Countering the Myths of Sexual Child abuse

On the surface, probably the strongest argument that apologists employ is the fact that the alleged victim originally denied that Jackson had molested him. The plausible argument is that that earlier denial "proves" that the later accusation is a lie. Very often the DFCS memo is referenced as an official agreement with this view (see the related section for a discussion about the memo).
Like many things in life, the truth is not quite so neat and simple. Very often the victim will initially deny abuse. Sometimes the reasons are obvious and straightfoward (such as threats) sometimes they are a little more obscure, which is why the prosecution wants an expert witness to testify.

None of the evidence presented here is intended to prove that Jackson molested this or any other child. What it does show is that the child's earlier denial of abuse is not proof that no abuse took place. It also serves as a rebuttal to the misleading and occasionally false information being spread by the defense team and their supporters.

From the Victoria Auditor-General's Office :
A child may subsequently deny a disclosure of sexual abuse in order to protect the family or retract disclosures as a result of threats from the alleged offender, or they may have a close relationship with the offender, particularly when it is their father and accept the abuse even though they do not like it.

Denial. Initially, when confronted with evidence of abuse, or when asked directly about suspected abuse, the vast majority of children deny that any abuse has taken place. Of the children in the Sorensen and Snow study, 72% initially denied having been abused. The authors indicated that denial was not expressed "merely as a passive refuting of involvement," but rather, often included "impassioned statements where the child adamantly denied any contact."
From Rycus, Judith S. & Hughes, Ronald C. (1998) Field Guide to Child Welfare. Washington, D.C.
Child Welfare League of America

A child's initial denial of sexual abuse should not be the sole basis of reassurance that abuse did not occur. Virtually all investigative protocols are designed to respond to only those children who have disclosed. Policies and procedures that are geared only to those children who have disclosed fail to recognize the needs of the majority of victims.
Source: Sorensen & Snow, 1991.
From the Prevent Abuse Now website

Study of 630 cases of alleged sexual abuse of children from 1985 through 1989: Using a subset of 116 confirmed cases, findings indicated that 79 percent of the children of the study initially denied abuse or were tentative in disclosing. Of those who did disclose, approximately three-quarters disclosed accidentally. Additionally, of those who did disclose, 22 percent eventually recanted their statements.
Source: Sorensen & Snow, 1991.
From the Prevent Abuse Now website

Disclosure. After an initial denial, many children will acknowledge having been abused. However, the disclosure is often tentative, and is characterized by confusion, uncertainty, and vacillation between acknowledgement and denial. The initial admission of abuse by 78% of the children in the Sorenson and Snow study was tentative. The equivocal nature of such a disclosure leads many observers to conclude the child is lying, fantasizing, or cannot remember what happened. This is generally followed, in time, by active disclosure, in which the child personally and fully admits the abuse. Active disclosure is characterized by coherence, clarity, and a detailed first-person account of the abuse. Ninety-six percent of the children in the Sorenson and Snow study eventually progressed to active disclosure.
From Rycus, Judith S. & Hughes, Ronald C. (1998) Field Guide to Child Welfare. Washington, D.C.
Child Welfare League of America

According to some reports, abused children commonly deny the abuse, or later recant their allegations. Such denials and recantations tend to compromise the child’s credibility and complicate the legal response to sexual abuse allegations. The threat of harm as well as the possibility of being humiliated, not believed, or blamed render the disclosure of child sexual abuse difficult for some victims. Thomas & Johnson (1979) found that for the majority of young adolescents, direct contact with helping agencies is forbidden because of the perceived stigma that is attached and the lack of anonymity which subsequently could lead to family disruption, rejection, and shame. Theorists and researchers have attempted to explain why sexually abused children deny or recant sexual abuse. Koverola & Foy (1993) have reported that victims of sexual abuse often display symptoms of PostTraumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD). Children suffering from PTSD often enter an "avoidance phase" in which they deny abuse or recant because they cannot cope with the anxiety aroused by traumatic memories. They state: "Anxiety about court appearances or a change in the home environment may lead to denial or recantation. Children may recant if they feel isolated from their natural support systems". (Koverola & Foy, 1993)
From Etiology and Treatment of Child Abuse/Neglect, Chapter IV
Earl T. Wylie, Ph.D.

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