The Carnicero of the Alamo
By Joseph E. Bennett, MPS

At 5:00 a.m., it was still dark on the 
morning of March 6, 1836. A norther 
had been blowing in San Antonio de 
Bexar for two days, and it was freezing 
cold. This was the thirteenth day of the 
siege, which was about to enter its final 
act. The 182 defenders of the Alamo had 
known for days how it all would end.
A series of noises rent the dark morning 
stillness. All three sounds were different, 
but they told a story better than a thou-
sand words. A bugle call announced that 
the hour of the final Mexican charge was 
at hand. The Mexican soldiers, com-
pelled to spend the night on the freezing 
ground without blankets, rose to their 
feet. Santa Ana had ordered that all un-
necessary equipment be deleted the 
night before. The soldiers would be bet-
ter enabled to climb the scaling ladders 
if they were not carrying too much 
weight. On the heels of the bugle call, the 
thunder of running feet sounded to the 
defenders as if a herd of cattle were 
stampeding from every point of the com-
pass. The soldiers of Anna were ap-
proaching all four outer walls on a dead 
run.
  The third sound was the regimental
band as they struck up the music of the 
deguello, the ancient Moorish battle 
march. It was a favorite of Santa Anna, 
and one he invariably employed prior to 
a battle. It was the musical equivalent of 
the red flag that fluttered atop the bell 
tower of San Fernando Church that 
morning. It meant "no quarter given, 
no prisoners taken. " Although of 
Spanish parents, and high born, the 
general had Romany blood in his veins. 
Perhaps some long-forgotten blood lust 
stirred in his civilized breast. The chil-
ling message was quite clear to the 
defenders, and they were ready for the 
charge.
  The strange chain of events that led up
to this fateful confrontation conjures 
many "what if s" in the mind of one who 
ponders how history might have been 
altered had they not occurred. Pope Cle-
ment XII issued a Papal Bull in 1838, 
condemning Freemasonry, climaxing a 
long period of activity against the Frater-
nity. In all the Catholic countries, this 
meant total obedience to the pope's 
edict, except in France. There Masonry 
was not curtailed to any degree. This 
opportune situation provided a stage for 
one Andrew Michael Ramsay, a Scots-
man, to promulgate his Masonic philos-
ophy. In 1837, as the Grand Orator of 
the Grand Lodge of France, that talented 
son of a baker made an important pre-
  Ramsay appeared on the floor of the
Grand Lodge, extolling the virtues of an 
entirely new and different interpretation 
concerning the beginnings of Freema-
sonry. He contended that it had actually 
started during the crusades, and had 
been founded by the noblemen and 
Christian knights in the Holy Land. He 
further maintained that only men of 
noble birth were privy to the advantages 
of the Order, and that only later had they 
united with the Knights of St. John, 
thereby including members of the build-
ing craft. He stressed that it was an alto-
gether moral Order, dedicated to the 
same precepts as had been set forth in the 
Masonic groups then working. As Ram-
say wove the fabric of his new philosophy 
of Masonry, his words fell on eager and 
receptive ears. Those of the nobility and 
the church hierarchy embraced the en-
tire philosophy and it wasn't long before 
a system of Masonry called the Ecossais 
Degrees came into practice. Literally 
translated, this meant "Scottish 
Master," and years later a part of the 
Ecossais work came into use in the Scot-
tish Rite Degrees.
  Another event should be mentioned in
the sequence of historical happenings 
that eventually affected the outcome of 
the Alamo siege. It was the act of 
Napoleon installing his oldest brother, 
Joseph Bonaparte, on the throne of Spain 
in 1801. Joseph was a Mason, having 
receiving the degrees in 1805, and thus 
was kindly disposed toward the Frater-
nity. In Spain, he acknowledged the right 
of Freemasons to meet and work in their 
Lodges. He also relaxed the old policy of 
appointing only nobility to high office in 
the government and church. In addition, 
Joseph Bonaparte instituted a policy that 
was of particular interest to families such 
as that of Santa Ana. He decreed that 
Spaniards born in New Spain (Mexico) 
were no longer denied the right to hold 
high office. These New World Spaniards
were called crillos (or creole) and both 
Santa Anna's parents were of this origin. 
This policy made it possible for Santa 
Anna to become an army officer and take
the first steps toward national promi-
nence in the future.
  Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna was
born inJalapa, in the State of Vera Cruz,
on June 13, 1792. He had every advan-
tage, being descended from wealthy 
Spanish parents who held the loftiest am-
bitions for their bright, handsome son. 
Never had a youngster been endowed 
with a more promising opportunity, nor 
with more natural talent with which to 
capitalize on. There was a serious flaw in 
the Santa Anna makeup, though. The 
young man was burdened with numer-
ous reprehensible characteristics, and 
they would dominate his actions 
throughout life. He was a liar without 
conscience, a schemer devoid of loyalty, 
and treacherous in every dealing. In 
later years, his personal bravery became 
very suspect, and lastly, he developed a 
catastrophic tradition of military defeat. 
Disregarding his parent's wishes, Santa 
Anna became a cadet in a regiment of the 
Mexican army at Vera Cruz and em-
barked on his long, infamous career.

  Santa Anna's first military experience
of importance was gained in fighting 
against the revolutionary priest, Father 
Miguel Hidalgo y Castillo, a Scottish 
Rite Mason, who headed a move to over-
throw the Spanish government and se-
cure independence for Mexico. The 
movement began in 1810, and was all 
over by 1813. Hidalgo was beheaded, 
and Santa Anna, a young officer of 
twenty-one, was ordered to San Antonio 
de Bexar for the next seven years to 
battle the troublesome rebels in that far-
away territory. During this tour of duty 
in Texas, Santa Anna is thought to have 
become a Scottish Rite (Escoses) Mason. 
Masonry had been practiced in Mexico 
from the beginning of the nineteenth 
century. The Grand Lodge of Louisiana 
founded Lodges in Vera Cruz and Cam-
peachy in 1816 and 1817. The Grand 
Lodge of Pennsylvania followed with a 
Lodge at Alvarado in 1824. Very quickly, 
Masons divided into two political fac-
tions, the Escoses (Scottish Rite) and the 
Yorkinos (York Rite). The membership 
of the Escoses induded the nobility of 
Mexico, and almost without exception, 
the catholic clergy. They championed a 
monarchy and a highly regimented cen-
tral government, controlled by the nobil-
ity. The Yorkinos diametrically opposed 
the Escoses in this philosophy as they 
promoted liberal policies and democratic 
government. The American ambassador 
to Mexico, Joel R. Poinsett, helped es-
tablish five Lodges in Mexico City that 
came the basis of the Grand Lodge of 
Mexico eventually.

Poinsett was a former deputy grand 
master of the Grand Lodge of South 
Carolina, and a talented statesman, with 
a long and distinguished record. In addi-
tion to the five Lodges mentioned, he is 
credited with bringing Royal Arch Ma-
sonry to Mexico. His most memorable 
act, however, was one of relative unim-
portance at the time. He brought a plant
home from Mexico and began to culti-
vate it. It was later christened "poinset-
tia" in his honor and became a tradi-
tional Christmas plant in the United 
States. It is interesting to note that Poin-
sett was prevented from being elevated 
to the office of Grand Master of South 
Carolina due to his appointment as 
Secretary of War under President Mar-
tin Van Buren.

Though the Hidalgo uprising had been 
ruthlessly and quickly suppressed by the 
Spanish, the fires of revolt had not been 
quenched. Two hopeful rebels, 
Guadalupe Victoria and Nicolas Bravo, 
lurked in the mountains, awaiting the 
appearance of a new champion to lead 
the fight against Spain. Such a man ap-
peared in 1821, in the person of General 
Augustine de Iturbide. He was not only 
a powerful military figure, he possessed 
an ambition for high public office. He 
issued a proclamation on February 
21,1821, announcing that a provisional 
government was created and in place, 
pending the adoption of a new constitu-
tion. The Escoses enthusiastically sup-
ported Iturbide. Santa Anna was still 
loyal to Spain, but keeping a calculating 
eye on developments. When he con-
duded that the tide was turning in favor 
of the rebels, he proclaimed his support 
of Iturbide. The rebels won the battle 
against Viceroy Juan O'Donoju, and 
gained their independence at the Treaty 
of Cordoba on August 21, 1821. The 
ambitious Iturbide prodaimed himself 
Emperor Augustin I, and promoted the 
young turncoat, Santa Anna, to general. 
The retiring viceroy observed that the 
young officer would "make his country 
weep". How prophetic the statement 
was.

  With the sudden elevation in military
rank, Santa Anna became a person of 
importance in Mexico. At a banquet 
given in his honor in Oaxaca, following 
his promotion, he humiliated a young 
Indian boy working at the celebration. 
The barefoot youngster never forgave 
the haughty crillo for the insult. He was 
Benito Juarez. The incident was of no 
importance to Santa Anna. He had his 
mind on the next opportunity that might 
present itself by which he could further 
his budding career.

  Within a short time, General Santa
Anna was actively denouncing Iturbide 
and supporting a movement to force him 
from office. Iturbide had fueled the re-
volt by his harsh and oppressive policies. 
Before long, he was compelled to abdi-
cate his throne and Augustin 1 passed 
into history. The date was March 19, 
1823. The hour of the moderates was at 
hand, and they busied themselves in 
drafting a democratic constitution. The 
constitutional convention was chaired by
Lorenzo de Zavala, the former governor 
of Mexico, soon to be allied with the 
Texas patriots. Santa Anna was loudly 
prodaiming his moderate beliefs and 
certifying that he cared only for the com-
mon people of Mexico.

  The constitution was adopted in 1824,
and in many ways emulated that of the 
United States. There were, however, 
some important differences. The consti-
tution named the Catholic Church as the 
official religion of Mexico. It provided 
for the legislatures of the respective states 
to elect a president and vice president by 
majority vote. If a majority was not 
achieved, the congress itself would select 
one or both of the two candidates, Lastly, 
it provided for the president to tem-
porarily resign at will, and designate the 
vice president to assume the head of 
government. The president could re-
turn, at his own pleasure, and resume his 
duties. Santa Anna would use this partic-
ular stipulation many times for his own 
purposes in the years to come.

  A York Rite Mason, Guadalupe Vic-
toria, was elected as the first president of 
the republic under the new constitution. 
His vice president a Scottish Rite 
Mason, was Nicolas Bravo. Victoria 
knew the ambitions of Santa Anna and 
devised a plan to keep him at arm length. 
He appointed the general as governor of 
the State of Yucatan, far from the capital . 
During a turbulent period in office, 
Santa Anna proposed the invasion and 
annexation of Cuba. President Victoria 
was not interested. Another revolt was in 
the making in Mexico City, and that 
commanded his full attention. Vice 
President Bravo was fermenting a revolt 
against the regime of Victoria. High on 
his list of demands was the recall of Am-
bassador Joel Poinsett of the United 
States. He, along with Zavala, and the 
Yorkinos of Mexico City, were of a much 
too liberal persuasion to suit Bravo. In 
1827, Santa Anna returned to his plan-
tation, Mango de Clavo, at Vera Cruz. 
He was keeping a calculating eye on the 
unfolding situation in Mexico City. He 
also took time out to marry Dona Inez de 
la Garcia, a lady who would become the 
darling of the Mexican populace and a 
true asset to the ambitious general.

  Santa Anna returned to Mexico City
and threw his support behind Nicolas 
Braveo. This was a major factor in 
polarizing the Masonic factions of the 
city, and a "war" resulted between the 
Escoses and the Yorkinos. Nicolas Bravo, 
the leader of one faction was Grand 
Master of the Escoses, while the leader 
of the opposing side was Vicente 
Guerrero, Grand Master of the Yorki-
nos. They actually met in the Battle of 
Tulancingo, a little northeast of the capi-
tal. The casualty list induded eight
killed, and six wounded. Nicolas Bravo 
was captured and exiled to the United 
States, ending the Masonic War. Since 
the Yorkinos won the conflict, it was only 
predictable that one of their own be 
elected president. Gomez Pedraza be-
came the leader of the government. 
Santa Anna was displeased with the re-
sults and led a revolt against Pedraza, 
forcing him to resign before the end of 
the year. Vicente Guerrero succeeded 
him. The activity of Santa Anna man-
aged to keep the political pot boiling.
A great opportunity presented itself for 
General Santa Anna to gain new public 
acclaim when the Spanish government 
landed a military force at Tampico in 
1829. They concluded that it would be 
simple to retake Mexico in the face of all 
the upheaval and revolt, and that the 
populace would welcome them with 
open arms. The Spaniards miscalcu-
lated. With Santa Anna at the head of the 
Mexican force, the Spanish troops were 
driven back to their ships and soundly 
defeated. The general was a national 
hero, and from this time forward referred 
to himself as "the Napoleon of the 
West" .
The political unrest was not diminished 
with the expulsion of the Spanish take-
over attempt. The vice president, Anas-
tasio Bustamante headed a revolt against 
President Guerrero. Even though they 
were both Masons, the friction was bitter 
anddeadly. InFebruary, 1831, President 
Guerrero was shot and Bustamante took 
over the palace. His tenure as the head 
of government was less than a year. Now, 
the moment had arrived for Antonio 
Lopez de Santa Anna!
 In February, 1833,General Santa Anna
was elected President of Mexico. A 
major campaign commitment for him 
had been to support the return of the 
constitution of 1824. The voters ap-
proved of the general's promises of a 
moderate, liberal government, and the 
country was solidly behind him. Santa 
Anna was only 40 years old when he was 
elected president, and Gomez Farias was 
elected vice president. The wily general 
now made an unexpected move. He de-
clined to be inaugurated, pleading ill 
health. He urged that Farias be installed 
temporarily, as provided in the constitu-
tion. Santa Anna's reason was simple. 
Some thorny problems were being 
addressed at that particular time and he 
did not want to be in the middle of a 
controversy. The government had been 
pressing for a drastic reduction of mili-
tary strength, and increased control over 
the policies and financial affairs of the 
Catholic Church. Nobody was surprised 
when a revolt erupted over the explosive 
issues, which Santa Anna quickly sub-
dued. Abuse was heaped upon the hap-
less acting president, Gomez Farias.
Now the general returned and assumed 
office as the conquering hero and the 
elected president of Mexico. Almost im-
mediately, Santa Anna, once more 
pleading illness, took another leave of 
absence (at full pay, of course) and re-
turned to Mango de Clavo to ponder his 
next move.
  Abruptly, the general was back in Mex-
ico City proclaiming a new philosophy. 
He believed the people of Mexico were 
not ready for self government. He re-
pudiated Vice President Farias, and dis-
missed congress. Santa Anna called for 
special powers for himself, and his hand-
picked new congress ratified his request. 
The church was solidly behind him, and 
the people were satisfied with the turn of 
events. Very soon they would learn just 
how compassionate the new dictator was 
in dealing with "his" people.
The government had issued an order 
for the State of Zacatecas, home of 
deposed Vice President Gomez Farias
to disband their militia. Out of fear that 
the government would take severe re-
prisals if they were unable to defend 
themselves, they disobeyed the order. 
They were correct. Santa Anna per-
sonally supervised a brutal suppression 
of the Zacatecas uprising in which pri-
vate property was wantonly destroyed 
and plundered, citizens killed, and 
women raped, without any sign of re-
straint from the general. Upon his return 
to the capital, he abolished the constitu-
tion of 1824. Now Texas demanded his 
attention.
  In July, 1835, R.M. Williamson pre-
sided over a protest meeting in San 
Felipe, denouncing Santa Anna and his 
government. Williamson announced 
that General Martin Perfecto de Cos, 
brother-in-law of the dictator, was 
marching on Texas with an army of 
3,400 men. In August, Lorenze de 
Zavala denounced the dictator and ac-
cused him of treason. Zavala was now a 
resident of Texas, having resigned his 
last government post, that of Minister to 
France. The infuriated Santa Anna an-
nounced to the world that he intended to 
crush the impudent Texas rebels! 
General Cos crossed the Rio Grande 
shortly thereafter with a thousand men. 
He was met and defeated by a band of 
Texas patriots. Stephen Austin called for 
volunteers to fight. On December 5, 
1835, Santa Anna took personal com-
mand of the Mexican army and started 
his march to Texas.
  The Texans overwhelmed General Cos
at San Antonio de Bexar on December 
10th, forcing him to surrender his Alamo
fortress and the command of 1,105 of-
ficers and soldiers. Little did the jubilant 
patriots realize the tragedy that would be 
enacted on that very spot only three 
months later. Cos promised to withdraw 
his troops south of the Rio Grande, and 
never again bear arms against Texas. His 
promises, like those of his brother-in-
law, were subject to change without no-
tice. Santa Anna reached the Rio Grande 
by February, 1836. He dispatched 
General Jose Urrea to the town of 
Matamoras, on the east coast, with in-
structions to push north and conquer the 
towns of Refugio, Victoria, and Goliad. 
The general himself would press on to 
San Antonio de Bexar. On March 2, 
1836, Texas declared its independence 
from Mexico. That announcement 
meant little to Santa Anna, for he had 
begun the siege of the Alamo on Febru-
ary 23rd. Six weeks later, the an-
nouncement would be much more im-
portant to the Napoleon of the West. 
Now his full attention was upon the 182 
defenders of the little mission. How 
could they hope to stand up against a 
force of 5,000 Mexican regulars, many 
of them veterans of Zacatecas?

  The siege of the Alamo lasted for 13
days. When the din of the final assault 
faded away, there was not a survivor 
among the defenders except two Negro 
servants and a handful of women and 
children who had witnessed the carnage. 
It was reported that over 1,600 Mexican 
soldiers died that day as the Texans 
bought precious time for Sam Houston 
to ready his little army to meet the great 
Santa Anna. The men at the Alamo all 
knew they would die in the battle, and 
they prepared calmly for the end.

  At first, Jim Bowie and William Travis
argued bitterly over tactics and the ques-
tion of who should command. Travis was
in charge of the regular troops and Bowie
lead a larger contingent of volunteers.
The disagreement became academic
when Bowie was severely injured by an
accident involving a loose cannon the
defenders were attempting to place on a
platform. Already suffering from acute
tuberculosis, it was a miracle that Bowie
was still alive with his ribs crushed. He
was placed on a bed in the bapistry of the
chapel, while Travis assumed overall
command. The men were surly and
short tempered from lack of rest, the
incessant cannonading, and the shortage
of food. The bitter weather that came
with the norther the day before only
made matters worse. They were huddled
at their posts in the cold darkness when
the bugle rang out and the sound of
running feet shattered the silence. The
defenders rose to their last challenge as
the measured notes of the deguello
floated in on the wings of the cold wind.
Masons died that day at the Alamo.
Among the first was James Barret
Travis. He was found draped over a can-
non with a single bullet in his head. The 
others fell, one by one, as the waves of 
Mexican infantry swept forward. The 
cavalry, under orders from Santa Anna, 
pressed closely behind the foot soldiers in 
order that none could waver or retreat. 
Scores of wounded were trampled by 
their comrades as they were forced ever 
forward by the Mexican horsemen. 
Bowie was among the last to die. He 
summoned one last burst of strength to 
fire a brace of pistols left by Davie Crock-
ett, and after his ammunition was ex-
hausted, he slashed with his famous knife 
until he was dead. Reports from those 
who were present after the battle tell that 
many Mexican bodies were piled in the 
doorway of the bapistry.

The firing continued for a full fifteen 
minutes after the last defender has died. 
The frenzied Mexican soldiers killed 
each other in the darkened and smoke-
filled rooms of the mission. They fired 
round after round into the dead bodies 
of the Texas defenders, until Santa Anna 
finally brought an end to the insanity. By 
8:00 a.m., the general was satisfied that 
it was safe to enter the Alamo. He 
demanded to see the bodies of Travis, 
Bowie, and Crockett. He ordered the 
face of each corpse wiped clean so all 
rebels could be identified. Santa Anna 
intended to burn the bodies of all the 
defenders, and he wanted no mistakes. 
One of Mexico's famous Masons looked 
with a great feeling of triumph that day 
on the faces of brother Masons James B.
Travis, James Bowie, James Butler Bon-
ham, and Davie Crockett. One wonders 
what fraternal thoughts crossed the dic-
tator's mind on that occasion.

The Napoleon of the West was elated 
over his glorious victory and needed 
some diversion. He had taught those 
Texas dogs a lesson they would never 
forget! Soon, he would sweep the rest of 
them from the face of the earth. Now, 
however, he turned his attention to his 
new San Antonio " bride. " He had taken 
a local girl into his camp after he arrived, 
and to satisfy her complaining mother, 
had gone through a mock marriage cere-
mony conducted by one of his officers, 
masquerading as a priest. Santa Anna 
would leave her behind when he pressed 
on to other adventures.

On Palm Sunday, March 27, 1836, 
another tragedy struck the Texas volun-
teer force. General Urrea, under orders 
from Santa Anna slaughtered 400 Amer-
icans at Goliad who had arrived to lend 
a hand in the struggle for independence. 
Their commander, James W. Fannin, 
surrendered his force at Goliad a week 
before, convinced that to resist would be 
fatal in the face of overpowering odds. 
Urrea had promised no one would be 
harmed, but they were shot and dumped
into a common grave a few days later. 
Fannin was a member of Holland Lodge 
No. 36, at Brazoria, and had acted as a 
deacon at their last meeting before the 
arrival of the Mexican army.
  The tenets of Freemasonry had little
impact on Santa Anna. The attributes of 
brotherly love, relief and charity were 
not part of his character. He had ordered 
"no quarter" at the Alamo, although he 
must have known a few of the defenders 
were Masons, as he was. Stephen Austin 
was a Mason, and Santa Anna knew him 
well. Furthermore, the dictator had not 
hesitated to use a sign of distress when 
events turned against him a little later. 
Only the knowledge that members of the 
fraternity were present would have 
prompted him to appeal to their Masonic 
inclinations.
  The Mexican army continued east-
ward in their quest to find and defeat 
Sam Houston and the main force of Tex-
ans. They met at San Jacinto, near Hous-
ton, on April 21, 1836. The battle only 
lasted 18 minutes, as the Texas rebels 
annihilated the forces of the haughty 
Santa Anna. Casualties amounted to 530 
Mexicans killed, 208 wounded, and 730 
officers and men taken prisoner. Hous-
ton's force was less than half that, and 
sustained trifling losses. Houston, him-
self, was wounded in the right leg.
When Santa Anna perceived that the 
day was lost, he fled with a small staff. 
They bogged down at Vince's Bayou, 
and his escort deserted him. Horseless 
now, the general was reduced to fleeing 
on foot. He changed clothes to prevent 
recognition, but was captured the next 
day around noon. In a panic of fear, he 
gave a Masonic distress sign to one of his 
captors, James Sylvester, who happened 
to be a Mason. Santa Anna demanded to 
be taken to Sam Houston, and after some 
of the Mexican prisoners revealed his 
true identity through their greetings, his 
request was granted. The defeated 
general greeted Sam Houston with a Ma-
sonic sign. Later, he identified himself in 
the same fashion to Dr. James A. Phelps 
and a group with him who were mem-
bers of the Order.
  Santa Anna signed two treaties at
Velasco, one public and one secret. The 
publicized treaty was issued to placate 
the Texans, who were determined to ex-
ecute the Mexican dictator for his blood-
thirsty deeds. The secret treaty was one 
in which Santa Anna personally agreed 
to accept the terms of the surrender and 
gave assurances not to bear arms against 
Texans in the future. The public treaty 
dealt with the terms of surrender and tht 
particulars on the removal of troops from 
Texas soil and the granting of inde-
pendence. Houston was informed very 
shortly that the government in Mexico,
City had repudiated all actions of Santa 
Anna following his surrender, so his 
commitments were not binding on them. 
In addition, President Andrew Jackson 
was pleading that the Texans not harm 
Santa Anna and provoke an inter-
national situation into which the United 
States might be drawn. Jackson wanted 
to confer with the defeated general, and 
it seemed a good idea to Houston to 
grant the request. They prepared for the 
transfer of the Mexican dictator to Wash-
ington, D.C.

  Santa Anna had been imprisoned at
Orizimbo, the plantation home of Dr. 
James Phelps, from July to November of
1836. He had received accommodations 
far better than he had any right to expect. 
The Masons involved in the matter ap-
peared to have had some influence on his 
treatment. When Santa Anna departed 
from Orizimbo, he presented one of his 
Masonic guards, John Stiles, with his 
apron, as a token of appreciation for kind 
treatment. Forgotten were the two at-
tempts at suicide while a guest of Dr. 
Phelps. The deep depression was gone.

  In due course, Santa Anna arrived in
Washington and conferred with Presi-
dent Jackson. The dictator was an old 
hand at double talk and glib conversa-
tion. He contended to Jackson that he 
had been away from Mexico too long, 
and now had no influence. The upshot of 
their meeting was that Santa Anna 
started his voyage home on February 2, 
1827. He arrived in Vera Cruz on Feb-
ruary 21 st, not penniless and in disgrace, 
but as a returning dignitary who retired 
to private life at Mango de Clavo in 
luxury. He had been gone nearly a year. 
It would take a little time to calculate his 
next move. An opportunity presented 
itself when a French fleet appeared in the 
harbor of Vera Cruz in 1838.

Several years before, during one of the
frequent revolts, the pastry shop of a
French national had been demolished by
drunken revolutionists. Now, the French
demanded reparations in the amount of
six hundred million pesos. They brought
troops to back up their demands. Santa
Anna seized the opportunity. He took
command of the Mexican army troops in
the Vera Cruz area and met the French.
In the ensuing battle, the invaders were
soundly defeated and drew back to their
ships. Santa Anna had been gallantly
leading the assault from the rear, but
when assured the danger no longer ex-
isted, he went to the head of his com-
mand. A departing Frenchman got off a
lucky shot and wounded the general on
the left hand and leg. The "Pastry War"
was over, but the general was about to
lose his leg. The amputation was
completed, the leg duly pickled, and
Santa Anna returned with the severed
limb to a hero's welcome in Mexico City.
As usual, shortly after the general ar-
rived, another revolution started in the 
capital.
  Santa Anna once more permitted him-
self to be forced to assume the head of 
government in Mexico. He overhauled 
the constitution, granting himself dicta-
torial powers, and set up shop in the 
presidential palace. With the Catholic 
Church and the army behind him, his 
authority was absolute. One of the first 
priorities was to provide a funeral for his 
amputated leg. A procession five miles 
long slowly conveyed the limb to a state 
repository, while the black-garbed 
general solemnly followed. It was a time 
of excess and self indulgence for Santa 
Anna.
  For a time, the people of Mexico had no
choice but to bear the burden of the 
dictator's extravagance and self-indul-
gence. He allowed himself excesses far 
beyond any he had dared attempt in 
previous years. Then, in August, 1844, 
Dona Inez died following a long illness, 
and the tide began to turn for Santa Anna 
once more. She had been well-loved by 
the people, and when the general cut the 
mourning period short to marry a 15-
year old girl a few weeks later, he had 
gone too far. The public was outraged 
and another revolution was inevitable. A 
moderate faction seized the palace while 
Santa Anna fled for his life, and a haven 
of safety in Havana, Cuba. This was the 
first of three exiles, but this one would be 
of short duration.
  In December of 1845, a resolution was
presented to the Congress of the United 
States that Texas be admitted to the 
union. Enthusiastically approved, the 
flag of the United States was raised over 
the Texas capital at Austin February 19, 
1846. Mexico had threatened war if such 
a step were taken by the United States, 
and President James Polk was alarmed. 
He sent James Slidell to Mexico City to
pacify the Mexicans with an offer to buy 
the disputed land south of the Nueces 
River in Texas, which Mexico recog-
nized as the border between the coun-
tries. President Guerrero refused to see 
Slidell and ordered troops to the Rio 
Grande. President Polk dispatched 
General Zachary Taylor and a command 
of troops to the Rio Grande to secure the 
border. Mexican General Mariano 
Arista engaged Taylor at the battles of 
Palo Alto and Reseca de la Palma in 
quick succession. The Mexicans were 
badly beaten, although they had a far 
superior force. The Mexican War was 
definitely under way.
Two months later, in May, 1846, 
  General Taylor took the City of Monter-
rey. Still another revolt in Mexico City 
deposed President Herrera and a period
of turmoil followed. Presently, the new 
president, Gomez Farias called for Santa 
Anna to return from Cuba. The general 
was eager to comply, but the United 
States had a naval blockade sealing off 
the coast of Mexico. Santa Anna once 
more turned to diplomacy. He contacted 
President Polk and assured him if he 
could return to Mexico, he would exert 
all his influence to negotiate a peace after 
a decent time that would be acceptable 
to the United States. Polk granted the 
safe conduct through the blockade. 
When Santa Anna arrived in Mexico, he 
busied himself raising an army of 18,000 
to 25,000 men and marched north to 
engage a surprised Zachary Taylor. A 
Mexican army of 20,000 clashed with 
Taylor's command of 5,000 at Buena 
Vista on February 23, 1847. The Mexi-
cans suffered the appalling loss of 2,000 
men the first day. This was too much for 
them, and they withdrew during the 
night. On March 7th, General Winfield 
Scott shelled Vera Cruz into submission 
and marched into the city. The Ameri-
cans were rolling like a juggernaut. The 
Mexican people knew now the true 
measure of Santa Anna. He was not a 
great and victorious military leader. He 
had established a tradition of constant 
defeat, and even worse, his personal 
courage was suspect. Still, they had 
nobody to take his place. Onward, the 
Americans rolled until at last, after many 
bloody victories, they took Chapultepec 
on September 13, 1847, and the capital 
the next day. Thousands of Mexicans 
had been killed in the vain attempt to 
stay the United States forces, to no avail. 
Santa Anna left the capital and had no 
part in the surrender. He left the country 
and settled in Jamaica on his second 
exile. He stayed there until 1850, and 
moved to Cartagena, Colombia.
  Back home in Mexico, General Mari-
ano Arista was having his chance at the 
presidency, but the job was beyond his 
capabilities. The enormous debt and in-
ternal problems of the republic crushed 
Arista and he resigned. Incredible as it 
seems, the cry went out again for Santa 
Anna. He returned to Vera Cruz on 
April 1, 1853, and assumed his old post 
as Dictator of Mexico. Old habits were 
hard to break, and Santa Anna resumed 
his old practice of self-indulgence and 
excessive spending. When all his re-
sources were exhausted, including 
money from the church and all he could 
borrow from his friends, the general 
called in the United States ambassador, 
James Gadsden. They negotiated a sale 
of Mexican land south of the Gila River 
in the Territories of Arizona and New 
Mexico to the United States. They sold 
a parcel of land amounting to 45,000 
square miles for ten million dollars. 
Santa Anna spent that money very 
quickly and knew that the end was near 
for him as the ruler of Mexico. He re-
signed and went into exile in Venezuela, 
for the third and last time.
  During Santa Anna's 20-year exile the
political pot continued to boil in Mexico. 
Napoleon III installed Maximillian as 
Emperor of Mexico in 1864. His rein 
endured until 1867 before the French 
were expelled. In this revolution, Benitc 
Juarez came to power and ultimately
became president of the Mexican Re-
public; Santa Anna appealed for permis 
sion to return home. Juarez, an accom 
plished Mason, remembered the humil-
iating experience many years before. He
refused. It was not until Juarez died or 
July 18,1872,that Santa Anna was given
any hope of returning. Two years later 
the old dictator returned to his home 
land.
  The splendor of former years was gone
The old general, president and dictator
was now 80 years old and in very poor
health. He suffered from chronic dy-
sentery and gout. He was also in the most
extreme poverty and lived on the charity 
of a few friends from the old days. 
Toward the end, he became hopelessly 
senile, and died on June 21, 1876, alone
and penniless. He had been perhaps the 
most gifted leader of his day in Mexico, 
but had thrown away every opportunity 
for immortality. His overpowering avar-
ice, perfidy, cowardice and ruthlessness 
had assured him the contempt of his fel-
low citizens. He had discarded all esteem 
in his headlong rush to oblivion. Nobody 
mourned his passing. Perhaps the only 
monument to Santa Anna is the artificial 
leg that American soldiers from Pekin, 
Illinois carried back to their home state 
after the Mexican War. It is now on 
display in a museum in Springfield, 
where any who wish may gaze at it and 
ponder over its original owner. Cer-
tainly, his memory deserves nothing 
more pretentious. The butcher of the 
Alamo has reaped a just reward on the 
pages of history.

Reference and Source Materlel

William R. Denslow, 10,000 Freemasons, Volume
IV, Transactions of the Missouri Lodge of Re-
search, 1960.
Robert Freke Gould, Gould 's Histoy of Freernasonry.
edited by Dudley Wright, Volume III and IV 
Charles Scribner Sons, New York, 1916.
Albert G. Mackey, Engclopcdia of Freemasonry, Ma-
sonic History Company, New York, 1917.
Messages and Papers of the Presidents, Volume 5 and
6, Bureau of National Literature, Inc., New
York, 1897.
Pete Normand, Thr Trxas Masons, The Fraternity
of Ancient Free and Accepted Masons of Texas 
1986.
Lon Tinkle, Thc Alamo and 13 Days to Glory
McGraw Hill, New York, 1958.
Edward N. Thompson, Transactions of thc Texas
Lodge of Research, Volume XXII, 1987.

