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Chen stays course on sovereignty
By Yoichi Funabashi

Taiwan's Yushan Mountain is a towering symbol of national identity, soaring more than 200 meters higher than Mount Fuji, Japan's tallest peak. A framed photograph of the snow-capped Yushan decorates the walls of a small parlor adjoining the president of Taiwan's executive office.

The president's office hosts a different picture of the mountain during each of the four seasons. All the prints show the mountain from the same angle. The current photo will be replaced with the summer version next month.

"Have you found out anything new about the March shooting?" I asked President Chen Shui-bian, who was shot and wounded by an unknown assailant while campaigning for re-election.

"It is still under investigation," he replied. "Overseas media have called it a shooting incident, but since the assailant aimed at my chest and abdomen, I believe it was an assassination attempt rather than meant as just a warning.

"Under Taiwanese law, a new election has to be called if a candidate has been killed or incapacitated. I have no doubt the attack was politically motivated. The purpose was to force an election re-call," Chen said.

"After I was shot, I refused to be carried on a stretcher or sit in a wheelchair," Chen continued. "The pain was excruciating, but I was determined to literally remain on my feet as the head of state and the commander of the armed forces."

Fortunately, his injuries were not life-threatening. "I believe heaven protected Taiwan," he said.

Chen will be sworn in as president on May 20 to start his second term. Instituting a new Constitution will top his political agenda, he said. A draft will be introduced in 2006 and take full effect in 2008.

Chen is having an entirely new Constitution written, not just revising the existing one. It will then be put to popular vote.

China suspects this may be a ploy to gain independence.

U.S. President George W. Bush is also concerned this could change the situation in the Taiwan Strait, including the issue of sovereignty, which in turn could lead to an armed conflict.

"Our present Constitution has become completely outdated in this day and age," Chen asserted.

"However, the changes we are making will be limited to practical matters, such as halving the number of National Assembly seats and switching from military conscription to voluntary enlistment. We are not writing this new Constitution to make Taiwan an independent republic. And we have no intention of changing our current understanding of sovereignty."

Chen intends to bypass any symbolic issue such as territory, the nation's appellation and the national flag.

"We have made an international commitment to that effect," he stressed, obviously mindful of the Bush administration's anxiety.

After boasting of its strong ties with Taiwan, the Bush administration has become increasingly mistrustful of the Chen regime. Bush's main gripe is that Chen is growing cocky because he seems certain China would not dare resort to military action until after the 2008 Beijing Olympics.

"We must resolve the U.S. misunderstanding_because much of it has been caused by misleading information supplied by Beijing," Chen noted.

"Washington's foremost interest is to avert any arbitrary change by Taiwan or China on the present situation, and this is matches our own interest, too. It is a matter of mutual interest and benefit to the United States, Japan and Taiwan to keep Taiwan democratic and to maintain the Taiwan Straits situation as peaceful, stable and secure."

The United States is also dissatisfied with Taiwan's insufficient defense efforts. But a referendum held at the same time as the presidential election showed that a majority of Taiwanese believe in approaching the nation's missile defense program with caution.

"The problem is that the Taiwanese public is becoming less afraid of China," Chen lamented. "More people today identify the mainland as their ancestral land, not as a hostile nation. These people have completely stopped seeing the 500 missiles positioned along the Chinese coast as a real threat.

"However," he went on, "the latest referendum (on the missile defense program) proved highly educational in reminding the public of the need to bolster national defense."

The March presidential election was said to have been a victory for what may be termed "Taiwan identity."

Both the ruling and opposition parties competed on "Taiwaneseness," and the opposition Kuomintang Nationalist Party was even considering changing its name to the Taiwan Nationalist Party.

What will become of the prospects of mainland reunification when the people clearly recognize themselves as Taiwanese, even though they are against independence or eager to invest in China?

Chen answered, "So long as the Beijing leadership continues to run a Chinese Empire that is a far cry from democracy, none of us will see unification during our lifetime. The people of Taiwan will never agree to become one with the Chinese Empire."

In the past, Chen would have said "Communist China," not "Chinese Empire." This change is a sign he is now trying to express Taiwan's identity vis-a-vis China not just ideologically, but more in terms of power and geopolitics.

Knowing that being democratic will not be enough to catch the attention of the United States, perhaps Chen is trying to promote Taiwan's geopolitical value with the emergence of Chinese maritime power.

After interviewing Chen, I dined with several politicians and economists close to the president. When the conversation turned to Taiwanese politicians of mainland Chinese extraction, everyone's tongue began to wag.

"Those Chinese are pretty frightening, aren't they?" remarked one person, and an other joined in, "I guess they are Chinese, after all." There was no question that my dining partners clearly regarded themselves as Taiwanese.

"Taiwan identity" and Taiwan itself are transforming so rapidly, it's almost frightening. (2004/05/11)