  This article is copyrighted 1989 by Allen E. Roberts and represents a 
chapter from his forthcoming book, The Mystic Tie. It is intended here for the 
private use of the users of this Bulletin Board only. It may not be reproduced 
in any manner for other use.


             FREEMASONRY AND THE CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION
                     -by- Allen E. Roberts, FPS

                      1. THE DISUNITED STATES


[Note: This series originally was published in The Philalethes, the bimonthly 
publication of The Philalethes Society. It is based on the account of the 
Constitutional Convention in 1787, and its aftermath, as recorded in Roberts' 
Freemasonry in American History and other sources.]

  A mere handful of patriots, led by an untiring George Washington, had 
defeated the strongest army and navy in the world. Against all odds, they had 
brought freedom to the thirteen colonies that were labeled "The United States 
of America."
  But that's all it was, a label. There was no unity among the thirteen 
states that had finally, in 1781, approved the Articles of Confederation. The 
Congress determined as early as June 11, 1776 a confederation had to be formed 
among the states. The form this should take was debated for months, and it 
wasn't until July 9, 1778 that the Articles were approved -- somewhat. These 
still left the states in a position to act as they pleased, to do what they 
pleased, and support only those things of which they approved. There was a 
government responsible for winning a war and independence, but with absolutely 
no power of enforcement.
  In spite of obstacles that would have stopped lesser men, George 
Washington, the Virginia Freemason, and his "rabble in arms," many of them 
also Freemasons, did win the War for American Independence. They had won it 
with few supplies, little ammunition, sparse rations, and bloody feet. Over 
and over again Washington had pleaded with Congress for material aid. From 
every camp the Commander-in-Chief had sent dispatch riders to inform Congress 
of the plight of his men.  In spite of the lack of support in the field and on 
the home front, the Patriots were successful. 
  But would the country be able to capitalize on their sacrifices and remain 
"independent?" Would the citizens of each state eventually pledge allegiance 
to one country instead of thirteen? Could there finally be unity. With good 
reason, many European countries didn't believe the states would become one 
entity. Among these countries was Great Britain.
  The in-fighting among the thirteen states delighted the British government 
and it adopted a policy of "divide and conquer." It closed its West Indian 
islands and Canada to American shipping. Only cargo from American carried on 
English vessels was accepted in Great Britain and its possessions. The goal 
was to strangle American shipping and to pit each state against the others. 
And Americans, long denied the luxury of British manufactured goods used what 
little hard money there was available to purchase those luxuries from their 
former enemy.
  Printing presses in the various states worked overtime to produce money, 
but this did more harm than good. States wouldn't accept the paper from their 
neighbors; inflation was rampant; often a dollar wasn't worth ten cents.
  Taxation was out. The Articles wouldn't permit these to be levied. The 
government could ask for funds but could in no way demand them. This may have 
been one reason for the passage of the Land Ordinance on May 20, 1785. Parcels 
of land could be purchased for $640 cash in the territory between the 
Appalachians and the Mississippi, north of the Ohio River. To protect the new 
settlers, Colonel Josiah Harmar sent Jonathan Heart and his troops down the 
Ohio to strengthen Fort Harmar across the river from what came to be known as 
Marietta, Ohio.
  With these soldiers Freemasonry entered the wilderness to stay. Harmar and 
Heart were members of the dormant American Union Lodge of Revolutionary fame. 
General Rufus Putnam, a member of American Union Lodge, met with several 
veterans in Boston, Massachusetts, on March 3, 1786. They turned in their 
paper certificates (their pay for service during the war) and purchased land 
in Ohio territory. Marietta was born when on April 8, 1786, forty-eight New 
Englanders landed across the river from Fort Harmar. General Arthur St. Clair, 
another Mason, arrived later to become governor of the territory. On June 18, 
1790 American Union Lodge resumed labor.
  A group of debt-ridden farmers, headed by Daniel Shays, a hero of Bunker 
Hill and several other battles, rebelled against debtors being imprisoned. 
They closed a court on August 29, 1786 at Northampton, Massachusetts, that was 
foreclosing on destitute farmers, and later attacked the Springfield arsenal 
on January 25, 1787. This brought Benjamin Lincoln, a member of St. Andrews 
Lodge and who had received the sword of Cornwallis at Yorktown, into the fray. 
He stopped the rebellion, and Shays escaped to Vermont.
  Shays was a member of Masters' Lodge in Albany, New York, and had attended 
American Union Lodge. He was one of the original petitioners for the formation 
of Hampshire Lodge in Massachusetts in 1786. This Lodge told the Grand Lodge 
of Massachusetts that by "a vote of said lodge, that the names of Daniel 
Shays, Luke Day and Elijah Day, who are members of that lodge, be transmitted 
to the Grand Lodge to be recorded with Infamy in consequence of their conduct 
in the late Rebellion." Shays had been sentenced to death, but he was later 
granted a pardon. Many of the conditions they fought against were later 
changed by a new Massachusetts legislature.
  Rioting continued in many places throughout the country. Inflation and 
other problems didn't improve. States were opposing states, and levying taxes 
on each other. Traders were forced to pay tolls in traveling from one state to 
another. Virginia forced vessels from other states using her ports to pay 
duty, and those that didn't were seized and their owners prosecuted. Maryland 
and Virginia feuded over navigational rights to the lucrative Potomac River. 
This brought about a meeting that would become the probable salvation of the 
country.
  Mediators met at Mount Vernon to discuss a solution for the rights to 
navigate on the Potomac. The talks were so successful, other states wanted to 
enlarge on them. Consequently, an invitation was sent to all the states to 
send representatives to Annapolis, Maryland, for a meeting in September 1786. 
Only five states responded by sending delegates, but these delegates asked for 
a meeting to take place in May 1787 to be held in Philadelphia.
  Congress, surprisingly, cooperated. It issued a call for the meeting. 
However, it emphatically specified that the meeting would be limited to a 
revision of the Articles of Confederation. Discussing anything else, with the 
exception possibly of commerce, was expressly forbidden.
  Could a solution be found to the multitude of problems facing the disunited 
states with such a limited agenda? 

                      2. THE CONVENTION BEGINS

  George Washington, the Freemason from Virginia, the hero of America's fight 
for freedom, the man who never again wanted to enter public life, arrived in 
Philadelphia on May 13, 1787. Artillery thundered, bells chimed, and a large 
throng welcomed him to the city. Little did they realize they were greeting 
the man who would quietly bring into being a constitution for the country that 
would stand the test of time. As he had led armed forces to bring freedom to 
the country, so he would lead a small group of intellectuals in their quest to 
bring a semblance of order out of chaos.
  Washington's first action was to call on his old friend and Brother Mason, 
Benjamin Franklin, a Past Grand Master in Pennsylvania, a man with the wisdom 
of the ages. That wisdom had been broadened by his travels abroad as the 
representative of his government. He was especially well respected in France. 
So much so that he became the leader and guiding spirit the Lodge of the Nine 
Sisters in Paris. In this capacity he assisted in the initiation of Voltaire, 
and later officiated at Voltaire's funeral.     
  What the two men discussed is not known. It is known, however, that 
Franklin, far ahead of his time, had proposed a plan of union as early as 
1754. That had been rejected. Again in 1775 he proposed much the same plan to 
the Continental Congress. Politicians, seldom the wisest of men, ignored the 
proposal. Later they adopted Articles of Association which proved virtually 
useless.
  The Convention, set to begin May 14, was postponed from day to day. 
Miserable weather added to the horror of the terrible roads making them 
impassable. Only the representatives from Virginia and Pennsylvania were in 
Philadelphia. It would be May 25 before the delegation from New Jersey 
arrived, thereby making a quorum of seven states.
  Time wasn't wasted by the Virginians and Pennsylvanians and they spent much 
time together while they waited. The Virginians met every morning under the 
leadership of Edmund Randolph, the Governor and Grand Master of Masons in 
Virginia. During this period they developed what would become the substance of 
the document finally approved by the majority of the delegates.
  Old habits die hard. The newspapers were proud of the powerful men who 
would be meeting at the Pennsylvania State House. Even so, the press used 
titles to differentiate them. Governors were entitled to "Excellency"; 
justices and chancellors were "Honorable"; "respectable characters" were 
"honorable" with a lower case "h." It wasn't, and isn't, only Freemasonry that 
is obsessed with titles.
  In comparison to the sweltering city streets, the State House was cool, 
especially at ten o'clock in the morning when the meetings started. Across 
from the chamber where the state supreme court sessions were held was the east 
room where the Convention was held. It was even then of historical interest; 
the Continental Congress had met there, and it was there that the Declaration 
of Independence was signed.
  The east chamber was large, forty feet square with a twenty foot high 
ceiling, and there were no pillars to break the view. The windows on two sides 
of the room were high with blinds to keep out the blazing sun. The presiding 
officers high-backed chair, with its rising or setting sun, sat against the 
east wall. There were two wide fireplaces and a door led to the committee 
room. Delegates sat at tables wide enough for three or four men to be seated 
comfortably. 
  Franklin had planned on nominating his friend George Washington for 
President of the Convention, but illness prevented Franklin from being 
present. Robert Morris, with whom Washington stayed during the Convention, did 
the nominating, and the hero of the War for American Independence was elected 
unanimously, perhaps the only unanimous decision that would be made.
  It's necessary to say "perhaps" because the delegates were sworn to 
secrecy. These men were wise enough to know that if their deliberations became 
known they would accomplish nothing. This oath of secrecy was kept even though 
there were some, like Thomas Jefferson (who should have know better) who 
didn't like it. It was not until many years after the Convention that the 
world began to learn something about what transpired during those sweltering 
days in the State House in Philadelphia. This account comes, primarily, from 
Documents Illustrative of the Formation of the Union of the American States. 
It is composed of notes and papers compiled by delegates to the Convention. It 
was published in 1926 by the United States Government Printing Office.
  As the delegates presented their credentials it became apparent they were 
in for a long, hot summer. Each state was concerned mainly with its own 
interests. The division between the "small" and "large" states appeared to be 
irreconcilable. There appeared to be unanimity in one area, however: each man 
knew England, Spain and Europe expected nothing to come from this meeting and 
that was their hope. Virginia prayed the delegates would not give way to 
"unmanly Jealousies and Prejudices or to partial and transitory Interests" and 
thereby "furnish our Enemies with cause to triumph."
  James McHenry of Maryland, who would become a member of Spiritual Lodge No. 
23 in Maryland on July 30, 1806, was among the delegates who took copious 
notes that would be released many years later. He noted that Edmund Randolph 
took the floor on May 29 to point out why concerted action must be taken to 
preserve what the blood of thousands had been shed to achieve. 
  "He [Randolph] observed that the confederation fulfilled none of the 
objects for which it was framed. 1st. It does not provide against foreign 
invasions. 2dly. It does not secure harmony to the States. 3d. It is incapable 
of producing certain blessings to the States. 4th. It cannot defend itself 
against encroachments. 5th. It is not superior to State constitutions." 
Randolph expanded on each of these, and other points. 
  "Having pointed out its defects," continued McHenry's account of Randolph's 
address, let us not be afraid to view with a steady eye the perils with which 
we are surrounded. Look at the public countenance from New Hampshire to 
Georgia. Are we not on the eve of war; which is only prevented by the hopes 
from this convention?" He then presented the "Virginia Plan" which consisted 
of fifteen articles.
  The delegates resolved to dispense with the formal meeting and become a 
"Committee of the Whole," a plan many Masonic bodies followed, and some still 
do.
  The groundwork had been laid. A plan of action had been presented to the 
delegates. From the remarks made in private it became doubtful that this plan, 
or any other, would ever bear fruit.

                    3. THE VIRGINIA PLAN DEBATED

  The delegates to the Constitutional Convention could relax once they left 
the confines of the State House. Most of them lived close by; Washington was 
staying with Robert Morris, on Market Street, a block away; Elbridge Gerry, 
whose descendants believed he was a Freemason, rented a house close by and 
brought his wife and daughter to be with him. Many stayed in a hostel owned by 
Mrs. Mary House at Fifth and Market Streets. Other hostels close by became 
favorite sites for housing and recreation.
  Philadelphia was a busy commercial center and proved that not all luxurious 
furniture and other goods had to be imported. An undercover market stretched 
down market street and was open at least twice a week. Just about anything 
imaginable could be purchased at reasonable prices. Shops with food and all 
types of articles lined the streets. The delegates were fortunate in the 
choice of cities for the debate to improve on the Articles of Confederation.
  Men and women from all over the country and world could be found on the 
city streets. And they covered every type of persuasion. Some complained 
because of the lack of morals; others because the men were serious and the 
ladies virtuous.
  "A national government ought to be established consisting of a supreme 
legislature, judi-iary and executive," Edmund Randolph continued in the 
Convention on the morning of May 30, 1787, according to McHenry's notes. (The 
"-" signifies missing letters.) Cries of "We don't have the right to do this," 
and similar objections greeted Randolph's remarks. The same laments are heard 
today, 200 years later, whenever changes are proposed. It has been said: "The 
more things change, the more they stay the same," a statement historians find 
to be true every day.
  Evidently it was agreed that the delegates should at least discuss the 
points raised, and then determine whether or not they had the right to suggest 
changes. Gouverneur Morris of Pennsylvania explained his version of "federal" 
and "national." He said a federal government was merely a compact that 
depended on the good faith of the states; a national government would be "a 
complete and compulsive operation." 
  "We had better take a supreme government now than a despot twenty years 
hence -- for come he must," Morris said in his closing argument. It appears 
the delegates approved his views, at least for the moment.
  The Committee of the Whole took under consideration, on Friday, June 1, 
Virginia's Resolve 7 "that a national executive be instituted." Charles 
Pickney rose to urge a "vigorous executive" be the choice; James Wilson 
suggested a single person for the executive. This brought about a thunderous 
silence that lasted until Benjamin Franklin persuaded his colleagues to speak 
what was on their minds.
  It was evident the fear of a tyrant, or what is today called a "dictator," 
was prevalent. Randolph insisted the executive could well consist of three 
men. Wilson claimed this could easily result in a tyranny. All the delegates 
had been born under the British government. It was natural for them to compare 
the good and bad points of that government. John Dickinson, the Mason from 
Delaware, listened to the arguments and the next day rose in support of a 
single executive. Randolph again disagreed; Pierce Butler of South Carolina 
took issue with Randolph's reasoning. And the arguments drifted to Virginia's 
eighth resolve which called for a veto by the executive.     
  Franklin opposed an executive veto. He noted that this had resulted in 
extensive graft and corruption in Pennsylvania. It gave one man too much 
power, and this was one reason why he favored a plural executive. And he was 
opposed to paying the executive, whether single or plural, a salary, because 
whatever was paid would never be considered enough by the recipient. Franklin 
moved that no salary be paid; Hamilton seconded the motion; there was no 
discussion and action on the motion was postponed. The Committee of the Whole 
then voted seven to three in favor of a single executive.
  After bitter discussion on the subject of an executive veto, the vote was 
ten to zero against it! But the discussion continued and on June 18, sixteen 
days later, the executive was granted a veto, subject to it being overruled by 
two-thirds of Congress. 
  So far this body had approved a congress, and an executive, and a veto -- 
action that far exceeded its authority.
  The New Jersey Plan was debated on June 19 and the Committee was asked to 
determine whether to accept this or the Randolph plan as amended. The New 
Jersey proposition was discarded by a vote of seven to three, with Maryland 
being divided.
  The Convention continued debating the Randolph Resolves on the 20th as 
approved by the Committee of the Whole. Point by point they continued to be 
discussed, amended, and then approved. There small and large states slowly 
were appeased. But it took the moderate Freemason from Dover, Delaware, John 
Dickinson, to eventually bring this issue into perspective. 
  Slowly, but it appeared conclusively, the diversity to minds were beginning 
to meld. By the end of June many of the delegates could see a new day dawning 
and the United States of America becoming a reality.
  So real did this unity appear that on July 5 Lansing and Yates of New York 
walked out of the Convention. They told Governor Clinton the other delegates 
were exceeding their authority. This left Hamilton alone from New York, and 
although his state was no longer a member of the Convention, he could attend, 
take part in the discussions, but would have no vote.
  Two of the thirteen states now were not represented; the small state of 
Rhode Island which had refused to participate, and one of the larger states, 
New York. 

                    4. SWELTERING, RUMBLING AND GRUMBLING

  For two weeks the Virginia Plan as presented by Edmund Randolph, the 
governor and Grand Master of Masons in Virginia, was debated. As the arguments 
went on it became apparent more of the delegates were persuaded that the 
Article of Confederation had to go. An entirely new document had to be 
created.
  The age-old cry: "We can't do that; it exceeds our authority; it has never 
been done before," would never completely die. Among the exponents of this cry 
was Elbridge Gerry of Massachusetts, who may have been a Freemason. Gouverneur 
Morris of Pennsylvania, not a Mason, countered by claiming: "We had better 
take a supreme government now than a despot twenty years hence -- for come he 
must."
  One of the Virginia Resolves covered the appointment of federal judges. It 
appeared that few liked or trusted lawyers, and those who became judges were 
trusted even less by some of the delegates. When it was suggested that judges 
should join the executive for the benefit of their council, Gerry didn't 
agree. He didn't want to see the executive "covered by the sanction and 
seduced by the sophistry of the judges."
  Gerry proved he was courageous. Rutledge, Blair, Yates, Brearley, Read, 
Ellsworth, Sherman and Johnson were judges. It would be interesting to know 
their reaction. Even they must have recognized the tyranny of lawyers and 
judges in England had to be in the minds of the men sweltering in 
Philadelphia.
  Benjamin Franklin, the Pennsylvania Freemason, moved into the heated 
debate. He suggested the method for the appointment of judges in Scotland 
should be considered. There, he claimed, nominations came from lawyers. They 
always selected the ablest in their profession so they could get rid of him. 
Then they could share his practice among themselves. No agreement could be 
reached. The method of appointment was left blank and the delegates moved on.
  As the debate on the Virginia Plan continued more blanks had to be added so 
the Convention could move forward. It became increasingly apparent that the 
small states could not, and would not, agree to give the large states control 
of the country. James Wilson of Pennsylvania took note of this: "If no state 
will part with any of its sovereignty, it is in vain to talk of a national 
government."
  New Jersey presented a "small state plan" on June 5. Among the most 
divisible points concerned those of representation. The smaller states didn't 
want to be swallowed up. How to chose the representatives to the houses of 
congress brought more heated arguments. All were conscious of the egos of the 
local politicians. If the work of this Convention was to be ratified, the 
politicians back home had to be appeased. Nothing has changed in 200 years!
  The greatest source of debate was the American people. On this subject the 
heat in the city couldn't compete with the heat generated in the arguments. 
Property owners were the elite; all others were relegated to the "lower 
class." Only the elite should be allowed to select those who would govern them 
and the country. Wisely, or not, after three months of haggling the method was 
left to the states to decide who the voters would be.
  In the meantime the self-imposed secrecy continued. And the newspapers of 
the day accepted and respected this decision. The New York Journal asked: 
"Would it not be dangerous and impolitic to divert or destroy that great 
channel which serves at once to gratify the curiosity and collect the voice of 
the people?" Imagine reading that today in the Washington Post or the New York 
Times.
  John Dickinson, the Mason from Delaware, brought agreement out of chaos. 
"Let our government," said Dickinson, "be like the solar system. Let the 
general government be like the sun and the states the planets, repelled yet 
attracted, and the whole moving regularly and harmoniously in their several 
orbits." Did he paraphrase what he had learned in Freemasonry?
  Dickinson wanted "thirteen small streams pursuing one course." He then 
moved that the national Senate be appointed by the state legislatures. The 
long debate on this point was over. It would be the politicians, not the 
people, who would select the members of the upper house. The delegates fully 
realized they could adopt the best form of government possible, but without 
appeasing the egos of the powerful state politicians there would be no 
ratification.
  It's difficult today to envision the United States as it was in 1787. It 
took days, if not weeks, of hard, difficult, and often dangerous traveling to 
move but a few miles. The frontier was on the outskirts of the scant number of 
cities. Roads, where there were any, were rough and more often than not animal 
paths. Horses didn't come cheap, and relays were necessary to travel any 
distance. In short, it was easier to travel to London than from Boston to 
South Carolina.
  The conditions then existing must be taken into account when the wards and 
action of the delegates are considered. The representatives of each state had 
to consider what might be the results of their decisions.
  Day after day the principal and minor points were argued. For example: 
"Friday August 17th in Convention. Art VII. Sect. 1. resumed. on the clause 
'to appoint Treasurer by ballot.'
  "Mr Ghorum moved to insert 'joint' before ballot, as more convenient as 
well as reasonable, than to require the separate concurrence of the Senate.
  "Mr Pinckney 2nd the motion. Mr Sherman opposed it as favoring the larger 
States.
  "Mr Read moved to strike out the clause, leaving the appointment of the 
Treasurer as of other officers to the Executive. The Legislature was an 
improper body for appointments. Those of the State legislatures were a proof 
of it. The Executive being responsible would make a good choice.
  "Mr Mercer 2nd the motion of Mr Reed."
  That's a "shorthand" account about one item. It's not too difficult to 
imagine the amount of verbiage this, and other items, engendered. The ballot 
was taken and Mr. Reed's motion prevailed seven to three.
  So it went hour after hour, day after day, month after month. The wonder of 
wonders is that these men were able to bring together words and articles that 
most could agree were acceptable. 
  Every day was eventful and interesting, but never more so than the final 
week. That's when every word was weighed for its impact on the document as a 
whole. By changing a word here and there a new meaning could be given to who 
would control the country -- the states or the newly created federal 
government. 
  The final document was a compromise, a compromise necessary to make it 
acceptable to the people "back home." It was also a miracle -- a miracle that 
has stood the test of time.


                 5. THE FREEMASONS WHO SHOOK UP THE COUNTRY


  The known Freemasons who participated in the Constitutional Convention of 
1787 were men from every station in life. They, along with all the delegates,  
represented a cross-section of the people in the thirteen states. Some were 
independently wealthy; others had to struggle to survive. Yet, they had one 
thing in common -- the creation of a country where freedom was dominant.
  There were fifty-five men in all who participated as delegates to what came 
to be known as the Constitutional Convention. Among them were fourteen known 
Freemasons, thirteen of whom signed the Constitution after the final draft on 
Monday, September 17, 1787. These are the men with whom I'm concerned here.
  We tend to eulogize those Freemasons who signed the Constitution. We'll 
have more to say about them later. However, we too often overlook the 
contributions made by Edmund Randolph of Virginia, who refused to sign the 
Constitution in its original draft. Yet, there probably would have been no 
document to sign if it had not been for Randolph. It was he who presented the 
Virginia Plan, the basis of the final document. Although James Madison has 
been considered the "father" it was the battling of Edmund Randolph, the 
governor of Virginia and the Grand Master of Masons in the Commonwealth, who 
brought it to the final stage.
  Benjamin Franklin, the eighty-one year-old Past Grand Master of Masons in 
Pennsylvania thanked Randolph during the final session. He praised him "for 
having brought forth the plan in the first instance, and for the assistance he 
had given in its progress." Franklin hoped the Virginian would set aside his 
objections and sign. He feared the "great mischief" that might occur if 
Randolph continued to refuse.
  Refuse Randolph did. Along with him were Eldridge Gerry and George Mason 
(not Freemasons). One of Gerry's contemporaries said of him that he objected 
to everything he didn't propose. Randolph, according to Madison, believed "he 
took a step which might be the most awful of his life." His conscience 
wouldn't let him change his mind. He believed the states and the people were 
being denied too many of their rights. Much more would be heard from him 
later.
  The document was signed according to the geography of the states, beginning 
with New Hampshire. It is said that as Franklin was helped to the table to add 
his signature he openly wept. As the last signatures were affixed Franklin, 
according to Madison: "Looking towards the Presidents chair, at the back of 
which a rising sun happened to be painted, observed to a few members near him, 
that painters had found it difficult to distinguish in their art a rising from 
a setting sun. I have, said he, often and often in the course of the session, 
and the vicissitudes of my hopes and fears as to its issue, looked at that 
behind the President without being able to tell whether it was rising or 
setting: But now at length I have the happiness to know that it is a rising 
and not a setting sun."
  There are not enough adjectives to describe the selflessness and heroism of 
Benjamin Franklin. Although millions of words have been written about him, 
none can or have done him justice. He, more than any other single man, unless 
it be George Washington, founded the United States of America. He may have 
been a "womanizer" or some of the unsavory things his detractors would have us 
believe. He did, however, place his country on a                                                            
pedestal and worked freely for its development. There have been few men who 
risked their lives, liberty and fortunes for their country and the benefit of 
their fellow man as did Franklin for three score years.
  During the Constitutional Convention Franklin was in constant pain. He had 
to be carried from his home to the State House in a special chair he had 
imported from Paris. This windowed conveyance, with twelve foot poles that 
gently bent, was carried by prisoners from the Walnut Street jail. He was at 
the meetings, though, while younger, healthier men often were not. He made his 
wisdom available throughout the proceedings.
  It was evident from the first day of the sessions the Convention would be 
heated. The "Virginia Plan," which was the first offering proved 
controversial. It called for a steeper revision than the purpose for which the 
Convention was called. It would do away with the Articles of Confederation and 
completely revise the form of government in America. This didn't set well with 
many of the delegates. They were not there to exceed the purpose for which the 
Convention had been called.
  The majority, and among this group were the Freemasons, believed it was 
time to follow the Grand Master from Virginia and shake up the country. In 
doing so, they brought into being a document that would stand the test of 
time. They created a Constitution that has defied the threats of bigots and 
despots. 
  Many of the rules adopted early in the Convention have Masonic 
connotations, secrecy being the most prominent. One can be forgiven for 
wondering what the New York Times, Washington Post and CBS would have said had 
they been around. We can be thankful they were not, or today they, and we, 
might not be here to tell the story.
  Adjourning the Convention shortly after opening to meet almost every day as 
a Committee of the Whole is a Masonic tradition. It's still practiced by the 
Grand Chapter of Virginia. It allows more to be accomplished in a short period 
than any other method. Its greatest advantage is permitting men to "let their 
hair down" and be informal. The whole plan followed was more "Masonic" than 
"parliamentary.
  One will search in vain for references to Freemasonry in the story of the 
Constitutional Convention. For years even Freemasons didn't know if any 
members of the Craft were among the delegates. Today, when the subject is 
mentioned, it's rare when these Masons are listed correctly. Too many well-
meaning writers are inclined to exaggerate the number who were members of the 
Craft.
  There is no need to exaggerate. Of the fifty-five delegates, fourteen were 
known Freemasons. That's a healthy twenty-five percent. Among them were two 
presiding Grand Masters: Edmund Randolph of Virginia and David Brearley of New 
Jersey. Two were Past Grand Masters: Benjamin Franklin of Pennsylvania and 
John Blair, Jr. of Virginia. Another, Gunning Bedford, would become the first 
Grand Master in Delaware in 1806. George Washington, while serving as 
President of the United States, would also be Master of his Lodge. Here are 
the fourteen Freemasons who were delegates to the Constitutional Convention of 
1787 
  Gunning Bedford, Jr. of Delaware, became a member of Lodge No. 14, 
Christiana Ferry (now Wilmington), Delaware, in 1782. In 1806 he was elected 
the first Grand Master of Masons in Delaware. Before then Delaware Masonry was 
controlled by the Grand Lodge of Pennsylvania. At the time of the Convention 
he was the attorney general of Delaware. He is described as being tall, fat, 
sociable, and ready and willing to argue with anyone. Being from a small 
state, he didn't hesitate to argue for the protection of the smaller states 
throughout the Convention. 
  John Blair, Jr. of Virginia, became a Mason in a Lodge at the Crown Tavern, 
Williamsburg, December 21, 1762.. He became a charter member of Williamsburg 
Lodge No. 6 when this Lodge received its charter from England in 1773. In this 
Lodge he received the Fellowcraft and Master Mason degrees. In 1774 he 
succeeded Peyton Randolph, the first President of the Continental Congress, as 
Master of the Lodge. On October 13, 1778, he was elected the first Grand 
Master of Masons in Virginia. He formed the Grand Lodge of Virginia which was 
instituted October 30, 1778, the first independent Grand Lodge in the United 
States. William Pierce of Georgia, described many of the delegates. Of Blair 
he wrote that he was "one of the most respectable Men in Virginia, both on 
account of his Family as well as his fortune. He is one of the Judges of the 
Supreme Court in Virginia, and acknowledged to have a very extensive knowledge 
of the Laws. Mr. Blair, however, no Orator, but has good sense, and most 
excellent principles, compensate for other deficiencies. He is about 50 years 
of age." Washington would later appoint Blair one of the first associate 
justices of the Supreme Court of the United States.
  David Brearley of New Jersey is believed to have been made a Mason in 
Military Lodge No. 19 of Pennsylvania. That he was a Freemason is evidenced by 
his election as the first Grand Master of Masons in New Jersey in 1786. He 
served until his death in 1790. Pierce wrote: "Mr. Brearley is a man of good, 
rather than of brilliant parts. He is a Judge of the Supreme Court of New 
Jersey, and is very much in the esteem of the people. As an Orator he has 
little to boast of, but as a Man he has every virtue to recommend him. [He is] 
about 40 years of age."
  Jacob Broom (or Broome) of Delaware was also a member of Lodge No. 14, 
Christiana Ferry. Pierce said he was about 35 years old and "a plain good man, 
but nothing to render him conspicuous. He is silent in public, but cheerful 
and conversable in private." Although he wasn't as vocal during the Convention 
as were many others, what little he said was intelligent.
  Daniel Carroll of Maryland was made a Mason in Lodge No. 16, Baltimore, on 
May 8, 1781. He was a Catholic, and this may have influenced him to demit in 
1793, according to some Catholic periodicals. Pierce wrote: "Mr. Carrol is a 
Man of large fortune, and influence in his State. He possesses plain good 
sense, and is in the full confidence of his Countrymen." He favored the 
election of the President by the people, but later agreed to his election by 
electors chosen by the people. Throughout the Convention he was heard from. He 
was one of the signers of the Articles of Confederation. Later Washington 
selected him as one of the commissioners to lay out the nation's capital.
  Jonathan Dayton of New Jersey is claimed by that Grand Lodge to have been 
made a Mason in Temple Lodge No. 1. "Capt. Dayton is a young Gentleman of 
talents," wrote Pierce, "with ambition to exert them. He possesses a good 
education and some reading: he speaks well, and seems desirous of improving 
himself in Oratory. There is an impetuosity in his temper that is injurious to 
him; but there is an honest rectitude about him that makes him a valuable 
Member of Society, and secures to him the esteem of all good men." He believed 
Dayton to be thirty years old. 
  John Dickinson of Pennsylvania and Delaware became a member of Lodge No. 
14, Dover, Delaware, then under the Provincial Grand Lodge of Pennsylvania, on 
January 11, 1780. He signed the Declaration of Independence and the Articles 
of Confederation. He fought in the War for American Independence. He was the 
President of Delaware and later the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania. Of him 
Pierce wrote: "[He] has been famed through all America, for his Farmers 
Letters; he is a scholar, and said to be a Man of very extensive 
information. . . . I had often heard that he was a great Orator, but I found 
him an indifferent Speaker. With an affected air of wisdom he labors to 
produce a trifle, -- his language is irregular and incorrect, -- his 
flourishes, (for he sometimes attempts them), are like expiring flames, they 
just shew themselves and go out; -- no traces of them are left on the mind to 
chear or animate it. He is, however, a good writer and will be ever considered 
one of the most important characters in the United States. He is about 55 
years old, and was bred a Quaker."
  Benjamin Franklin of Pennsylvania became a Master Mason in 1731 in St. 
John's Lodge, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. In 1734 he was elected Grand Master 
by the Provincial Grand Lodge of Pennsylvania. He was extremely active in 
French Freemasonry, so much so he was elected Master of the Lodge of Nine 
Muses. A sketch of his life could not do this great man and patriot justice. 
Pierce, whom we've shown wasn't prone to be overly generous in his analysis of 
his contemporaries, wrote: "Dr. Franklin is well known to be the greatest 
phylosopher of the present age; -- all the operations of nature he seems to 
understand, -- the very heavens obey him, and the Clouds yield up their 
Lightening to be imprisoned in his rod. But what claim he has to the 
politician, posterity must determine. It is certain that he does not shine 
much in public Council, -- he is no Speaker, nor does he seem to let politics 
engage his attention. He is, however, a most extraordinary Man, and tells a 
story in a style more engaging than anything I ever heard. Let his Biographer 
finish his character. He is 82 years old, and possesses an activity of mind 
equal to a youth of 25 years of age." Throughout his adult life Franklin 
worked in many categories for America. 
  Nicholas Gilman of New Hampshire, on March 20, 1777, became a member of St. 
John's Lodge No. 1 in New Hampshire. He fought in the war. Later he became a 
congressman and then a senator, which position he held until his death in 
1814. Pierce wrote: "Mr. Gilman is modest, genteel, and sensible. There is 
nothing brilliant or striking in his character, but there is something 
respectable and worthy in the Man. -- about 30 years of age."
  Rufus King of Massachusetts was a member of St. John's Lodge of 
Massachusetts by 1781. He fought during the war. According to Pierce, King was 
"much distinguished for his eloquence and great parliamentary talents. He was 
educated in Massachusetts, and is said to have good classical as well as legal 
knowledge. He has served for three years in the Congress of the United States 
with great and deserved applause, and is at this time high in the confidence 
and approbation of his Country-men. This Gentleman is about thirty-three years 
of age, about five feet ten Inches high, well formed, and handsome face, with 
a strong expressive Eye, and a sweet high toned voice. In his public speaking 
there is something peculiarly strong and rich in his expression, clear, and 
convincing in his arguments, rapid and irresitible at times in his eloquence 
but he is not always equal. His action is natural, swimming, and graceful, but 
there is a rudeness of manner sometimes accompanying it. But take him toul en 
semble, he may with propriety be ranked among the Luminaries of the present 
age." That he was active in the Convention is shown by the full page of six 
point type it took to list what he had to say.
  James McHenry of Maryland wasn't a Freemason during the Convention but 
received his degrees in Spiritual Lodge No. 23, Maryland, in 1806. In 1809 he 
was "struck off" the roster of the Lodge. He served during the war, and after 
having been taken prisoner, became a general. He served early as an aide to 
Washington. Later he served as an aide to General Lafayette. He was 
Washington's Secretary of War in 1796. Pierce said McHenry "was bred a 
physician, ... He is a Man of specious talents, with nothing of genious to 
improve them. As a politician there is nothing remarkable in him, not has he 
any of the graces of the Orator. He is, however, a very respectable young 
Gentleman, and deserves the honor which his Country has bestowed on him. Mr. 
McHenry is about 32 years of age." 
  William Paterson of New Jersey received the Master Mason degree in Trenton 
Lodge No. 5 on November 1791, four years after the Convention. He served as a 
U.S. Senator, Governor of New Jersey, and Associate Justice of the Supreme 
Court. Pierce wrote: "Mr. Patterson is one of those kind of Men whose powers 
break in upon you, and create wonder and astonishment. He is a Man of great 
modesty, with looks that bespeak talents of no great extent -- but he is a 
Classic, a Lawyer, and an Orator; -- and of a disposition so favorable to his 
advancement that every one seemed ready to exalt him with their praises." 
Pierce believed he was about thirty-four years of age.
  George Washington of Virginia, while a major in the Virginia armed forces, 
became an Entered Apprentice on November 6, 1752, in the "Lodge at 
Fredericksburgh." He became a Master Mason on August 4, 1753, and immediately 
thereafter was sent to the Ohio Territory by the governor. He would spend his 
adult life working for Virginia and America. Pierce wrote: "Genl Washington is 
well known as the Commander in chief of the late American Army. Having 
conducted these States to independence and peace, he now appears to assist in 
framing a Government to make the People happy. Like Gustavus Vasa, he may be 
said to be the deliverer of his Country: -- like Peter the great he appears as 
the politician and the States-man; and like Cincinnatus he returned to his 
farm perfectly contented with being only a plain Citizen, after enjoying the 
highest honor of the Confederacy, -- and now only seeks for the approbation of 
his Countrymen by being virtuous and useful. The General was conducted to the 
Chair as President of the Convention by the unanimous voice of its Members."
  Would the Convention have approved the Constitution if it had not been for 
the common sense, wisdom and diplomacy of its president? No one can say, but 
an example of what might have been occurred at the last moment. The document 
had been engrossed and read; Franklin spoke in its favor and moved it be 
signed by all present. Nathaniel Gorham of Massachusetts asked that a clause 
declaring "the number of Representatives shall not exceed one for every forty 
thousand" might be reconsidered. It had created "so much discussion." He 
believed it should read "thirty thousand." King and Carroll, two Freemasons, 
agreed with him and seconded his motion.
  Washington rose and said "that although his situation had hitherto 
restrained him from offering his sentiments on questions depending in the 
House, and it might be thought, ought now to impose silence on him, yet he 
could not forbear expressing his wish that the alteration proposed might take 
place. It was much to be desired that the objections to the plan recommended 
might be made as few as possible. The smallness of the proportion of 
Representatives had been considered by many members of the Convention an 
insufficient security for the rights & interests of the people. He 
acknowledged that it had always appeared to himself among the exceptional 
parts of the plan, and late as the present moment was for admitting 
amendments, he thought this of so much consequence that it would give much 
satisfaction to see it adopted." It was noted that "this was the only occasion 
on which the President entered at all into the discussions of the Convention."
  The amendment was approved unanimously. It would appear Washington and 
others had feared the results of months of hard work was about to be aborted. 
It certainly appears there had been considerable "behind the scenes" 
maneuvering by the President. 
  Edmund Randolph of Virginia, not a signer of the Constitution, became a 
Master Mason in Williamsburg Lodge No. 6 in 1774. He later affiliated with 
other Virginia Lodges. He served as Grand Master of Masons in Virginia from 
1786 to 1789. He signed the charter of Alexandria Lodge No. 22 in 1788, until 
then under the jurisdiction of Pennsylvania, naming George Washington as its 
first Master. Richmond Randolph Lodge No. 19 is named in his honor. During the 
war he served as an aide-de-camp to Washington. He was a member of the 
Continental Congress from 1779-82. At the time of the Constitutional 
Convention he was Governor of Virginia. Of him Pierce wrote: "Mr. Randolph is 
Governor of Virginia, -- a young Gentleman in whom unite all the 
accomplishments of the Scholar, and the Statesman. He came forward with the 
postulata, or first principles, on which the Convention acted, and he 
supported them with a force of eloquence and reasoning that did him great 
honor. He has a most harmonious voice, a fine person and striking manners." He 
believed he was about 32 years old.      
  Benjamin Franklin, in a speech full of wisdom, rose to present it after the 
final draft of the Constitution had been read. His physical condition was such 
that he couldn't read it, so it was read by James Wilson. Franklin asked the 
delegates to unanimously approve the document. Randolph apologized to Dr. 
Franklin and the delegates for continuing to refuse to sign. He empathized, 
however, that this did not mean he would not support it during the 
ratification process. 
  Support ratification Randolph did. When the proposition was brought up in 
the Virginia legislature eight states had endorsed the Constitution. Other 
states had asked for amendments of the type the governor wanted. On this basis 
he would support its adoption. Patrick Henry (never a Freemason although 
claimed to be by some sources) sneeringly fought Randolph, employing tricks 
too many politicians often use. Only the intervention of friends prevented a 
"fight on the field of honor."
  Randolph succeeded in whipping Henry on June 25. But it was close, 89 to 
79. Henry, to his credit, told those who would rise up against the 
Constitution that they should go home. The question had been settled. It had 
actually been determined when New Hampshire became the ninth state to ratify 
the Constitution; Virginia was the tenth.
  It would appear that Randolph's refusal to sign the Constitution, and the 
opposition during the ratification process, helped bring into being the "Bill 
of Rights." Randolph was among those fourteen Freemasons who shook up the 
country.  
  The almost meaningless Articles of Confederation were gone. A strong 
government had been formed. Fifty-five delegates, one-fourth of them 
Freemasons, had shaken up and shaped up the country. America would become the 
strongest and greatest country in history. Would it and could it continue its 
greatness?

    
Note: No attempt has been made to change the spelling in the 
direct quotes. References are taken from Documents Illustrative 
of the Formation of the Union of the American States, a 1927 
publication of the Federal Government; from Masonic Membership of 
the Founding Fathers, by Ronald E. Heaton, a 1974 publication of 
The Masonic Service Association; and Freemasonry in American 
History, by Allen E. Roberts, published in 1985 by Macoy 
Publishing and Masonic Supply Co.

  IMPORTANT: This article is intended for the private use of those using this 
Bulletin Board. It is copyrighted 1989 by Allen E. Roberts, and represents a 
chapter from his forthcoming book, The Mystic Tie.

