N. Ireland: A Struggle for Democracy and Self-Determination
By Tom Shelley
Students for Justice in N. Ireland
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"Peace is not merely the absence of tension, but the presence
of justice"
- Martin Luther King Jr.
The situation in N. Ireland (NI) has recently changed greatly,which could signal a new period of peace and justice. If this will happen, many things need to be addressed. Certainly one
such area is the origins of the current conflict (1968-98). For
most observers, and probably many participants, the origins
are blocked from view by 30 years of warfare, pain, and
destruction. For political reasons, the British government, the
media, and others who support the status quo, have put
forward the image of a conflict between terrorists and the
security forces with little political context.
Since it's creation in 1921-22, the statelet of NI was based on
sectarianism (bias towards people based on their religion, in
this case, against Catholics). The province was given a
devolved government which was autonomous from London.
It's first Prime Minister explicitly described it as "a Protestant
Parliament for a Protestant People." From the very beginning,
up until the present day, there has been a central theme to
politics, economics, and other areas of society- that Nationalists
(Catholics/those who identify as Irish), are disloyal. On one
hand, this is largely true, as most (to one extent or another)
wish to live in a 32-County (26 counties in the "South," 6 in NI)
Ireland and view the the British authorities with hostility. On the
other hand, since they have had to live in NI for about 75 years
(and counting), this has provided an excuse to Unionists
(Protestants/those who identify as British) to marginalise,
disenfranchise, and repress what has always been at least 1/3
of the population (now about 45%).
The Treaty which created NI stipulated that elections to the
Belfast parliament should be on the basis of Proportional
Representation This allowed the Nationalist Party (moderate
Catholics) to form electoral alliances with the Labour Party.
The largest party, the Ulster Unionist Party, (which was in
EVERY government, without coalition partners, during the 50
years of devolved government) always won about 80% of the
parliamentary seats. After two elections with PR, the UUP
instituted a single-member district system EXPLICITLY because
they wanted a two-way contest between them and the
Nationalists which they would almost always win. This had the
effect of creating three-way conflicts among the opposition,
between the Nationalists, Labour, and (occasionally) Sinn Fein
(which usually had little interest in elections and had a policy of
abstaining if elected). Early on the Unionists also started a
practice of gross gerrymandering that lasted until 1972 when
the Belfast Parliament was abolished, and London took direct
responsibility for NI. As a result, almost all local/county
governments were controlled by the UUP, even in areas where
Nationalists were the clear majority (two of the six counties, and
the second largest city, Derry). Local government elections in
the UK were based on the ownership of property (if you didn't
own a house you didn't vote; if you owned a business, you got
more votes). In 1946, this was abolished in the rest of the UK,
but was actually strengthened in NI. This system, which was
aimed mostly at Catholics (but also of course affected poor
Protestants), continued until the early 1970s.
Discrimination was institutionalized. The Unionist-controlled
governments hired staff that were almost exclusively Protestant.
Even in Nationalist-majority areas, like Derry, Catholic public-
sector workers were vastly under-represented. In the private
sector, Unionists openly and explicitly encouraged
discrimination against Catholics. This was especially used as a
tactic to divide Catholic and Protestant workers. For example,
in 1932 unemployed Catholics and Protestants joined together
to successfully strike for more public assistance. In the years
afterwards, Unionists (including the man who was Prime
Minister from 1946-1963) made speeches encouraging
business owners (most UUP leaders were wealthy employers
themselves) to only hire Protestants. One clear sign of this was
that in 1971, official figures put Catholic unemployment at two
times that of Protestant unemployment.
In order to deal with any threats to the State, and to generally
terrorize the Catholic population, the Belfast gov't has ALWAYS
had several repressive tools available to it. The Royal Ulster
Constabulary has, unlike it's English/Welsh/Scottish
counterparts, ALWAYS been armed to the teeth. The NI
Minister for Home Affairs always had the power to ban
organizations, publications, marches, to intern without charge,
to conduct warrantless searches, etc. His power was the public
envy of his counterpart in S. Africa under Apartheid. In the
1950s, the display of the Irish flag was banned.
It was in these conditions that roughly a third of the population
(Catholics) lived for 45 years. Over the years there were
various protest efforts, there were a few disastrous IRA
campaigns, but mostly Nationalists were demoralized and made
little effort to effectively challenge the Unionist State. This all
changed in the mid-/late-sixties. A number of historical, political,
and economic factors created a situation where Nationalists
rose up to demand their rights. The greatest influences was
the civil rights movement taking place in the American South
(as well as groups like the Black Panthers).
Initially, they demanded reforms designed to democratize the
NI Statelet, and their tactics were entirely non-violent. However,
as soon as the movement took off, the Unionist State went into
operation to defend itself. Civil rights marches were blocked or
attacked by the RUC and/or unionist gangs. Reforms were
offered, but were entirely too little, too late. In August 1969, in
response to the growing confidence of nationalists, the RUC
and Unionists launched a determined attack on the Catholic
Bogside ghetto in Derry. The area was successfully defended
by local youths over a couple of days, and the "Battle of the
Bogside" sparked off similar confrontations in Belfast. In
Belfast, where Catholics were more vulnerable, unionist gangs,
led by the RUC, unleashed a wave of terror- in one night alone,
500 families were burnt out of their homes.
In the early Sixties, the IRA had largely abandoned it's arms
and turned to political action (it was very involved in the civil
rights movement). When the situation turned violent in August
1969, the IRA was unable to effectively defend Nationalist
areas. Where Unionists and the RUC WERE repelled, it was
due more to the courage of youth throwing stones than to
armed IRA members.
From Civil Rights to National Liberation
After 3 days of intense rioting with several deaths, the British
Army came onto the streets of Belfast and Derry. It's dificult to
say what this meant. For most people at the time, especially
the besieged Nationalists, the Army had kept the situation from
becoming an all-out war, and had stopped a possible slaughter
of Catholics. In Derry for example, the all-Protestant and
notorious B-Specials militia were approaching the Bogside
when the Army arrived. To some extent they also stopped the
anti-Catholic pogroms in Belfast, although there were charges
that they aimed their guns at the victims not the attackers.
Bernadette Devlin, a republican-socialist MP who had been at
the Battle of the Bogside, argued that Nationalists should
oppose the Army, that their imperialist history would lead them
to repress Nationalists. It's also certain that there were ulterior
motives for deploying the Army. In Derry, until the B-Specials
arrived, the Nationalists were driving the police BACK, and
might have taken over the city through force. Also, the RUC/
Unionist violence, especially in Belfast, had the potential to
strengthen the IRA, and London didn't want that. The Army
was used to restore the State's authority, stop the Nationalists
in Derry, and stop the growth of militantancy.
Nevertheless, for several months Nationalists welcomed the
presence of the Army and the British Home Secretary. Most
(with the exceptions of republicans, Devlin, and similar radicals)
saw London's intervention as a victory over Stormont- they had
based their campaign on the American South's Civil Rights
Movement, and believed that the "Federal" authorities would
put the locals in their place. To some extent this happened,
but only because the Labour Party was in power.
The Army-Nationalist relationship turned ugly in the Spring and
Summer of 1970. This involved several Orange marches in
Belfast. Right-wing Unionist groups hold annual marches
throughout NI. Many go through Nationalist areas and are
considered celebrations of Protestant supremacy. They are
unwelcome and always require at least a small security escort,
usually the RUC. But in 1970 (and ever since) it was the Army.
Several Nationalists were killed by the Army. London HAD been
forcing SOME reforms on Stormont, but the Unionists would not
compromise on marches.
In June 1970 a general election brought in a Tory government.
Shortly afterwards, during a night of Orange marches
throughout Belfast, an isolated Nationalist enclave was
attacked by Unionists. The Army wouldn't defend the area, but
five IRA members held off the Unionists. After this (defensive)
use of arms by the IRA, the Tories greatly increased security
measures. A Nationalist area of Belfast was cordoned off and
put under curfew for 2 days as brutal house-to-house searches
were conducted; 5 civilians were killed. It wasn't until February
1971 that a soldier was killed by the Provisional IRA.
Until the Spring of 1972, when Stormont was suspended,
London and the Army propped up Stormont, which showed few
signs of genuine reform. For most Nationalists, the Army had
just replaced the RUC. This alienation continued, climaxing with
Bloody Sunday when the Army killed 14 civil rights
demonstrators in Derry on Jan. 30th, 1972. For most
Nationalists, anything less than a united Ireland was
unnacceptable. The changed situation, and the failure of the
old ("Official") IRA, led to the emergence of the PIRA. The
Nationalist consensus had shifted from REFORMING the State,
to ENDING the State.
Today, many people see violence as the only problem.
Certainly on the Unionist side, all they want is stability and an
end to violence. But the violence didn't erupt in 1969 in a
vacuum. It wasn't as if some lunatics formed the IRA because
they enjoyed killing people. The Provisional IRA was formed in
a long tradition of Irish resistance to British rule, and more
immediately, in response to the violence, sectarianism and
authoritarianism of the Unionist State. It is important to
remember this background when judging the current situation
in N. Ireland.
You can contact Tom Shelley and SJNI at
[email protected]