
must be seen as evidence of the tendency, inherent in monopoly capitalism, to
concentrate capital into ever-fewer hands with $173 billion of deals announced
in the first two months of 2006, the highest reported level for the same period
in six years. None of this capitalist feeding frenzy increases production. In
fact the opposite happens factories are closed and wealth-creating jobs are
lost whilst the ruling class and their representatives pay themselves fat
cheques for a job well done.
Even though the
profitability of the top German and French companies has more than doubled
during the two years to the end of 2005, there were, in December 2005, 12.2
million unemployed in the euro‑zone and 18.6 million in the EU as a
whole.
EU states are powerless to
find solutions to this high unemployment; national governments have reduced
benefits and passed legislation to force workers into low-paid jobs. The issue
that these governments cannot address is that even the low-paid jobs are not
there. All the governments are struggling with the one-size-fits-all monetary
policy that inflicts an excessive real interest rate on their stagnant
economies and forces them to cut budgets at a time when government expenditure
should have increased to alleviate the suffering caused by the slowdown in
their economies.
Even with all this
unemployment and below average growth, the European Central Bank is pursuing a
monetary policy of chasing US interest rates, as such
euro‑zone interest rates have by the end of 2005 increased to 2.25 per
cent. The impact may well be to retain some capital in the euro‑zone but
at the expense of employment. Signs of this are all too apparent, in Germany
alone, where a quarter of Europe's cars are built; more than 45,000 jobs are
being cut, including 20,000 at Volkswagen where management is also trying to
impose an extra hour on the working day for no extra pay. On
the news of the 20,000 job cuts. Volkswagen's shares rose 15 per cent
with analysts predicting that profits will increase to $6 billion in 2006. It
is sickening that the ruling class “cheers” and profits when workers and their
families are driven into unemployment and potential destitution.
With weak home demand,
caused by the unemployment, exports have sustained their economies since
the formation of the euro‑zone with exports to regions outside of the
euro‑zone comprising more than 10 per cent of total GDP. It is these
exports that are at risk if currency gambling causes a significant change in
the exchange rate vis‑à‑vis other currencies. Exports could decline
and growth with them; unemployment would increase further, making a deeper
recession more likely with a heightened risk of deflation as monopolies attempt
to offload any surplus stock.
A constant demand made by
British capitalism on the EU is that the EU's rules and regulations should be
so designed to make European capitalism as “competitive” as that of the
These demands have been
espoused by Thatcher, Major and now Blair -- so much so that Gordon Brown added
what was effectively a sixth test for British entry to the euro‑zone.
This test seeks to determine whether the euro‑zone has embarked on labour
market reform, in other words, has it made it easier for monopoly capitalism to
sack workers, to reduce or waive workers rights and reduce pay and conditions.
Another reason why Blair and
Brown are a bit cold towards euro‑zone is that provisional estimates show
that for the financial year 2004/05
In
In France pension rights and
retirement age of public employees are under attack and the French government
in March 2006 gave every indication that it would proceed with new legislation
allowing employers to sack young workers without reason. During 2004 and 2005 a
range of employers forced workers to abandon the 35-hour working week and work
extra hours for no extra pay. The French government is supporting the employers
by introducing legislation to make it easier for them to force workers to work
the longer hours.
The 35-hour week was introduced in
Clearly there is a lesson
here for British trade unionists who still argue that one of the benefits of
euro membership is increased trade union rights. Trade union rights are only
rights if the trade unions are strong and defend and advance the interests of
the working class. This can be done in or outside of the euro‑zone as any
rules or regulations in a capitalist state only reflect the balance of forces
between workers and capital.
British entry to the euro‑zone
will strengthen European monopoly capitalism as the experience of the British
ruling class will be used to invoke more sophisticated attacks on the European
working class as capitalism tries to alleviate the current Europe-wide crisis
at the expense of workers. It is only by cutting pay, social welfare, trade
union rights and increasing hours and job insecurity, that monopoly capitalism
can build a zone to serve capitalism, imperialism and globalisation. This must
not be allowed to happen.
Capitalism now considers the
countries of the former
But more than anything else
this march to capitalism has been achieved on the basis of significantly
reducing the living standards of the working people, significantly increased
unemployment, low wages and disintegrating social services. After 15 years of
capitalism 7.6 per cent are unemployed, 17.8 per cent of the population live
below the poverty line and many can barely feed themselves or their families.
The results are broken homes, abandoned children and reduced life expectancy.
For men life expectancy at birth has dropped to 60 years, in
In addition inflation, in
2005, was 12.9 per cent which is one of
The fight back continues
even under the difficult circumstances in which workers find themselves. The
peoples of the former
For the moment, amongst the economies of
the members of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development
(OECD), the
With these huge increases in profit the
ruling class is concentrating its power by buying shares back from small
shareholders and increasing dividends to those who remain. The most striking
example was the 2004 $32 billion special dividend paid out by Microsoft, the
So what remains of the
In 1996 Americans surpassed the Japanese,
working 1,858 hours a year to
With the unemployment rate at 5.1 per
cent, hourly wages rose by just 3.1 per cent during 2005 – a rate that failed
to keep pace with inflation. The median household income in the
In 2005 only 25.2 per cent of US workers
had jobs that paid more than $16 (£9) an hour, provided health insurance and a
company pension. Thirty seven million
With limited state involvement in welfare
and weak trade unions, US workers are vulnerable to the whim of the
capitalists.
For this reason, pressure is
growing for legislation to force large employers to spend at least eight per
cent of their payroll on health insurance or pay the rest toward a state-run
scheme. Business groups fear that could be the thin
end of the wedge in allowing states to dictate how they offer benefits.
The accumulated
With its trade deficit and fiscal deficit
of $423 billion, currency movements have become an extremely important factor
in their management. As most of the
It would be very surprising if these
central bankers were not thinking very carefully about what they should be
doing. As any movement of the dollar, caused by the actions
of any one of the other central banks, could result in big capital gains or
losses for all those holding large dollar reserves.
There are already signs of movement
against the US dollar in that
Even though the
The US motor industry is in deep crisis
General Motors (GM) is sacking 30,000 workers, Ford 25,000 and Delphi, a parts
manufacturer, is in administration and hoping to escape bankruptcy by reducing
the wages of its 35,000 workers to $12.50 per hour.
In 2005 even though it made a loss of
$8.6 billion, GM still paid annual dividends to shareholders totalling $3.64
billion and wound up its workers’ defined benefits pension scheme. It plans to
cut its healthcare budget for pensioners by $15 billion and demands that
current workers make a bigger contribution to prescription charges. It has
announced plans to pay a dividend to shareholders in 2006. The bosses are still
not satisfied and are demanding that workers' pay should be cut by 10 per cent.
One could ask oneself why GM is paying a dividend at all.
In 2005 the unions at
As reported at our last
Congress
As a consequence of, on the one hand the
devaluations and on the other the high price that Argentine's agricultural
products can now command on the international market, recovery started in 2004
and the economy grew by nine per cent in the following two years. Even so,
inflation was 12.3 per cent in 2005 and is increasing and there is still a
large social deficit left over from the 2001 economic crisis with 11.1 per cent
unemployment and 38.5 per cent of the population remaining in poverty.
The election of Evo Morales as President
of Bolivia reinforces the political shift to the left that has taken place
recently in Latin America The Bolivians were encouraged by the progress made in
Brazil and Venezuela to distance themselves from the US and Imperialism.
The NCP supports
the struggle against the Free Trade Zone of the
Such “free trade
zones” enable
After more than a decade of
negative growth,
The recovery is not driven
by exports but by growing domestic consumption, leading to increased demand for
workers, which has reduced unemployment from 5.5 per cent in January 2003 to
4.4 per cent by December 2005. As demand for workers increases, confidence
builds and workers demand higher wages. The increased employment and higher
wages further push up consumption and confidence and workers start to spend
their savings that built up during the deflationary years. Like most developed
countries there will be more workers than usual retiring in the near future.
During retirement they will draw on their considerable savings, which total
nearly three times Japanese GDP resulting in less capital being available to
fund
The other trend in
For the last 40 years
foreign aid has flowed into
Aid has a distorting effect
on economic management in that spending money on capital projects, like
building hospitals and schools, also requires a revenue stream to maintain
them. Many aid projects have run aground – a modern clinic that cannot be
properly staffed or an irrigation scheme that falls into disuse because there
is no money to pay for the electricity or maintenance.
With
Foreign investment in
In 1980
Even though the end result of
agricultural subsidies is the same as export subsidies, which are supposedly
illegal under WTO rules, they are a tool that the imperialists use to exploit
the developing world. Governments in
To get debt relief, promised by the IMF
and the imperialists, these African countries have been forced to comply with
the WTO free trade agenda an end import controls of subsidised agricultural
produce from the imperialist countries. Unlike the US and EU, few African countries
can afford the long drawn‑out exercise of taking their case to the WTO
trade disputes court, with the huge expense of hiring lawyers and consultants
needed to work through the complex technical detail that the imperialists
typically presents in trade disputes.
Even
In the much lauded “debt‑relief”
programme announced at the G8 conference in the summer of 2005, one option
examined was that the indebted countries would only have the interest waived,
and then be checked periodically to see if they still meet certain standards of
governance. If not, their obligations to pay back the debt would resume.
Frustrated by the imperialist
manoeuvrings, African countries are turning to
Trade between
Chinese expertise is being used to build
dams, railways, roads and bridges more quickly and cheaply than before. In
Perhaps these are the
reasons why Blair has taken such a recent interest in
The fact that China can feed, clothe and
educate its people, who comprise 21 per cent of the world’s population, with
only seven per cent of the world’s arable land, is a tribute to socialism. In
1949, when the People’s Republic was established, Chinese living standards were
the lowest in the world. Now its GDP per capita is $6,200 (2005) on a
Purchasing Power Parity (PPP) compared with
In building a “harmonious society” much
is being done to open up the rural areas, enabling them to take advantage of
Besides all this,
In 2004 the primary industries, which
include quarrying, mining, farming, forestry and fisheries accounted for 15 per cent of GDP, down
from 50 per cent in 1952. The proportion of urban population in the population
has doubled in the 25 years to 2004, and is now at 41.8 per cent of the
population with 169 million working in the manufacturing sector of the economy.
In laying the ground rules for the
establishment of a socialist market economic system, the Chinese government
stipulated that the public sector, state, collective or local government-owned
enterprises, should be in the dominant position and that the distribution of
income should be according to work done.
With economic growth, and the increase in
the size and economic strength of the working class,
Many Chinese see the past two centuries
of underdevelopment and colonial occupation as an embarrassing aberration that
must be redressed. Home to the world's oldest and one of its richest
civilisations,
In 2005, according to the
government's Annual Survey of Hours and Earnings (ASHE), the median weekly pay,
excluding overtime, for all full-time workers in
In addition to wages the
other important element of the working class’s income is pensions (deferred
wages). Workers are paying a high price for the private provision of pensions,
irrespective of whether it is through an occupational scheme with their
employer or in a private scheme with a financial institute. Workers who have
recently retired, having saved money in a money purchase pension fund, have
received pensions (wages) substantially less than what they would have expected
if they had retired only a few years ago with the same sized fund. It has been
estimated that with falling interest rates and lower investment rates that a pension
drawn in 2005 is 78 per cent less in real terms than if it had been drawn in
1995.
Many companies are closing occupational
defined benefit schemes and some workers have lost their entire pensions when
the companies they worked for have gone bankrupt. In response the government
has halved the maximum level of inflation-proofing that retired pension scheme
members can enjoy from five per cent to 2.5 per cent. This has led to millions
of workers facing hardship in retirement and must be a contributory factor in
the 17 per cent poverty rate in
The intention to increase the public
sector pension age to 65, or for public sector workers to receive actuarially
reduced pensions if they retire before age 65, was vigorously opposed by the
trade unions. They have achieved a temporary victory but the government is
attempting to regroup behind a more general onslaught against pension
provision, which not only seeks to reduce pensions but increase the retirement
age to 67-plus.
The Turner commission on
pensions produced a report in late 2005, which proposed a new national pension
savings scheme under which employees would contribute four per cent of post-tax
pay, the exchequer one per cent and employers three per cent. This level of
contribution would be sufficient, suggests the commission, to generate income
equal to 15 per cent of median earnings or about £63 per week. But additional
savings would be permitted, up to a limit of 16 per cent of earnings or about
£126 per week.
The NCP says that the state
pension should be raised to two thirds of the median weekly wage excluding
overtime. This could easily be funded by making the tax system more progressive
and abolishing the £21 billion pension tax relief costs – over half of which
goes to top-rate taxpayers. By increasing the pension, the £3 billion pension
winter fuel allowances, free television licences and other universal pensioner
give‑aways could be ended. With state pension the £8 billion National
Insurance (NI) contracting-out rebate for final salary schemes could be ended,
making the NI regime more progressive.
Wage growth is being
suppressed through a variety of mechanisms such as forcing the most vulnerable,
single parents, into low-wage jobs and once there ensuring that they stay
there, through the shift from out-of-work to in-work benefits such as the
working family tax credit and the child tax credit. This shift is a mechanism
to allow capitalists to pay workers wages which are so low that the net effect
is that they are excluded and marginalised from participating in activities
that should be considered the norm for all workers in society, such as visits
to friends and family, the cinema, theatre and other cultural, social and
political activities. This deepening of the poverty trap and social exclusion
brings about a reluctance amongst workers to fight for
wage rises because it leads to cuts in benefits.
The boom and bust cycles,
brought about by the incessant competition of capitals, had in the past to a
certain extent been smoothed by the relative strength of the labour movement.
Organised workers have the potential to resist wage cuts during slumps and
demand higher wages during the booms. The automatic stabilisers, notably social
insurance payments and progressive income tax that go towards funding state
welfare, also tend to dampen down cyclical fluctuations. None of these were
yielded out of the wisdom of the capitalists, but rather as reluctant
concessions to the organised strength and struggles of workers in trade unions
and other anti-monopoly forces.
The wages struggle is
central to the improvement of living standards and ensuring that workers have
the money to buy back the goods and services that they produce and provide.
Engaging in the wages struggle brings about the knowledge that gains under
capitalism are only temporary and can be taken back in a variety of different
ways either by stealth, such as increases in the cost of living, or by brute
force as in increasing the retirement age. Complete social justice can never be
possible under capitalism, not even by getting a so-called stake in the
capitalist economy. The “stakeholder” share will be nothing more than a crumb
from the capitalist table. The working class must always strive for
improvement, whilst at the same time working to bring about a more fundamental
change by promoting – a socialist solution.
This requires political
struggle to improve social services and benefits and industrial struggle for
better wages and working conditions.
The New Communist Party's
proposals are that wage claims should be –
●
On an industrial basis negotiated by the trade
unions nationally. In this way the maximum number of workers can be mobilised
in support of the claim. Local bargaining has a secondary role to national
bargaining, to improve on what has been achieved nationally and in catering for
specific local conditions.
●
For a flat-rate monetary increase. This upholds the
principle of stable wage differentials to reward workers for their skills.
Percentage increases widen differentials at the expense of the lower-paid and
divide the work force.
●
Should be based on the national rate for the job
assessed by the unions and not on the “minimum wage” or regional rates set by
the employers. Where new job patterns are established, rates should be agreed
by comparing existing jobs with similar skills.
The New Communist Party is
opposed to –
●
The introduction and operation of bonus or
piece-working schemes. Where they do exist, workers, using their trade union
organisations, must be involved in negotiating the way they operate. But at all
times we must campaign to get the bonus element scrapped and the payment
incorporated into the basic hourly rate.
●
All forms of Performance Related Pay (PRP) which
seeks to perpetuate low pay. PRP schemes are discriminatory towards the most
vulnerable sections of society, whether they are disabled, part-time or
ethnic-minority workers. Trade unions must seek to minimise the extreme
differentials within PRP, but continue to campaign for its complete abolition.
The fight for higher wages
should be linked to –
●
The minimum demand to restore workers’ rights by
rescinding all legislation, enacted since 1979 that works against the interests
of the working class andthe trade union movement.
This is a requisite to ensure that organised labour can compete with monopoly
capitalism without legal constraint. We must expose the limitations of
working-time legislation and campaign for the closing of opt-out clauses.
●
Increasing the social wage. The extra money made
available to the health service and education has in part been used to “feather
the nest” of the private sector and this, with the decline in social services
and public transport, has brought about an erosion of overall living standards.
This must be reversed, not by putting ever increasing pressure on workers in
these industries, or by phoney performance target setting, but by ensuring
adequate levels of resourcing and pay.
●
The shift from out-of-work to in-work benefits
should be reversed.
●
Means testing for all benefits should be abolished.
In the fight for a reduction
in weekly hours, we should aim to unite the labour movement around a demand for
a maximum working week of 35 hours with no loss of pay.
The crucial factor
determining the fate of the world economy in the near term is what happens to
the
The advanced capitalist
countries have made new and great progress in the productive forces, military,
science and technology and other fields. But it has only done this at the
expense and suppression of the vast majority of the population of the planet.
In the longer term, whilst it is impossible, at this stage, to foresee how long
capitalism’s general crisis will take to mature, it is certain that the
contradictions within the system will ensure that at some stage in the future the
capitalists will find it very difficult to resolve the contradictions within
the capitalist system.
For these reasons capitalism will not, and in any case can never meet the needs of the working
class and of humanity as a whole – only socialism can do that. Capitalism will
not collapse of its own volition – it must be pushed by the efforts of the
working class operating in the specific conditions of their own countries. The
exact scenario as to how exactly this will happen cannot be predicted. But it is
certain that communist parties are essential to the process of preparing
workers to carry out fundamental social change and to ensure the advance to
socialism.
For over 20 years under the
Conservatives and now under Labour, public spending has been cut. Vital
services like the National Health Service, public transport, education and
local amenities have all become seriously underfunded.
We must mobilise the class in its own defence to fight for the restoration of
state welfare to at least the levels existing in 1979.
This demand can easily be
met by making the rich pay for them by disgorging a fraction of the wealth they
extort from the working class every year.
Taxation is the way
essential services are funded. Of the £473 billion of government revenue,
income tax generates 28 per cent, national insurance 17 per cent, value added
tax 16 per cent, other excise duties and levies 22 per cent, corporation tax
nine per cent, business rates four per cent and council tax four per cent. For
years both Tory and Labour governments have clamoured for lower income tax. But
the only people who have benefited from these tax cuts have been the rich,
while the least well off have become poorer. The upper earnings cap makes
National Insurance (NI) very regressive. NI contributions take 9.2 per cent of
salary from someone earning £30,000 a year, 3.7 per cent from someone earning
£100,000 and only 1.3 per cent from someone earning £1 million a year. Anyone
earning £1 million from property or investments pays nothing.
The NCP maintains that the
burden of taxation should be shifted away from workers and onto the wealthy.
The Party is opposed to all indirect and regressive taxes. This is because, in
proportion to peoples’ income, these bear more heavily on the working class.
For workers in the lowest 20 percentile of earners, their effective tax burden
is 36 per cent, leaving little room for anything beyond essential day-to-day
spending. For most, saving for retirement is an impossibility
and for young people who wish to pursue a university education the first lesson
that they learn is how to get into debt.
Our immediate demands are
for:
●
Pay as You Earn (PAYE) personal allowances to be
increased substantially. This would exempt a greater number of lower-paid from
paying any income tax.
●
The employees' upper earnings limit for National
Insurance (NI) should be abolished. Employers' NI should be raised from 12.8
per cent to 20 per cent. The contracting out of NI should be abolished.
●
New PAYE Tax bands, starting at £50,000 and in
£10,000 increments to be introduced at 50, 60, 70, 80, and 90 per cent and for
those with incomes over £100,000 a 98 per cent tax rate. If allowances were
doubled someone with an income of £110,000 would still get, after tax and NI,
at least £47,000 whereas someone with an income of £30,000 would see their
take-home pay increase by more than £1,600.
●
The removal of all tax relief on pension fund
contributions.
●
The removal of all tax on domestic fuel.
●
The abolition of VAT on all goods and services.
●
Taxes on insurance to be withdrawn.
●
Council tax should be reduced to its 2001, level
pending its further reduction at a later date. In compensation the central
government grant to local authorities should be substantially increased.
●
The Main Rate of Corporation Tax should be increased
from 30 per cent to 60 per cent.
●
The Corporation Tax allowance for the main rate to
be reduced to £1 million, currently £1.5 million. This will bring more
companies into this tax band.
●
New Corporation Tax bands, of £500,000 increments
from the proposed main rate tax band of 60 per cent, to be introduced at 70,
80, 90 and 98 per cent.
●
A tax exemption threshold of £500 per annum of
interest from savings received from bank, building society, share dividends and
credit.
●
The tax exemption limit for capital gains tax should
be abolished.
The rich have plenty. They must pay.
For all his protestations
Tony Blair would have liked to press ahead with the ruling class’s plans to
take
The second and most
important hurdle was to ensure that the British ruling class wasn’t
disadvantaged, in relation to those monopolies based in the zone. Thus the
Government set five economic tests, announced by Gordon Brown in October 1997,
which had to be met before
When either the referendum
on entry to the euro‑zone, or on a revamped constitution, is called, the
Party must mobilise for a massive “No” vote, while at the same time exposing
the whole fraudulent nature of referendums. The Party must also use the opportunity
of the public debate that will no doubt take place prior to the vote, to make
the principled stand against the European Union and the Treaty of Rome
altogether. Though we will campaign with broad organisations opposed to EMU and
the EU, the Party rejects any attempt to make common cause with reactionary,
chauvinist, racist or fascist groups who are also campaigning against EMU.
These reactionary elements can never serve the interests of the working class
nor does the class need them in the campaign against EMU.
The Party’s main tasks are
to –
●
Project the fact that the European Union is neither
genuinely federal nor democratic;
●
Point out that every stage of European integration
has been financed by working people through higher indirect taxes, lost jobs
and lost benefits;
●
Elevate our campaign to boycott the European
elections – a bogus public relations exercise for a body that possesses no
meaningful executive powers at all;
●
Expose the real exploitative nature of the European
Union;
●
Show that the European Union cannot be reformed and
that it must be dissolved and the Treaty of Rome, which established the Common
Market in the first place, and all addenda repealed;
●
Focus opposition to indirect taxation (VAT) and
demand the restoration of the public sector and state welfare;
●
Oppose the racist "Fortress Europe"
immigration controls and the drive for a European Army;
●
Return to public control
●
Oppose the European Services Directive.
The European Union cannot be
reformed; it must be dissolved and the Treaty of Rome, which established the
Common Market in the first place, and all its
addendum's must be repealed.
The New Communist Party was
founded in 1977 to build the communist movement around the revolutionary
principles of Marxism-Leninism. Since then we have campaigned for the maximum
working class unity against the ruling class, while campaigning to build the
revolutionary party.
Working people can never
achieve state power through bourgeois elections. Bourgeois elections are
democratic only for the ruling class and their instruments a tool to mask their
real dictatorship. All bourgeois elections are the manipulation of the largest
number of votes by the smallest number of people.
We reject the “parliamentary
road” and electoral politics. The old Communist Party of Great Britain
abandoned the revolutionary road when it adopted the
The paltry gains of all
these parties – including the one Respect MP are largely due to the standing of
George Galloway within the anti-war movement or the SSP whose seats in the
Scottish parliament. These gains were more than matched by the non-socialist
Greens; this shows the futility of programmes that argue the only way to defeat
social democracy is in fact to imitate it.
They call for
social-democratic reforms while campaigning against the only mass force capable
of implementing reform, the Labour Party itself. They foster the illusion that
there is a left electoral alternative to Labour when the reality is that the
only alternative, in the current situation, to a Labour government is a Tory or
a Liberal Democrat government.
All of them end up attacking
the Labour Party rather than the ruling class as the main enemy of the working
class. Objectively they end up in the camp of the class enemy.
But the masses are often
much wiser than those who claim to lead them and this is why these parties
remain isolated amongst the working class, despite all their pretensions. The
Labour Party is not the enemy of the working class nor is it a barrier to
communist advance.
The NCP’s electoral policy
is to vote Labour in all elections apart from the bogus European parliamentary
polls, which we boycott. This is not because we support the venal right-wing
policies of “New Labour”, Blair and Brown, or because we think a Labour
government can solve the problems of working people. That is not possible in a
capitalist “democracy”. It is simply the best possible outcome in the current
circumstances.
A Labour government, with
the yet unbroken links with the Labour Party, the trade unions and the
co-operative movement, offers the best option for the working class in the era
of bourgeois parliamentary democracy. Our strategy is for working class unity
and our campaigns are focused on defeating the right-wing within the movement
and strengthening the left and progressive forces within the Labour Party and
the unions.
Day-to-day demands for
reform, progressive taxation, state welfare and a public sector dedicated to
meet the people’s needs are winnable under capitalism, particularly in a rich
country like
We support these demands,
support the modest progressive reforms Labour has introduced and back the
demands of those within the Labour Party and the trade union movement who are
campaigning for greater social justice.
We support those in the
Labour Party fighting for left social-democratic policies. We back those, like
Ken Livingstone who defied the Labour leadership and with rank-and-file Labour
Party and union support won the London Mayoralty and returned to Labour Party
membership with their position vindicated.
Our Party supports left
social-democratic Labour activists who have mass support, even when they come
into electoral conflict with the Labour leadership. It is part of our struggle
for a democratic Labour Party.
Though the Labour Party is
dominated by the class-collaborating right wing in the parliamentary party and
the trade union movement, the possibility of their defeat exists as long as
Labour retains its organisational links with the trade unions that fund it. The
defeat of right wing union blocs in most of the major unions over the past two
years demonstrates this possibility.
We support the affiliation
of unions to the Labour Party. We must fight for affiliation in those unions
that are not affiliates and we must demand that the Labour Party reflect the
wishes of the millions of its affiliated union members, expressed through the
unions’ democratic procedures.
The fight for a democratic
Labour Party is linked to the fight for a democratic trade union movement. In
the unions we must struggle to elect genuine working class leaderships, who are
prepared to represent and fight for the membership against the employers and
against the right wing within the movement and to campaign for the removal of
all anti-trade union legislation.
The Party must campaign for
a democratic Labour Party controlled by its affiliates. A [DL4]Labour Party
whose policies reflected those of a democratic union movement would become a
powerful instrument for progressive reforms that would strengthen organised
labour and benefit the working class.
We welcomed the creation of
the new Labour Representation Committee (LRC) that was restored by a number of
left Labour MPs and trade unions in 2004 to secure political representation for
the labour movement and promote a series of progressive policies for a future
Labour government.
In February 2005 the Party
affiliated to the Labour Representation Committee which was only possible under
the LRC’s rules because the NCP does not run
candidates against Labour in the elections. Now Marxist-Leninists, for the
first time since the 1920s, can make the case for communism within a part of
the Labour Party itself.
At the same time we must
build the revolutionary party and campaign for revolutionary change. Social
democracy remains social democracy whatever trend is dominant within it. It has
never led to socialism. Revisionism, which poses as communism, has only led to
the destruction of the
Our Party’s strategy is the
only way to fight for the communist alternative within the working class of
The two main keys to women’s
liberation remain equal pay and opportunity and affordable, state-provided
childcare, and have yet to be realised.
Women are no nearer achieving an equal footing with men than they were at
our last Congress, as revealed a report by the Government's Women and Work
Commission, published in February 2006. It revealed that the pay gap between
women and men is 13 per cent for full-time workers and 32 per cent for
part-timers. However, according to the Government’s own Annual Survey of Hours
and Earnings (ASHE), the gap is even wider.
The main conclusion of the report was that the pay gap is caused by
girls being steered towards stereotypical subjects in school and jobs leading
to less well-paid careers. This conclusion seeks to blame teachers, careers
advisors and women themselves for the pay gap. It avoided putting blame on the
discrimination made by employers, discrimination that has been proved time and
time again by high-profile cases being won at industrial tribunals. To win pay
justice, these women have had to go through lengthy and expensive legal
processes where they have to prove that employers are discriminatory. For these
reasons the NCP supports the trade union campaign for compulsory pay audits as a
means to force employers to prove that they are not discriminatory on pay.
It has been revealed that
both men and woman are working beyond their contractual weekly hours,
“voluntarily” for no extra pay. The
unofficial extension of the working day is achieved by employees working to
finish a set job, which may or may not have a deadline, employees feeling
intimidated by employers that it is expected of them to gain promotion, or that
they must keep up with their colleagues who are doing likewise. Thus, a culture of unpaid overtime has set in
and become the “norm”.
The Government has made no
move on universal state-provided childcare , but
rather an acceleration of privately run nurseries, which are very
expensive. The Government has given some
financial help to mothers towards childcare, but it is yet again subsidising
the private sector.
The Government has
sanctioned paternity leave but this is unpaid and not compulsory on employers.
Single mothers have been
targeted for not ensuring that their children attend school, and court fines
have been introduced and are in operation. In some cases custodial sentences
are meted out to the mothers, who are also named and shamed in the local and
national press, which
print ‘shock’ stories for increased sales.
Mothers should not be
subjected to such treatment. There are
many reasons for children not attending school, or truanting: bullying,
depression, drug-taking, drinking, poor home environment, poverty, social
ignorance, disruption in the classroom – no continuity of teaching staff and
bad behaviour by pupils – boredom in the classroom and so on. Even if a mother accompanies a child to the
school gates, she cannot guarantee that the child will not abscond, either
before the start of school, or during the lunch break, when secondary school
children are allowed off the premises.
Also, accompanying an older child to the school could in itself attract
bullying.
Women are increasingly
starting families later in life. Some
choose to but many are forced into this situation due to financial reasons,
including expensive or inadequate accommodation, or fear that their careers
could be jeopardised due to management discrimination. Late pregnancies come with added health risks
to both mother and child and a shortage of midwives has increased that
risk. The press is eager to play up the
“older mother” image as an attractive option for women, but those older mothers
are usually celebrities who have no financial or childcare worries and can
afford private care (though this has been shown to be hazardous in some
cases). In addition, fertility treatment
is very limited on the NHS, but readily available in the private sector at
considerable cost to women where money is no object, or for those poorer
couples who are desperate and “find” the money.
All women should have the
choice of when they start a family, have good nursing
care and readily available fertility treatment on the NHS.
The seriously damaging
culture of binge drinking now affects large numbers of young women. This poses a very serious health risk and
social problem, and women are made more vulnerable to physical and sexual abuse
either by being targeted by rapists using date-rape drugs, or become inebriated
to the point of passing out. The drinks
industry must be made to take its share of responsibility for this problem and
help address it.
The Government has given its
backing to paternity leave, but this is unpaid and not compulsory on the
employer. It only benefits those in a
strong financial situation and who have a cooperative employer. Maternity and paid paternity leave must be
extended and available to all, on a non-means tested basis. All parents should have reasonable time to
spend with their children and this means curtailing working hours without
reduction of income. Parental leave
should be available to either parent when a child is sick.
Domestic violence, in all its forms,
results from the isolated, unnatural nature of the bourgeois nuclear family and
the economic and social tensions and alienation exerted on that structure by
bourgeois society. Where violence has occurred, society must extend full
necessary protection to its victims.
The real, economic freedom to leave a bad
family situation before it deteriorates into violence is vital and divorce must
be available on demand.
Many of the issues affecting
women also impact on men and the fight for equality for women is part of the
class struggle.
The New Communist Party for
30 years has warned of the dangers of creeping fascism but recent events mean
we must now talk of advancing fascism.
Fascism is the direct rule
of the most reactionary and ruthless section of the ruling class. It opposes
all forms of democracy and eschews all human rights and denigrates bourgeois
liberal ideas. It is afraid of communism, socialism and the organised working
class and seeks to suppress all working class organisations.
Since 1688
In 1688 the state consisted
largely of the standing armed forces under the control of the crown, the
judiciary also under the crown and Parliament, the legislative part of the
state. The crown was subservient to the will of Parliament; the higher echelons
of the armed forces were and still are dominated by landowning families and the
right to vote was conditional on landownership.
Since then, in the 19th and
20th centuries there have been added to the state machine a massive civil
service, elected local authorities, state-controlled education and health
services and other state welfare bodies and a civilian police force.
Frederick Engels also noted
that in the later part of the 19th century
Since the mid 1970s there
has been a creeping change towards fascism, beginning with internment without
trial in the occupied north of
In the 1980s Prime Minister
Thatcher began a process of gathering more and more power to the office of the
Prime Minister at the expense of parliamentary democracy. This process has
continued under the Major and Blair governments.
There has been a procession
of Police and Crime Acts, Immigration and Asylum Acts and anti-terror
legislation. And since
These orders are imposed in
respect of behaviour which is not necessarily criminal and require a low
standard of proof. Breaching them can result in imprisonment without further
recourse to courts, leading to people, often young or vulnerable, being liable
to imprisonment without proper legal process. Such orders have been imposed on
people suffering from autism and other mental disorders who could find
themselves in prison simply because of their illness.
Existing anti-terror
legislation has already been used against people who are plainly not terrorists
– usually peace protesters. They include
Further draconian measures
are planned, including the outlawing of the “glorification of terrorism”, which
could be interpreted very widely; the compiling of a massive database of
personal information, including biometrics, on every resident in
The proposed Parliamentary
Reform Act will undermine the authority of Parliament further by allowing the
government of the day to amend, abolish or even
introduce new legislation without recourse to proper parliamentary procedure.
In the streets now CCTV
monitoring schemes can recognise individual faces and track car number plates,
while various public transport travel passes leave an electronic trail wherever
the user goes.
Much of these new aspects of
state control and monitoring of individuals is made possible by advancing
technology and much of the administration of this is done by private
enterprise.
Giant privately-run
computers now administer the Passport Service, the Immigration Service, the
Inland Revenue, the National Insurance database, our education and health
services, our agriculture and food control and many other Government
departments.
The involvement of the
private sector in the administration of the state is such that we are heading
towards the monetarist ideal state – in which the elected legislative at
national and local levels, meets once a year to hand out contracts – or rather
to rubber-stamp recommendations prepared by private firms of
consultants.
In this way the giant
capitalist monopolies are, effectively, more and more administering the
bourgeois state directly without recourse to democratic procedures. They are
able not only to monitor the population closely but also seek to micromanage
our behaviour. They want to control us both politically and economically – to
guide our behaviour in order to exploit us to the maximum. The national
identity database is the ultimate dream of every marketing manager.
The accelerating advance towards
fascism is not a response to any current threat from the organised working
class, though it may to some extent be in anticipation that such a threat might
arise in the future.
It is happening against a
background of advancing fascism internationally as the most reactionary, brutal
and greedy elements of the global ruling class – the American neo-cons – seek
to gain hegemony over the whole world, especially its fuel resources.
It also happens in response
to rivalries between the giant global economic blocs – the
We must resist this
advancing fascism and prevent it becoming more established. The organised
working class is our chief defence. The fascist state with its giant database
and close monitoring and control of the population will be complex to
administer and require an army of civil servants – who may be employed by the
Government or by private agencies.
Currently trade union
membership is highest within the public sector. Non-compliance by those members
of the working class expected to administer the system – and by the population
in general – will make it difficult if not impossible for the ruling elite to
establish the level of control they seek.
But there will almost
certainly be a huge struggle. We must be ready for this and not discouraged or
panicked by a class enemy that is ruthless. We must remember that it is also
desperate. The ruling class generally prefers to rule through a bourgeois
democracy. Resorting to fascism is in itself evidence of desperation.
Many sections of the
bourgeoisie will also be oppressed by this system and there will be scope for
class alliances to oppose fascism, though we must remember in this context that
the working class is strongest, most reliable and should lead the alliance.
Working class parties, trade
unions and progressive organisations throughout the world are fighting the
struggle against neo-con fascism on a global scale. We are part of that
struggle and modern technology strengthens this fight and our ties with our
international allies.
The American neo-cons aimed
to establish world hegemony within 20 years of the fall of the
A succession of
South American states have turned to left and progressive governments and the
neo-cons can do nothing. The DPRK continues to defy the neo-cons with courage
and impunity. The neo cons bluster but fear to attack.
The fascists are doomed to
defeat in
The ruling class is not
inherently racist but has always used racism to divide and weaken the working
class. When any worker suffers abuse or discrimination because of their race,
religion, gender or for any other reason, the class as a whole is weakened and
it is the responsibility of the whole class to combat racism and all other
divisions of the class.
This is why the New
Communist Party does not support separate organisation for workers of different
colour, religion or gender. The class must stand united on the basis that an
injury to one is an injury to all.
Currently the organised
working class, the trade unions, are taking a lead in combating racism at work
and in the community.
Broad anti-fascist and
anti-racist organisations like Searchlight
and Unite Against Fascism have demonstrated repeatedly
that the most effective campaigning against neo-Nazi organisations like the
British National Party is done at a local level, door-to-door. The BNP, in its
election campaigns, tries to exploit issues that concern the local working
class and to sow division by falsely claiming that black and immigrant communities
receive favourable treatment from the state. Experience has shown that these
tactics must be combated by anti-fascists and anti-racists taking up these lies
and countering them with the truth at a local level.
All the major trade unions
have become involved in this and have provided hundreds if not thousands of
volunteers to do this door-to-door work.
This fills the gap left by
the Labour Party, which in many areas has given up door-to-door canvassing.
New Communist Party members
and cells should become involved in active local anti-fascist and anti-racist
campaigning wherever they can and should support their trade unions in this.
The New Communist
Party recognises the need for any sovereign state to set an immigration policy
in accordance with its resources. But we firmly oppose any immigration policy
that discriminates, either directly or indirectly, on the basis of race, creed,
colour or gender.
Exactly the same labour laws
that cover indigenous workers must protect immigrants into
We recognise that some trade
unions are making efforts to recruit and inform immigrant workers of their
rights and we support this work and call for it to be extended.
The use by some employers of
bogus self-employed status to circumvent labour laws must be outlawed.
We call for the repeal of
the Immigration and Asylum Acts of the 1990s, passed by both Tory and Labour
governments, which make it very difficult for many genuine asylum seekers to
establish their claims.
Asylum seekers
must be treated humanely and their claims dealt with swiftly. While this
process takes place they must be given decent accommodation and welfare
benefits to survive. No asylum seekers should be locked up unless there is good
reason, with evidence, to believe they are criminals. No child asylum seeker
should ever be locked up.
The main issue for the
elderly is that of the pensions. It is time that the state pension should be at
a level that does away with any form of means testing, and an immediate
increase to £114.05 payable to both men and women as proposed by the National
Pensioners’ Convention.
Once this target is achieved
the trade union movement should be mobilised to campaign for a state pension of
two thirds of the median weekly wage excluding overtime. This level of pension
is affordable if taxation is raised for those who can afford it and tax-breaks
for the rich are abolished.
The age of retirement, the pensionable age, must not be increased. To be able to
retire from a life of work contributing to the wealth of the country and to the
profits of those who benefit most from their labour, the capitalist class, is a
right that must not be denied. We are not opposed to the right to continue to
work after retirement. But it must not be one of necessity, and should not
affect the pension.
Wherever possible, elderly
people should be assisted to remain in their homes, with modifications provided
by social services such as entrance ramps, handrails, telephones, and emergency
alarms. But if this is not practical for reasons of health, then adequate
accommodation in Care Homes should be provided. On no account should it be
suggested that couples be separated by this arrangement.
This raises the question of
the availability of the health services. The "district nurse" is
invaluable in assisting primary care trust doctors in this respect. The
reliance on untrained carers is not the answer. Hospitals must always have bed
provision available for emergency elderly cases.
One of the most important
services needed by the elderly is that of the chiropodist. This is not
generally available, and when it is just for cutting toenails it can cost over
£1 per toe. This must be an NHS service.
The maintenance of mental
health is as important as physical health. It is important that the elderly
have access to education and entertainment facilities. The day centres for the
elderly, where meals are served are important in this and must be maintained.
Whilst the long awaited free
bus pass for all elderly people is an advance, it does not completely answer
the need. It is necessary to introduce a free universal travel pass covering
bus, underground, and the railway. This should be financed by national
government. There is also a need to consider the inadequate travel arrangements
for the elderly in rural areas. A fully integrated publicly owned service is
essential to achieve these demands.
Progress has continued in this area.
Following on from the equalisation of the age of consent in 2000, Labour has
made it illegal to discriminate against lesbians and gay men at work and in the
provision of goods and services – from NHS care to insurance, hotels and
restaurants – after pressure from the gay lobby.
Civil Partnerships offer benefits for gay
couples similar to those enjoyed by heterosexual married couples in terms of
tax, immigration, next of kin and other legal rights. All this is to be
applauded.
But while it is possible in
There is a logical contradiction here
that needs rectifying. A person should be fully recognised as being a
particular gender – not with some documents saying one thing and some documents
another. The present situation has legal implications; for example it means
that a female-to-male transsexual cannot marry a woman.
Things have improved considerably, and the
Labour Government must be given credit where it is due, but there are still
things to fight for. Homophobic attitudes are still common and attacks on gay
people regularly occur. The law still needs strengthening against such hate
attacks and more resources put into education to change attitudes.
Since our last Congress in
2003, our NHS has sustained further attack from the Blair government in the
form of more privatisation. This
includes our NHS dental care, which, with new contracts being signed means that
from
The latest attacks on our
NHS take the form of further breaking up of the cohesion of the provision of
NHS healthcare by further major involvement of the private sector, not only in
the continuation of Private Finance Initiative (PFI) in rebuilding old NHS
hospitals, but in the formation of private Foundation Hospitals, which are taking
profitable work from the NHS, in other words hip replacementsand
so on. These Foundation Hospitals make
contracts with the Government to perform set numbers of operations. Once sealed, the agreed money goes to the
Taking these types of
operations, for example hip replacements, cataracts and so on, away from NHS
hospitals means that NHS doctors are losing out as well on experience and
training in these areas.
Most, if not all, NHS
Hospital Trusts and Primary Care Trusts are in financial crisis, bankrupt. But
the Government has pledged not to bail them out, saying they have thrown
millions of pounds at the NHS and that bad management has caused the crisis. The outcome has been ward closures, cancelled
operations and thousands of job losses. These include including specialist
nurses and consultants[DL5] -- unheard of in
the NHS – affecting recruitment of junior doctors and eventually the number of
doctors being trained.
This comes at a time when recent publicity
has highlighted, yet again, the shortage of doctors and nurses in our NHS. We were recruiting from overseas! These cuts will not only demoralise the
staff, but will cause hardship and worry to the patients, current and future,
and their families. This will make
conditions worse for the elderly infirm who are already treated as third-class
citizens.
Secretary of State for
Health Patricia Hewitt has recently announced plans to treat patients with
heart and asthma problems in the community by nurses, in spite of a shortage of
district nurses. Also patients have been
told they will have a choice of hospital to go to.
A shortage of midwives has
meant a failing service to expectant mothers, and some fatalities have
occurred.
The post code lottery
continues with regard to receiving certain drugs, and patients have brought
several cases to
the courts to try to overturn the decisions made by their Primary Care Trusts.
The New Communist Party
supports the full integration of dental care services into the NHS as part of a
holistic approach to deliver public health free at the point of use. The destruction
of local dental services must be reversed.
The New Communist Party
supports a fully-funded, well managed, National Health Service, there for
everyone at the time of need, and continues to support all workers in the
NHS.
As a short-term
goal, the NCP seeks to re-establish the availability and breadth of NHS
services provided before the Conservative government of 1979 started the long
process of decline.
The NCP rejects the commodification of health services, and believes that the
quality of medical care provided by the NHS should remove the market for
private health provision. The standard of medical care must be the same for
all.
The NCP notes with alarm the
increasing privatisation of dentistry, ophthalmic services, and chiropody, and
the unavailability of such care in many parts of the country.
We believe that
health care is better provided at local hospitals and clinics where families
and individuals can receive all necessary care in familiar surroundings.
Maternity and nutrition clinics, district nurses, and regular health screenings
at school and places of work are not nostalgic dreams of the past, but real
options for the future in making health care available to people wherever they
need it.
The New Communist Party
opposes all privatisation of the service including foundation hospitals[DL6] -- a back door
method to privatisation. We are concerned that foundation hospitals are
part of a process of marketisation in the NHS,
involved in the reintroduction of competition and an increased role of private
sector.
We believe that it
will undermine the public service leaning to a poorer, unequal service and an
extension of charging. Foundation hospitals will be able to raise income
by charging for the treatment of private patients and many services will be
subcontracted out.
Congress calls on all
its members in the trade unions and community to oppose and campaign against
the establishment of foundation hospitals and all other privatisation. This has
become parasitic, leading to the destruction of the NHS, which was fought for
over many generations. And Congress calls for an NHS that is free at the point
of need. The service and the morale of its workers must be reinstated to the
full, to guarantee the sick, young and elderly, receive the treatment and service
needed, including dental, fully supported by our tax system and at no extra
cost to the patients and their families.
It is the workers who create the wealth by their toil and provide the
funding in the form of taxes, not the bourgeoisie, who have off-shore accounts
and sit on the shoulders of the workers.
We will continue to our fight to save our services.
The purpose of the education
system of this country has never been for the benefit of the working class. It
has been developed to provide a workforce sufficiently educated, but no more
than necessary, to work the tools and machinery of the day so that the ruling
class could extract the maximum amount of profit. The ruling class has never
relinquished control of the education system mainly in order to ensure that
education provided no less and more than was required.
Now, under this Government’s
economic policy with its consequent
reduced manufacturing and industrial base, they are trying to alter the
education system to suit basic service industry needs.
We want to see a return to
comprehensive schools, as originally envisaged, and the development of a policy
to solve the skills deficit that is facing our country.
We also call for education
at all levels to be free and any education after the age of 16 to be supported
by grants.
There is an urgent need to
look at the syllabuses of all levels of education from teaching training to
primary school; from science teachers to youth workers.
Education funding needs to
be increased substantially and to be controlled by the appropriate local
council, enabling them to direct resources as needs
dictate. Sponsorship of schools by “charity” organisations or companies should
cease; if they have spare money to spend on education they can afford to be taxed
more heavily so that democratically elected councillors have more money to
promote all round education.
Since the 1980s the
facilities available to young people to participate in physical and cultural
activities have either been closed or reduced significantly. Youth clubs have
been closed, playing fields sold for high-priced housing, swimming pools sold
and converted into up-market “fitness” clubs with exorbitant membership fees.
We would make it mandatory
for local authorities to make facilities available for the youth in their areas
to participate in both physical and cultural activities that are fully funded
by taxation.
We would remove religion
from the curriculum of any school. If religion is to be taught it should be in
the local religious gathering place or at home. Religion is the parents’
responsibility not a state-funded responsibility.
The
NCP opposes the existence of separate schools on the basis of wealth, social
class, or religious faith. All such schools must be integrated into a single educational
structure that meets the needs of all children, and seeks to promote social
equality and the highest standards of academic, practical and ethical formation
for everyone.
The United States invaded
Iraq firstly to secure Iraq’s oil supplies for the use of American imperialism,
secondly to maintain the policy whereby oil is priced in American dollars and
thirdly to establish a permanent military presence in the area with the
objective of controlling all the oil reserves in the Middle East. They have
only had limited success in that Iraqi oil is only being extracted in limited
quantities and Iran has stood firm against American and British “sabre
rattling”.
The extraction of
Coal-fired power stations
currently generate 34 per cent of
The Blair government is
currently considering building a new generation of nuclear power stations to
resolve the problem.
The New Communist Party has
for two decades opposed the development of nuclear power and we remain opposed
for several reasons:
1)
The toxic plutonium waste generated presents a
serious hazard for thousands of years to come and there is no safe way to
dispose of it;
2)
The plutonium produced can be used in nuclear
weapons and it is probable that the Government favours nuclear power as a
resource for a new generation of nuclear weapons;
3)
When waste disposal is included in the costs of
nuclear power, it becomes the most expensive form of energy available;
4)
The dangers of nuclear accidents are enormous, for
the local population and the environment;
5)
Existing nuclear power stations have led to a
dangerous rise in radioactive pollution in their vicinity – with pigeons and
seabirds near Sellafield being so affected that their
droppings are considered to be dangerous radioactive waste and practically the
whole of the
The New Communist Party supports an integrated
energy policy, using a variety of energy sources including “green” sources such
as solar power, wind, hydro, wave and geothermal energy. We call for an
increase in the research and development of these sources combined with
increased emphasis on energy efficiency.
We also call for the
development of the clean uses of coal to generate power without polluting
emissions.
We call for a reversal of this policy and
investment to redevelop
Homeless people are not the
only people who need council houses. There are plenty of young people still
with their parents because they cannot afford their own home.
Councils should be allowed
to build council houses to satisfy this need. But the opposite is happening.
The Government is forcing councils to spend a fortune to convince their council tenants to
vote to sell the roofs over their heads to housing associations and private landlords.This is nothing but the privatisation of social
housing.
Privatisation means higher
rents and service charges, less security and unaccountable landlords. Council
workers lose their jobs or are transferred to the private sector, consultants
get fat bonuses, and banks make big profits from the supply of funds to finance
the transfer of houses from the council to the new private owners.
The three million council
tenants and their families, the millions more living in temporary or
overcrowded accommodation, and all those priced out of the private sector,
would benefit from increased investment to improve existing and build new
council housing.
The NCP calls for the:
●
End of the privatisation of council housing whether
it be the sale of houses to private landlords or housing associations;
●
Councils to be allowed to build decent affordable,
secure and accountable council housing backed, by government borrowing;
●
Councils to be given more rights to manage empty
houses;
●
Councils to be allowed to use the surplus in their
housing revenue accounts to enhance the management and maintenance of council
housing.
●
Housing Association stock should be brought under
council ownership.
●
Opposition to the marketisation
of all housing rents.
The New Communist Party
calls for an end to the use of land in order to exploit the working class
through rent. No human being created the land and all should have access to it
to live and to work. Rent is a form of tax on every economic activity that happens
on land: working, living, farming, leisure, trading and so on imposed by
landowners, who acquired the land as private property through the enclosure
movements from the 14th century onwards.
Communists oppose the private ownership of
land in principle, as the extraction of rent is purely a method of exploiting
those who live or work on the land. A Communist government will nationalise all
land, granting leaseholds to those who legitimately live or work on it,
dispossessing all landowners and ensuring that the working class alone benefits
from capital gains.
We meet again at a time of
sharpening contradictions – and the primary contradiction in the world today is
between
Bush and the most aggressive circles
within the American ruling class want to carve-up the
They call it “globalisation” or the “
In the past the imperialists justified
their colonial wars by using the racist and imperialist theories of the “white
man’s burden”, “the master race” or “manifest destiny”. The horrors of the two
world wars of the last century killed most of that reactionary nonsense. So now
they fly the false flag of “democracy” and “liberation” to justify their
crimes.
We have seen their “liberation” in
practice in
But those in favour of imperialist
aggression are the most aggressive and greedy sections of the capitalist and
landowning class. They are the sort of people who robbed and looted
They pull the strings. Now they show what
a farce our so-called parliamentary democracy really is. Now they reveal the
contempt they have for the people beneath them. Millions elected the Labour
government. Millions are opposed to the war. Their voice is ignored and
dismissed and the only demand that Blair & Co listen to is that of the
ruling class.
This has led to a crisis in the Labour
Party that has now spread to the Government. There is anger at the spectacle of
a British Prime Minister reduced to the role of an apologist for George W Bush.
There is disgust at the sight of the British army in the Gulf reduced to the
role of hired hands of American imperialism, like the sepoys of the old East
India Company. Even sections of the bourgeoisie and the ruling class are
opposed to the war and this is reflected in the position of the Liberal
Democrats and the small but growing band of Tory MPs. But Blair & Co have
determined to serve one section of the ruling class: the most reactionary and
imperialist exploiters who believe that British imperialism’s world-wide
interests can only be protected by the might of the American armed forces.
But wherever there is oppression there is
always resistance. The dreams of Anglo-American imperialism are turning into
dust on the streets of
The bastions of socialism, People’s
Peace remains the central issue. The
labour and peace movement must maintain the fight to bring about the immediate
and unconditional withdrawal of all British troops from
Since 2003 an anti-war movement of
unprecedented scale has swept the world, not least in the
The NCP fully supports the Stop the War
Campaign and all the other campaigns fighting for the withdrawal of British
troops in
The tragedy of the Palestinian Arabs
began when British imperialism first occupied their land in 1918 and encouraged
Zionist immigration through the Balfour doctrine. British imperialism sought to
create a community of Zionist settlers who would prolong their occupation of
The first war led to the expulsion of a
million Palestinian Arabs from their homes by the Zionist regime. Those
refugees and their descendants have never given up their right to return to
their land. And this is the heart of the crisis in the
Anglo-American imperialism is currently
promoting an Israeli “unilateral” withdrawal from parts of the occupied
The Israeli plan calls on the
Palestinians to end their armed struggle and calls on all the other Arabs to
cease supporting the Palestinian resistance and to normalise their relations
with the Zionist entity. In return the Palestinians are offered a “state” with
no defined borders but which is clearly little more than the “autonomous” zones
they administered under the previous
The tail does not wag the dog and
In a slightly more sophisticated way,
Past UN resolutions have provided the
basis for a just and lasting peace in the
Anglo-American imperialism believes it
can call all the shots in the
In the
A
lasting solution must be based on the right of return of refugees and an
independent Palestinian state with
In the beginning Bush and Blair told the
world that this war was over the weapons of mass destruction that
Though the war was allegedly fought to
rid
The warmongers claimed the invasion was
for the benefit of the Iraqi Kurdish minority. But the imperialists, who only
seek to use them as auxiliaries in their campaign to take over the whole of
We are now told that the war is about
bringing “democracy” to the Iraqi people. But this is the last thing on the
imperialists’ minds at the moment. What they hope to establish is a series of
weak puppet statelets based on ethnic and religious differences within
Very detailed plans to carve up the Iraqi
oil fields and its nationalised oil industry were prepared long before the war.
The immense task of reconstruction needed to get Iraqi oil pumping again for
the benefit of imperialism has already been earmarked for chosen American
corporations.
By establishing direct control of the
Iraqi oil fields, Anglo-American imperialism hopes to control the price and
production of the global oil industry. This was what the war was about and this
is why
The central issue is the right of the
Iraqi people to independence, to choose their own government and social system
and control their own resources. They certainly will not be able to do this
under imperialist occupation. The Iraqis could easily establish a new
independent government within weeks if freely allowed to do so. That, however,
is not on George W Bush’s agenda.
We
whole-heartedly support the Iraqi resistance in its struggle for freedom. We
call for the immediate and unconditional withdrawal of all British troops from
We call for the closure of the Guantánamo
Bay camp and the unconditional and immediate withdrawal of all British troops
from
Anglo-American imperialism stands totally
isolated in the world, even amongst the international institutions it once
relied on to do its bidding and give it some international authority for its
actions.
The United Nations has been marginalised.
In the past British and American
imperialism upheld the principle of the veto on the UN Security Council – a
right the
The Bush administration is indifferent to
the UN and indeed the more cautious views of its junior partners. The Bush
administration represents the most reactionary and aggressive sections of the
American ruling class: people ready to take the world to the brink of
destruction in pursuit of world domination.
They call it “the New World Order”. It
was coined when Bush’s father was in the White House, soon after the
When the first demand is met another soon
follows until eventually, like the Fuhrer, Bush’s “patience” is exhausted and
war is threatened. Like the Nazis, Bush has elevated the theory of “pre-emptive
war” to justify American aggression and the surprise attack against anyone
considered weaker than themselves. Like the Nazis, the American imperialists
think they can rule the world but the Thousand-Year Reich lasted little more
than 12. It ended in world war, the deaths of millions upon millions and destruction
on a global scale. The eventual defeat of Nazi-Germany was in no small part due
to the political and military organisation of the
We call for
democratic reform of the UN Security Council to ensure that it is
representative of the vast majority of member states of the world forum.
Any move that blocks the establishment of an
Anglo-American hegemony over the world is welcome. But not if
it substitutes one imperialist system with another, albeit controlled by a
consortium of European powers under the flag of the European Union.
The European Union is divided and so is
our own ruling class and the war has brought their divisions to a head. The
most reactionary, aggressive and venal sections, those the Blair leadership are
serving, are in the war camp.
Those in favour of greater European
integration oppose them. These include the elements of the ruling class who
will profit from partnership inside the EU rather than with
The war party, that section of the ruling
class in favour of imperialist aggression and who believe that British imperialism’s
global interests can only be preserved by American might,
are dominant at the moment. Blair still
struggles to maintain the old British ruling class policy of straddling the
The Government has scrapped the
referendum on the single European currency following the rejection of the
proposed EU constitution in the Dutch [DL10]and French referendums. This
is not out of any concern for working people who would suffer from EMU. It
simply reflects the demands of the war party, which includes virtually all the
Euro-sceptic Tories.
The Blair leadership has aligned itself
with the most reactionary and venal sections of the British ruling class –
those who profit from British imperialism’s neo-colonial exploitation, those
who know it can only be propped up by the guns of the American war machine.
This war party, which includes most but not all of the Tory leaders, has the
backing of the North American-owned press in
The struggle within the Labour Party is
clearly going to intensify – a positive
development as the only way the war party as a whole can be defeated is by
defeating Blair & Co inside the party they claim to lead. But the agenda
must not be simply reduced to divisions within the ruling class itself over
British and
The Big Five permanent members of the UN
Security Council all possess nuclear weapons, along with
People’s
In the meantime People’s
China calls on all nuclear powers to
pledge not to be the first to use nuclear weapons at any time or under any
circumstance, to commit themselves unconditionally not to use or threaten to
use nuclear weapons against non-nuclear weapons states or nuclear-weapons free
zones, and to conclude, at an early date, international legal agreements to
such effect.
These long-standing demands must be
projected throughout the peace movement in
The immediate focus must be the demand to
scrap the Trident missile system. The billions spent on Trident are a national
disgrace. This money could be used to refund the National Health Service and
other state welfare projects but it is being squandered every year on Trident –
a system developed to “deter” the
Socialism operates in over a quarter of
the world. In
People’s
Democratic
Socialist Vietnam and People’s
All the socialist countries continue to
strengthen their economic, bilateral and party-to-party ties. All work for
peace in the international arena and support the national liberation movements
that are challenging the imperialist “New World Order” and globalisation.
In the socialist countries the communists
work to serve the people; elsewhere the communists are working to end the cruel
exploitation of capitalism and communists everywhere are working together to
reign in the military ambitions of the imperialist powers
Since our last Congress the Party has
strengthened its bilateral relations with communist and workers’ parties all
over the world. The Party has developed its friendship and solidarity with the
Workers’ Party of Korea, the Communist Party of China and the Communist Party
of Cuba. The NCP has warm relations with virtually all the communist and
workers’ parties in the world, built on exchanges of information, meetings and
delegations, and common support for regional and international communist
conferences.
We support the consistent efforts of the
Communist Party of Greece (KKE), which has played a key role in organising an
annual international forum of communist and workers’ parties, as well as an Information Bulletin to develop
communist ideas in the new situation and to foster international solidarity.
The Party plays an active part in the
forums organised by the Belgian Workers’ Party. The Party supports moves for
greater global exchanges of views on a bilateral and international basis. We were
one of the initial signatories to the Pyongyang Declaration, Let us defend and advance the socialist
cause, in 1992, now endorsed by over 240 parties and progressive movements
around the world.
We believe that a co-ordinated communist
response across the world is needed to rally working people against the
imperialists and oppressors. But calls for the re-establishment of a formal
Communist International are premature. The conditions that led to the
establishment of the Comintern in 1919 do not exist today. The experience of
world communist conferences sponsored by the revisionist leaderships in the
CPSU after the death of Stalin has to be taken into account.
Our view, based on our own experience and
that of the world movement as a whole, is that a new international must be
based on these principles:
● It must include and be
supported by the ruling parties of
● It must be based on the
principle of equality between big and small parties and the independence of all
parties;
● It must recognise the
principle of a collective secretariat or presidium that reflects the views of
the member parties and not of one big party;
● It must recognise that in
countries where there is more than one communist party, the case in most countries
today, the differences between them are matters for those parties alone to
settle.
The United Irish rebellion
in 1798, the Emmett Rising in 1803, the Young Irelanders in 1848, the Fenian
movement, the Land League and the Irish Republican Brotherhood, the 1916 Easter
Rising, the Anglo-Irish War of 1919-21, the 1950s Border Campaign and the IRA
campaigns of 1969-1997 form a continuous thread of struggle for Ireland's
national liberation.
The New Communist Party
believes it is the right of Irish people to determine the nature of that
struggle. For centuries, British colonial domination and oppression has
rendered normal political conduct impossible. Only today are the conditions
being created to redress the injustices of British rule, anti-Catholic
discrimination and partition.
The violent suppression of
the Civil Rights Association and pogroms against Catholics in 1968-69 sparked
the latest phase of the conflict in
In the 1990s the Adams-Hume
peace process resulted in two IRA ceasefires, and following Labour's election
victory in 1997 the parties in the north and the British and Irish governments
negotiated the historic Good Friday Agreement in 1998. This was overwhelmingly
endorsed by the people of northern and southern
The New Communist Party
believes that these advances were made possible by Labour's election victory in
1997, along with the efforts of Sinn Féin and other parties to build a peace
process.
After eight years the
agreement has not been fully implemented, due to the interference of
rejectionist elements in the British state and their surrogates in the north of
Nevertheless the benefits of
the peace process have transformed the situation throughout
However the number of racist attacks have increased in the north, and
the potential for loyalist violence remains as long as the Good Friday
Agreement remains unimplemented. In the republican community the “dissident”
groups have effectively been marginalised.
Republicans are engaged in
dialogue with Unionist churches and the business community in the north, but
the key to cementing the peace process and ending all sectarian violence is for
nationalist, republican and Unionist politicians to work together.
The Good Friday Agreement is
a major step towards the end of partition in
The New Communist Party
regards Sinn Féin as the vanguard in the struggle for Irish national liberation
and the driving force behind the peace process in
The New Communist Party will
continue to work with the Wolfe Tone Society, the Connolly Association and the
Troops Out Movement, and will work within the trade
union and labour movement in
Capitalism is in deep crisis. It cannot
solve the problems of the millions of working people whose labour it exploits
but it always seeks to divert the masses to perpetuate its rule. Throughout
The “European Left Party” is a bloc of
revisionists, left social-democrats and Trotskyists
who specifically reject Marxism-Leninism, which it calls “Stalinism”, while
claiming to be the heirs of the European communist movement. What they are the
heirs to are the revisionist ideas that destroyed the mass parties of
The Scottish Parliament and the Welsh
Assembly are now playing an important part in the development of regional
government in
The degree of local autonomy won by the
Scots and the Welsh is, in itself, no guarantee that the national traditions
and culture of the Scottish and Welsh people will be developed, nor will it
automatically lead to the strengthening of working class power. But the
creation of national institutions in
The New Communist Party has long
recognised the rights of the Scottish and Welsh nations to full national
self-determination. We support Scottish and Welsh demands for the right to
preserve and develop their culture and national identity. We support their
right to posses and control all the physical and other resources present on
their land or in their territorial waters. We support the demand for genuine
self-governing powers for the Scottish Parliament and the Welsh Assembly.
The New Communist Party supports the
demand for the encouragement of the Welsh language, which should be raised, in
practice as well as in theory, to equal standing with English throughout
The NCP was founded in 1977 on the
principles of Marxism-Leninism and the rejection of revisionist and social
democratic trends within the defunct Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB). The
NCP continues to combat revisionist and social democratic thinking as part of
its campaign to build the NCP and uphold the revolutionary path.
Though the CPGB has dissolved,
the left social-democratic and revisionist ideas of the CPGB’s British Road to Socialism live on in its
direct heirs, the Communist Party of Britain (CPB) and the Communist Party of
Scotland (CPS).
Nevertheless the NCP has long recognised
that there is the possibility of working together on certain issues, such as
peace, anti-racism or the wages struggle with these parties and others that
have sprung from the British communist movement.
In recent years the NCP has developed
friendly relations with the Revolutionary Communist Party of Britain
(Marxist-Leninist). This includes regular bilateral exchanges of views, joint
activities and work for peace and proletarian internationalism. This work can
only strengthen the British communist movement in the effort to build communist
unity in theory and practice.
The NCP supported a CPB initiative for a
round-table conference of communist parties in
Our proposals – for a communist liaison
committee that would allow for the regular exchange of information and views
between the various British communist parties at a leadership level – were
rejected by the CPB in 1998. They remain on the table.
The NCP supports the Morning Star, which is an asset of the working class built up over
generations. It is a newspaper of the broad left and the trade union movement
while the New Worker is the
Marxist-Leninist paper of the NCP.
The Marx Memorial Library is another
important asset of the working class and the British communist movement. The New Worker is an affiliate and comrades
actively participate in the Library’s work. We call on all comrades to campaign
for union affiliation to the Library as well as joining on an individual basis.
The New
Worker is our weekly communist voice. It is read by thousands in
We must fight to win more readers and
supporters of the paper to guarantee its future. We must campaign to develop
and expand New Worker supporters’
groups. Building the sales of the New
Worker and raising money for the fighting fund to maintain and expand our
communist press is one of the crucial tasks of the NCP today. Our paper
represents the voice of struggle in all its forms. It gives a clear communist
line on the issues of the day, a Marxist-Leninist analysis of the problems
facing the working class and it provides a window to the world communist
movement and the national liberation movement. The bigger the
readership, the greater our influence. This is our paramount task.
The communist party is the monolithic
party of the proletariat and not a party of a bloc of elements of different
classes. It is based on democratic centralism. Every member must observe unified
discipline. The individual is subordinate to the organisation, the minority is
subordinate to the majority, the lower level is subordinate to the higher
level, and the entire Party is subordinate to the Central Committee. The
highest leading body of the Party is the national Party Congress, and, when it
is not in session, the Central Committee elected by it.
The Party must be a fighting party, based
on the tried and tested principles of democratic centralism, regular
self-sacrificing work and an unyielding hatred of the capitalist system.
We must be in the forefront of every-day
struggle, fighting for the maximum unity amongst the class to achieve winnable
economic gains and political objectives. We must always present the case for
revolutionary change and communism to end the whole system of exploitation in
Only a revolutionary party can make a
revolution. Without a revolutionary party there can be no revolutionary
movement. Only a revolutionary party can lead the class to overthrow the bourgeoisie.
It cannot be done through elections or general strikes. Only mass revolutionary
action by a militant working class led by a revolutionary communist party can
bring about revolutionary change.
A revolutionary party can only be built
through iron discipline, hardship and sacrifice. Every comrade must work to
build the party and take part in the daily struggles of the people at work and
in the locality. Class-consciousness is at its sharpest at the point of
production and we must focus on industry. We must build the Party in every
factory and office, in every industry, trade and housing estate.
Our Party is based upon the revolutionary
principles of Marxism-Leninism. Our purpose is to equip the working class so
that it can establish working class state power and then build a socialist
society. Our Party is made up of people who have come to the conclusion that
the present political and economic system does not satisfy the needs of the
majority of the population of this country, or for that matter of most countries
in the world today.
Bourgeois democracy is democracy for the
exploiters and dictatorship in all but a formal sense for the exploited.
Bourgeois elections, when they are held, are used so that the smallest number
of people can manipulate the maximum number of votes. Parliament no more makes
the real decisions for the country than do the councils in the localities.
All the major political parties in
Many come to this conclusion without any
knowledge of revolutionary theory and little understanding of the type of
organisation needed to lead the struggle for working class unity, revolution
and socialism. They come to us voluntarily and expect help and guidance in how
to play a part in the struggle to achieve socialism.
The history of humanity is a history of
exploitation and class struggle. For century after century working people, the
slaves, the peasants and the artisans fought for justice and equality. Only in
the modern era with the rise of the working class and the development of
scientific socialism has it been possible not only to dream of a better world
but also concretely to build it.
The Paris Communards fired
the first shots and paved the way to progress. The Great October Revolution in
1917 lit the torch of revolution, which burns on in
Communists proceed from the
principles of proletarian internationalism, peace and friendship among the
peoples. The Communist Parties of Europe and
The great revolutionary leaders of the
struggling masses: Mao Zedong, Kim Il Sung, Fidel
Castro and Ho Chi Minh, inspired generations to sacrifice and struggle for the
bright red future. That is a world with no classes and no exploitation, a world
in which the will of the masses, the workers, the toilers, the people who work
in the factories and farms, is carried out. It is a world in which those who
produce the entire wealth of the globe get the fruits of their labour.
We believe that while calls for the
re-establishment of a formal Communist International are premature, a
co-ordinated international communist response is needed to rally working people
against the imperialists and oppressors. We must work to restore the momentum
for revolutionary change; strengthen co-operation and united action with
communist and workers’ parties around the world; build solidarity with the
global anti-war movement and forces for liberation in the Third World to unite
the class and march towards a new tomorrow – the world Marx and Engels
predicted and a world that will surely come to pass.
This is the world we work
for: a socialist society where there are no slums, poverty or racism; a society
where there are no classes, no exploiters, no bigotry and no war. It is a new
and better world – the world Marx and Engels predicted and a world that will
surely come to pass. It is already being built in the socialist countries of
today. It is being fought for in every continent and every country. We are part
of that struggle. This is the century of socialism.
Congress
instructs the incoming Central Committee to compile a list of the Party's most
important immediate demands to be the leading edge in our propaganda work.
The NCP
recognises the significant victory of Hezbollah in its contribution to peace in
the
The New Communist Party
congratulates the Democratic People's
The
Congress condemns the attack
on democratic rights and institutions and the wave of arrests that began on
Congress condemns these
attacks on free speech and freedom of assembly aimed at stifling the trades
unions, socialist movements and Kurdish institutions.
We condemn all Turkish state
attacks on democratic institutions and civil rights.
We demand the immediate end
to all the unlawful attacks of the Turkish state and the immediate release of
all those arrested.
This Congress calls upon the
incoming Central Committee to initiate a discussion on the probable
consequences of climate change.
We recognise that this is a
process arising from the very operation of capitalism as a system of
exploitation. Far from there being any prospect of big business co-operating
with the working class to solve this problem, the contradictions will sharpen
as monopoly capitalism pursues its quest for profit, resulting in changes in
the global climate that may threaten the very existence of the human race.
We call upon the incoming
Central Committee to treat this issue as a priority and issue policy statements
and campaigning proposals.
The whole of the NHS has
suffered massive cuts in patient care. Mental health services have suffered to
cut costs and slash budgets. Increased privatisation, poor financial
management, constant re-organisation and so-called “service development” have
been severely damaging for service users and mental health service provision.
Illnesses such as depression
and anxiety are increasing to epidemic proportions in
Government policy with an
emphasis on quality and improvement has failed with a poor national standard of
care being reported. Investment and modernisation of mental heath care should
be a national priority rather than empty rhetoric.
Staff morale is poor and in
some areas there is a high turnover of staff. These are both related and
characteristics of serious organisational problem. There are significant
problems in recruitment and retention, which emphasise weakness in workforce
development.
Psychological treatments
provide an alternative and complementary treatment to medication. High rates of
treatment resistance, unpleasant side effects, no compliance and persistent
symptoms despite treatment emphasise the importance of establishing
alternatives to medicine.
Mental health policy needs
to reduce rates of suicide, emotional distress, deliberate self-harm,
self-neglect and violence. Services need to be improved and high quality
services developed with the objective of improving individual and care
outcomes.
The NCP opposes the massive
cutbacks in provision of care to the mentally ill and their replacement by
outsourcing to private agencies for profit. We oppose the closure of day
centres and cuts in the provision of local care.
The NCP calls for
well-funded, professional in-house care, with proper follow-up and
co-ordination with other social provision for all people with mental health
problems.