The donning of sackcloth and ashes for Lent may be as passe as the
dogma that there is no salvation outside the Catholic Church, but on Ash
Wednesday, March 8, 2000, sackcloth and ashes will make a comeback when
the Church performs a ceremony of "begging for forgiveness", and
issues a statement of "repentance" for all the "sins"
of the pre-Vatican II Church. 1
Due largely to the influence of His Holiness John Paul II, it is a
virtual certainty that the Catholic Church will "repent" and
"beg forgiveness" for the Catholic Inquisition � although like
most of the apologies of the post-conciliar Church, forgiveness will be
sought from man, not from God. Whether the world is as forgiving as its
Creator remains to be seen, but the gesture � the latest shovelful of
dirt tossed on the open grave of the pre-Conciliar Church � is sure to
be memorialized by the worldwide media. What is all the fuss about? A
Church that � horror of horrors � tried to keep its members Catholic.
"The sons of the Widow"
"Today foul rottenness crawls through the whole body of the
Church!"
Who said that? Archbishop Marcel Lefebvre? The Abbe de Nantes? Father
Andrew Greeley? Nope. The accuser was none other than St. Bernard of
Clairvaux, 2 and he wasn�t referring to the neo-modernism of the post-conciliar
Church, but the infiltration of the Medieval Church by a similar plague
known as the Catharism. 3
Like modernism, the Cathar heresy had a long incubation period. Longer,
in fact, since it arose from the durable heresy of Manicheanism, as
espoused by the Persian philosopher Manes (c. 216-276). Ransomed from
slavery by a rich Persian widow, Manes was known thereafter as "son
of the widow." His disciples were called "the sons of the
widow" � a term still in vogue, interestingly enough, in some
Masonic lodges. Despite his low origins Manes had a formidable intellect:
"Professing great penetration and an inflexible will, he
comprehended the expansive force of Christianity, and resolved to profit
thereby, masking Gnostic and Cabalistic ideas under Christian names and
rites. In order to establish this Christian revelation, he called
himself the Paraclete announced by Christ to His disciples, attributing
to himself, in the Gnostic manner, a great superiority over the
Apostles..." 4
Manes, "revelation" was classic dualism: good and evil were
evenly matched gods, or principles:
"The doctrine of Manes can be summed up as follows... Before the
creation of the world the �people of darkness,� revolted against
God, and God, incapable of withstanding the attack, gave to them a
portion of His essence. Man is a mixture of two natures, the spiritual
being the work of God, the body, and especially sex, the work of the
Devil." 5
The object of religion then, was to release the "Portions of God�s
essence" from their material prisons. According to Manes, he, Jesus,
and Buddha had been sent by God to help mankind do just that. It was all a
bit bizarre, but the surface similarities between the Manichean�s
renouncing of the world and their severe ascetic practices, and
Christianity, fooled many Christians; St. Augustine of Hippo was a
Manichean for nine years. As for Manes, he wore out his welcome quickly.
His religion proved so socially disruptive that he was flayed alive, and
his followers dispersed. At the end of the first millennium they had
regathered in Italy and Bulgaria, and spread across Europe.
"The Pure"
Although we moderns accept the caricature of Medieval Europe as a
dreary desert of religious bigotry, superstitions and fanaticism, the new
Manicheans found plenty of room to move in religiously tolerant
Christendom. The "official" religion was Christianity, and this
was reflected not only in the art, music, and politics of the period but
in the smallest cultural customs and traditions as well. Yet the Church
and the civilization it created tolerated the presence of Jews, Muslims,
and pagans, who were free to practice their own religion, as long as they
didn�t proselytize or publicly declare their errors. Then, as now, the
Church condemned forced conversions or forced baptisms.
The Church also rejected Rabbinical justice, where violators of the
Mosaic law were executed by "stoning, burning, the sword, and
strangling". 6 Instead, wayward brethren were admonished, and if
necessary, excommunicated. That was as far as punishment went, even after
Christianity became the official religion of the Roman Empire. St.
Augustine, St. Martin, and St. Ambrose all opposed state execution of
heretics. That the Church involve herself in shedding blood was simply
beyond the pale. Said St. John Chrysostom, "To put a heretic to death
is an unpardonable crime." 7 This belief began slowly to change when
the Manicheans (herein called the Cathari for convenience) invaded
Christendom at the dawn of the second millenium.
Although their austere lives and outward pietky allowed them to blend
into Christian culture, the Cathari (Greek for "the Pure") were
not renouncing the physical world in imitation of the Word made flesh. In
fact they believed that no God worthy of the name would choose to enclose
himself in evil matter. What the Cathari were really renouncing was life.
That is why they absolutely condemned marriage. In the words of the
Cathari themselves:
"One of the purposes of marriage is the betting of children.
But the propagation of the human species is plainly the work of the
Evil Spirit. A woman with child is a woman possessed of the devil...
The greatest evil that could befall a woman was to die enciente
(pregnant)... for being in the state of impurity and in the power of
Satan, she could not be saved." 8
Anticipating contemporary feminism, the "Pure" called
marriage "legalized prostitution," and worse. According to
inquisitor Bernard Gui, who prosecuted them for decades, the Cathari
"maintain that it (marriage) is a perpetual state of sin; they deny
that a good God can institute it. They declare the marital relation as
great a sin as incest with one�s mother, daughter, or sister." 9
The logic, such as it is, is that a man would be ashamed of committing
incest and repent. Marriage, however, was more insidious because it caused
no shame, the parties entering into it being "invincibly
ignorant" of their wickedness.
So why would anyone in their right mind want to be a Cathar? Most had
no idea of the Cathari�s hateful view of life. Like the original
"sons of the widow," the Cathari were an organized secret
society with an elite inner circle, the "Perfected," who
dispensed the "true religion" to the most promising adepts. By
their preaching and external acts of piety, the Cathari were expert at
attracting careless and curious Christians. As their influence grew the
Cathari also proved expert at enraging their Christian neighbors. On Good
Friday in 1140 one Peter of Bruys publicly burned crosses and roasted meat
in the flames. Seized by his furious neighbors, Peter was Bruys was soon
roasting in flames himself.
Kings and secular princes tried to end the mob violence against the
"Pure" by burning at the stake or hanging those who refused to
recant their errors. The logic behind the death penalty was that heresy
was as dangerous as treason in a Christian state. And the Cathari
"... were not merely exponents of erroneous religious and
intellectual beliefs by which they morally corrupted all who came under
their influence, they were the avowed enemies of law and order, red-hot
anarchists who would stop at nothing to gain their ends. Terrorism and
secret murder were their most frequent weapons." 10
Their favorite target was the Church:
"They ridiculed the priests as singers, and it was one of their
savage sports to beat them to death while mockingly begging their
intercession... �Sing for us, you singer, sing for us�... the
culmination of their... sacrilege was... their casting out and tramping
on the holy wafers whose precious pyxes they eagerly seized." 11
The Cathari were joined by "rapacious noblemen and robber
barons," who took advantage of the Cathari view that plundering the
Church�s properties "was part of the just war against
Anti-Christ." The looting of cathedrals, host desecrations, the
torching of Churches and the holding of priests for ransom become
commonplace. 12 And why not? Had not the critic aptly objected, "What
abomination may not one expect of those who hold incest no worse a crime
than marriage?"
The "Gnosis"
Not content with mere pillage, the Cathari also infiltrated the Church
in large numbers, not just as laymen but as priests; and not just as
priests, but as priests who celebrated black mass rituals, and engaged in
host desecration and other demonically inspired practices. The black
masses were often performed in front of unwitting parishioners. It was the
logical conclusion to the Cathari�s gnosticism.
Recall that the Cathari were Manicheans, and that the essence of
Manicheeism is a radical gnosticism. All forms of gnosticism are based on
a secret knowledge of God, a "gnosis" clutched to the chests of
a small group of men, and imparted only to a chosen few. What the elite
Cathari came to "know" was that God was perfectly good and
perfectly evil. This gnosis was more important than Faith, good works, the
sacraments, and even morals. It allowed beginners, known as "the
Believers," to ascend to the inner elite, to become "the
Perfected" without availing themselves of the Church.
From the secret knowledge of the Cathari it logically followed that a
black mass � that is, the vile profanation of the holy and eternal
Sacrifice of Jesus Christ � was a perfectly acceptable form of worship;
superior, in fact, to the Mass celebrated by those benighted priests who
lacked the true understanding possessed by the "Pure".
Their methods of infiltrating the Church were similar to the
infiltration of modernism in our day, and equally diabolic:
"Outwardly perfectly orthodox, and utilizing the ordinary
phraseology of the faithful, all theological references were given the
unorthodox twist which brought them into conformity with the concept of
the two-faced god who was good and evil by turns. When Peter Lombard
spoke of an heretical Church, he was describing precisely that outward
conformity which concealed an inward significance representative of the
faith and practice of the Father of Lies.
"This is the kind of background out of which the Black Mass
priest emerged. The Cathars had their own sacred ministry of Majors,
Presbyters and Deacons. Perhaps the majority of them had already
received the orthodox sacrament of holy orders. They continued to say
their Masses, to baptized and absolve, interpreting all the ceremonies
and the faith they represented in the Cathar instead of the Christian
sense." 13
After spending years try to reconvert them, Saint Bernard of Clairvaux
declared that virtually all the nobles in southern France were heretics.
Calling the Cathari creed "the deceit of devils," he lamented:
"The Churches are regarded like synagogues, the sacraments are
despised, festivals are no longer observed. Men die in their sins, souls
appear before the terrible judgment seat without having been reconciled
by penance or fortified by Holy Communion. Even the children of
Christians are deprived of the Christian life by the refusal to give
them the grace of baptism. How dreadful!" 14
Equally dreadful was the Cathari dogma of suicide. Known as the endura,
it was administered in sickness and in health, or whenever there was
danger of yielding to the temptations of a corrupt nature. The victim
would choose to be a "martyr" and be suffocated, or to be a
"confessor" and starve to death. The endura was also
performed on children and infants, often by their parents. Just how
seriously all this was taken is illustrated by a woman of Toulouse,
France, who "began the endura by bloodletting, then weakened
herself by taking long baths, finally drank poison, and finding herself
still alive, swallowed ground glass to perforate her intestines." 15
The rationale for this deranged form of Extreme Unction was that
it guaranteed the suicide against further sins. The other Cathari
"sacrament" was the Consolamentum, a combination of
Confirmation, Penance, and Eucharist that elevated "the
believer" to the ranks of "the Perfected", and was thought
necessary for salvation. Believing all matter to be evil, including bread
and wine, the Cathari denounced the Catholic sacraments as satanic. Those
children of Cathari who had been baptized were relieved of this misfortune
by their parents, who "washed off the taint with dirty water".
16
The Cure
It would be difficult to imagine a belief system more perverse, more
calculated to outrage Christian culture than Catharism. Its spread was a
dagger aimed at the heart of medieval Christendom. St. Bernard had tried
to reconvert the Cathari, and so had St. Dominic, with the aid of a new
prayer, the Rosary.
Both saints had dented but not defeated the heresy. By the end of the
12th Century the Cathari ruled southern France and northern
Italy. It was believed by some that the heretics were so powerful
"the Church would end by perishing under their attacks". 17
Historical hindsight concurs. Hilaire Belloc�s observation that if the
Cathari "counter-Church grew a little stronger all our civilization
would collapse before it" 18 is echoed even by the anti-Catholic
historian Henry Charles Lea, who admits:
"... the cause of (Catholic) orthodoxy was in this case the
cause of progress and civilization. Had Catharism become dominant, or
even had it been allowed to exist on equal terms, its influence could
not have failed to prove disastrous... it was not only a revolt against
the Church, but a renunciation of man�s domination over nature."
19
When the Cathari engineered the assassination of a papal legate, Pope
Innocent III declared a Crusade against the heretics. A bloody,
decades-long war to the death ended public Catharism, but the Crusade was
unable to prevent the heresy from going underground, where it retained its
potency. The Inquisition was begun in order to combat "the permanent
conspiracy against the Church" 20 the Cathari had become.
It is generally thought that the Inquisition began in 1232, when Pope
Gregory IX, fearing (with reason) that Emperor Frederick�s plan to hunt
out the Cathari was motivated by politics rather than religion, trumped
Frederick by instituting the Inquisition and appointing papal inquisitors.
Yet a less forma Inquisition already existed at the episcopal level. There
was little in the way of standardized procedures, however, and most early
episcopal inquisitions were little more than attempts to circumvent
vigilante mobs.
In addition, it seems that Pope Innocent III (Pope 1198-1216) privately
bestowed inquisitorial duties on St. Dominic, the heroic laborer for souls
in southern France. Existing documents contain his written penances for
convicted heretics. Another account, accepted by professional scholars,
has Dominic securing the release of a notorious Cathari due to Dominic�s
intuition that the heretic would one day recant. Twenty years later, not
only did the heretic repent, he "died in the odor of sanctity, clad
in the Dominican habit". 21
In this account of saintliness and repentance we have the essence of
the Inquisition:
"It was a penitential, not a penal, tribunal. Its purpose was
not to punish but to reconcile. Imprisonment, for instance, was
theoretically a penance rather than a punishment. Yet in case of
obstinate refusal to abjure and seek reconciliation with the Church, the
Inquisitor had not alternative but to withdraw the protection of the
Church from the impenitent sinner by handing him over to the secular arm
to be punished as a criminal." 22
The first inquisitors were Dominicans and Franciscans, "learned in
theology, independent of local prejudice, not apt to be terrified by local
influence, men who had given up everything so that they might better serve
the Church". 23 They traveled in small groups directly to those
territories most ravaged by heresy, and the social upheaval that always
accompanied error. Upon arrival they announced a "time of
grace," a period of several weeks which gave any and all heretics the
opportunity to confess and be reconciled to the Church:
"Those who abjured (solemnly renounced their heresy) during this
period were treated leniently and �reconciled�. If the heresy was
secret, a secret penance was imposed; if public, a short pilgrimage, or
one of the usual canonical penances." 24
No self-respecting heretic would avail himself of the "time of
grace," but if he were denounced to the Inquisition by two good
Catholics he would be arrested and tried for heresy. And whenever the
Inquisition came to town there were plenty of accusations. It was the
difficult job of the inquisitors to determine the veracity of the
accusations and the credibility of the accusers. The stiff deterrent to
false accusations was the fining, imprisonment, or in extreme cases, the
execution of the false accuser. Another difficulty was violence against
the accusers. So many "who had helped the inquiry ended with a dagger
in his back or at the bottom of a ravine" 25 that eventually the
names of the accusers were kept secret in an attempt to limit the
violence.
Modern critics have, with some justification, criticized this secrecy
as being unfair to the accused. Further exception is taken to Pope
Innocent III�s forbidding of defense lawyers. In practice, however, his
ban was seldom observed, as evidenced by an inquisitor�s manual:
"Defendants must not be deprived of legal aid; on the contrary,
they must be allowed attorneys and advocates, provided these are honest
men, not suspect of heresy, and of unquestioned Faith." 26
In addition to having a lawyer the suspected heretic was allowed to
present a defense, to call witnesses, and to contest the specific charges
against him. If the defendant was able to prove the accusations were made
by a mortal enemy he was immediately freed. If the defendant admitted his
guilt at this point in the Inquisition his penalty was usually a penance
similar to those given for sacramental confession. Note the blending of
legal and religious procedures here, and the role of the Inquisitor, who
"was in the unique position of a judge who was always trying to turn
himself into a father-confessor." 27
The tougher cases were those in which there was strong evidence of
guilt, but the suspected heretic admitted nothing. Often the inquisitor�s
summoned experts or other good Catholics to consult with on the difficult
cases, and followed their considered judgment on the verdict and sentence.
"To be convicted of heresy meant death, in practice, in about
one case out of ten. A prisoner found guilty could abjure his errors and
accept a penance, or he could persist in his denial or in his opinion,
and take the consequences. If he abjured, the Inquisitor dealt with him
as he would with any other type of penitent, imposing a penance not as a
punishment, but as �a salutary discipline to strengthen the weak soul
and wash away its sin�." 28
Most convicted heretics recanted � at least until the Inquisition
left town. Those few convicted heretics who refused to recant were
excommunicated and turned over to the secular authorities. The most common
state penalties were banishment, confiscation of goods, and imprisonment.
A less frequent punishment was burning at the stake. It is estimated that
ten out of every hundred convictions during the Medieval Inquisition
resulted in a death sentence. 29 Unlike modern district attorneys who gain
fame for spectacular convictions of hardened criminals, a death at the
stake was a disappointment, "for the Inquisitor deemed it a failure
when he could not win a man back to a sane Christian life, and had to turn
him over to the State." 30
Yet not only did the Inquisition turn the convicted criminal � for
heretics were viewed as criminals � over to the State, they would, on
occasion, use torture to pry a confession from lying lips � at least
that is how the Inquisitor saw things. Torture appears to have been
introduced after the Inquisition began, and was generally reserved for
cases of extreme gravity, or where the guilt of the defendant appeared
certain but his confession was desirable. In 1252 Pope Innocent IV
authorized,
"torture which will not imperil life or injure just as thieves
and robbers are forced to accuse their accomplices, and to confess their
crimes; for these heretics are true thieves, murderers of souls, and
robbers of the sacraments of God." 31
Innocent IV also initiated a rough jury system consisting of
"sound Catholics". And he requird the inquisitor to attend any
attempts at torture in order to mitigate its length or severity. Abuses
happened, of course; not nearly as often, fortunately, as some fevered
imaginations would have it. It should be no surprise to anyone that the
Inquisition, like our present legal system, was imperfect. Over the
centuries some innocent souls were wrongly prosecuted. Some, like St. Joan
of Arc, were wrongly convicted. Worse, a large number of less innocent
souls escaped detection or prosecution by the Inquisition.
When inquisitorial abuses were discovered popes deposed the guilty
parties, and elsewhere sought to make inquisitorial procedures as humane
as possible. Despite their holy intentions, and the care and diligence of
papal inquisitors (a number of whom were canonized) it is difficult to
reconcile the image of Holy Mother Church with torture devices like the
rack and strappado (imagine bungi jumping without the bounce). Perhaps a
reconciliation is impossible.
Let us at least put things squarely in perspective, however. The Church
used the judicial procedures and penalties of the times, often with mercy
and patience, and for the most part without involving torture or capital
punishment, to defend herself against an intractable, growing evil that
had not only proven itself resistant to all lesser remedies, but had
entered the bloodstream of the Church with the express intent of
destroying the Church and Christian civilization. That this in fact nearly
happened is attested to even by enemies of the Church.
The Inquisition was the vital response of a healthy organism to a
destructive invader, during an age when heresy was a crime against the
State and a sin against the Church. As William Thomas Walsh, the eminent
American Catholic historian of this century, wrote:
"To most people of the 20th century the word �heresy�,
connotes merely an independence of thought, a difference of opinion. We
are likely to forget that the mass of men in the Middle Ages nearly
always associated it with some group whose tenets and activities
appeared anti-social. In a dominantly Christian society, as Europe once
was, heresy was something monstrous, diabolical. Men thought of heretics
as respectable middle-class folk of our day think of militant
anarchists. Even so gentle and charitable a woman as Saint Theresa of
Avila considered heresy worse than any other sin." 32
Moreover, there is abundant evidence that the heresy of Catharism was
every bit as diabolical and treasonous as the Church warned it was. In the
Cathar stronghold of Toulouse, France, for instance, more heretics died
from the suicidal sacrament, the enfada, than from the Inquisition.
33 Which then was more harmful: the disease or the cure?
If an institution is to be judged not only by the evils it caused but
by those it prevented, 34 it can fairly be said that the Medieval
Inquisition caused far more good than ill. One of the reasons the
Inquisition was so hated was its supernatural mission � the
reconciliation of Catholics with the Church. Who knows how many souls were
saved by the removal of only one determined Cathar? Or the sincere
reconversion of a Luciferian Bogomil? Only heaven knows for certain, but
given the explicitly religious character of the Inquisition, such
spiritual benefits intangible as they may seem to modern sensibilities �
must not be ignored.
Conclusion
In preparation for the fast approaching Jubilee of the Year 2000, Pope
John Paul II has asked Catholics to examine their consciences in order to
recall "all those times in history when they (sic) departed from
Christ and His Gospel and, instead of offering to the world the witness of
a life inspired by the values of Faith, indulged in ways of thinking and
acting which were truly forms of counter witness and scandal,"
particularly those sins "which have been detrimental to the unity
willed by God for His people". 35
In other remarks the Holy Father has made it plain he considers the
Inquisition as one of "all those times in history" where the
Church was too human for her own good. Like the post-conciliar Church,
human fallibility was certainly present in the Inquisition . And it was
about the most unecumenical venture imaginable, so it is not surprising
that an institution so Catholic has incurred the wrath of the post-conciliar
reformers.
At any rate, to make further amends, John Paul is said to be
"ready to confess the guilty of the Catholic Church for burning at
the stake men such as the great Bohemian religious leader Jan Hus..."
36 Jan Hus was a 15th Century heretic who inspired murder and
anarchy in eastern Europe, a link in the anti-Catholic chain that
connected the Medieval Manicheans to the Protestant revolutionaries, if
John Paul does rehabilitate "the great" Jan Hus, he will be
contradicting the (perhaps infallible) decision of the Council of
Florence, who interrogated Hus and solemnly sentenced him to the stake.
Such an act seems unlikely, however, at least if the Pope is willing to
give dogmatic Church Councils the same deference he grants to the
non-Dogmatic Second Vatican Council.
Yet even if John Paul formally denounces the Inquisition at some future
date, say, during the ecumenical festivities of the Jubilee of the Year
2000, the Church�s divine authority would not be compromised, for:
"Her office on earth is to transmit to generation after
generation the deposit of revealed truths necessary for man�s
salvation. That to safeguard this treasure she uses means in one age
which a later age denounces, merely proves that she follows the customs
and ideas in vogue around her. But she takes good care not to have men
consider her attitude the infallible and eternal rule of absolute
justice... in social questions she ordinarily progresses with the march
of civilization, of which she is ever one of the prime movers." 37
Perhaps those Catholics bent on doing penance for the sins of the
Inquisition will also consider doing penance for the Catholics who
apostatized and became Cathari. Surely the subversive religion of the
"Pure" was a "form of counter witness and scandal"
that was "detrimental to the unity willed by God". And it was
the apostasy of bad Catholics that swelled the ranks of the Cathari, thus
bringing the Inquisition into existence.
Footnotes:
1. As reported in CRC Journal No. 313, October, 1998, p. 1.
2. A. L. Maycock, M.A., The Inquisition From Its Establishment To
The Great Schism, An Introductory Study, Harper & Brothers,
Publishers, 1927, p. 49.
3. Actually, the Cathari were known by many names: the Cathars, Kathari,
Catari, and the Cazari. Regional branches had other names, like the
Bogomils, the Albigenses, the Patarenes, the Publicani, and so on. They
were known generally as Neo-Manicheans, which was more or less true,
although the Bogomils were overtly Luciferian.
The Waldenses are often called Neo-Manichean but they were more
protestant; part of the confusion is caused by similarities between the
two.
4. Charles William Heckethorn, The Secret Societies Of All Ages And
Countries, Richard Bentley And Son, London, Publishers, Volum 1, pp.
136-137.
5. C. W. Olliver, An Analysis of Magic and Witchcraft, p. 103,
as quoted in E.S. Miller�s Occult Theocracy, volume 1, pp.
109-110.
6. According to Oracle, a Jewish publication quoted in David
Goldstein�s Letters to Mr. Isaacs, Radio Replies Press, 1943, p. 264.
7. Abbe E. Vacandard, The Inquisition, Longmans, Green, and Co.,
1915, p. 22. Chrysostom held it acceptable to prevent public meetings and
preachings of heresy, and Augustine thought it permissible to fine, flog,
or exile heretics.
8. Ibid., p. 67.
9. Ibid., p. 68.
10. Moontague Summers, The History of Witchcraft, Reprinted 1994
by Studio Editions Ltd., p. 17.
11. Hoffman Nickerson, The Inquisition, A Political and Military
Study of its Establishment, Houghton Mifflin Company, 1932, Second
Edition, pp. 68-69.
12. Maycock, op. Cit., pp. 68-69.
13. Henry T.F. Rhodes, The Satanic Mass, 1954, republished by
Citadel Press, 1974, p. 71. Much of the material in this sub-section, and
"The Pure" subsection, originally appeared in a series (I wrote)
called "The Heretical Church" that was published in The
Remnant in 1998.
14. Jean Guiraud, The Medieval Inquisition, English translation
by E.C. messenger, Burns Oates & Washbourne Ltd., London, 1929, p. 29.
15. William Thomas Walsh, Isabella of Spain, The Last Crusader,
Robert M. McBride & Company, 1930, p. 175.
16. A.S. Turberville, Medieval heresy And The Inquisition,
Crosby, Lockwood And Son, 1920, p. 27, note 4.
17. Guiraud, op. Cit., p. 124.
18. Hilaire Belloc, The Great Heresies, TAN Books And
Publishers, Inc., 1991, p. 106.
19. Henry Charles Lea, A History of the Inquisition of the Middle
Ages, The Macmillan Company, 1908, Volume 1, p. 106.
20. Guiraud, op. Cit., p. 124.
21. Nickerson, op, cit., pp. 206-207.
22. Maycock, op. Cit., vii.
23. Nickerson, op. cit., p. 208.
24. Walsh, op. cit., p. 176.
25. Henry Daniel-Raps, Cathedral and Crusade, E.P. Dutton &
Co., Inc., 1957, p. 548.
26. Ibid., p. 548. The manual belonged to the famous inquisitor Eymeric.
27. Nickerson, op. cit., p. 210.
28. Walsh, op. cit., p. 177.
29. William Thomas Walsh, Characters Of The Inquisition, P. J.
Kenedy & Sons, 1940, p. 56. The Inquisition as an institution spanned
several centuries. The estimate given here concerns the Medieval
Inquisition and the Cathar heresy.
30. Ibid., p. 56.
31. From his book Ad Extirpanda, as quoted in Vacandard,
op. Cit., p. 107.
32. Walsh, Isabella, op. cit., p. 207.
33. Ibid., p. 175.
34. A paraphrase of Joseph de Maistre, ibid., pp. 274-275. There are
many good books on The Inquisition. William Thomas Walsh�s Characters
of the Inquisition is very balanced. Also excellent was a feature
article on The Inquisition in Catholic Family News, written by Dr.
Marian Horvat.
35. Tertio Millenio Adveniente, Pope John Paul II, 1994, Par.
33, 34. Emphasis in the original.
36. Carl Bernstein and Marco Politi, His Holiness, Pope John Paul II
And The Hidden History Of Our Times, p. 538.
37. Vacandard, op. cit., pp. 186-17.

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