Is America Different?

There are few people who are indifferent to the United States. More than any other country on Earth, America provokes a reaction in people ranging from deep pride and satisfaction from some living there, to resentment and disaffection from those who feel peripheral to its workings from others; foreigners may look on it with amusement or cynicism, or deep hostility and hatred. In order to provoke such reactions, it is obvious that there must be something different, perhaps unique, about the United States that accounts for this. It seems to be more than the fact that the US is the only military superpower and the world�s most powerful state in both political and economic terms. However, the term "American exceptionalism" was first used by Alexis de Tocqueville, ever before the US achieved its dominant position in the world order. Thus, even at that stage in its history, there was something about the US that merited special attention and was deserving of closer study. This was defined as the notion that the US was created, developed, and as a result, needed to be understood differently from all pre-existing notions of the development of national societies. This area of study began as the examination of the distinctiveness of American life and elements that could be described as unique or exceptional. The trouble with this approach lay in the narrowness of focus, which although allowed details to emerge, would have been suitable for the examination of any society, as there were bound to be differences among them. To say that income or material possessions were he defining features of exceptionalism was not enough, as these naturally vary widely from country to country. This lead to the development of a second strand of thinking, that focused on the disparity between American society and a general societal model. Within this approach, two alternatives emerged; one that asserted that American exceptionalism was a valuable addition to the human possibility, and that the ability of a nation to create itself (and the rights of the individual to do the same) was the key factor in understanding America as different. The other line of thought was much more pessimistic, believing the American experience to be a side-show or distraction from the general trend, or even an impediment to societal convergence. Both these approaches, however, lost credence as the notion of a general model of society disappeared as societies diverged. This lead to the modern approach to American exceptionalism - the study of major social sectors to try to find peculiarly American approaches to areas such as government, economy, culture, religion, education, and public policy. In this way, there are specific areas that are focused on, and can be easily compared with other countries without those comparisons becoming devalued by the natural existence of disparities between states.
Another element of the drive to understand America�s difference lay in the fact that no major socialist or radical left-wing political movement had arisen there, which suggested that the US was somehow different from other capitalist economies. This line of inquiry developed over time into the question of why America has been the world�s most classically-liberal polity from its founding right through to the present day. To answer this (and adopt the modern approach to the question of exceptionalism), it is necessary firstly to examine the political system in the USA. There is nothing unique about the country�s founding following a war of independence from a colonial ruler; many countries have been formed in this way. Yet the institutions proscribed for in the immediate aftermath of the gaining of independence have survived on much the same basis for as when they were first set up; the Presidency, the Congress, and the Supreme Court have never been seriously challenged as inappropriate or flawed establishments that could be surpassed by any alternatives. Few other countries have such long-established centres of political power. What was also unique was the democratic nature of the system from its earliest days - universal suffrage was in place in America well before the industrialisation of the 19th century, and many have suggested this is an important factor that dampened radical sentiments among workers. The liberalist strains of thought that pervade all elements of the American ideology are particularly reflected in the constitution, which is one of the world�s most restrictive, setting large limits on the state�s powers. This anti-statist thought is combined with the populist sentiment as shown by the extent of the franchise and the huge number of officials elected by popular vote in America today; not only national, state, and local politicians, but also many members of the local and state-level judiciary and even police service; a total of over half-a-million positions of authority are determined by a popular vote. Individualism and egalitarianism - equality of both respect and opportunity - form the other bases of the American ideology. Here we find another important difference between the beliefs held by Americans, and those held by the citizens of other countries. One does not become an American by virtue of sharing the common history of the country, as is largely the case in Europe. Instead, one must embrace the American ideals and ideology; to be American is not a birthright, but an honour that requires a person to ascribe to accepting all the aspects that compose the American ideology - namely, the anti-statism, individualism, populism and egalitarianism outlined above. These elements are rigidly held dogmas about the nature of a good society. Americanism is not a tradition or something that is synonymous with any particular territory, but is a doctrine, and a way of life. Many commentators have interpreted these tenets as being a substitute for socialism for Americans. H G Wells thought that any radical movement was liable to be of an anarchist, as opposed to a socialist, disposition, such was the strength of anti-statist sentiment among the population. As a contrast to other countries, trade unions in the United States resisted any moves to state ownership of industries, believing that the state was more likely to impose unilateral industry-wide settlements. Bargaining with individual firms was more likely to achieve the results that the unions were looking for.
The strength with which the American ideology is held could be described as a counterpart to religious belief (or even a substitute for it), and many aspects of the beliefs pervasive in American society are reflective of the early religious set-up of the new colony. Most of the early settlers were Protestant sects whose form of worship was organised around a congregational and inclusive service, as opposed to a strictly hierarchical and somewhat intimidating Catholic alternative. As they based their communities upon the message of their religion, this explains the origin of the work ethic so apparent in American society today; the notion of "self-help" as the way to achieving one�s goals in life. Other legacies of this are visible in areas such as foreign policy and America�s response to Communism. The utopian moralist philosophy sees all conflicts in terms of a "God verses the devil" struggle where the battle against evil must be won at all costs. Another aspect of the Protestant sectarianism emphasises the religiousness choseness of the US. Thus America is the guardian of world freedom and must fight against and defeat evil foreign regimes.
The Protestant work ethic and emphasis on liberalism and individualism also combined to provide values that were most conducive to the economic development that propelled the US into its current position as the largest economy in the world. Almost from its inception, the US was characterised by an expanding economic system. It is only in the last thirty years with the rise of competitors to the US� hegemony in some spheres of economic activity has the realisation come to Americans that they are not assured automatically first place in all things. The foundations for the economic dominance were laid in the 19th century, when the contrast of economic systems with Europe was at its starkest: there was more market freedom in the US, more individual ownership of land, a higher wage income structure, and a national classically-liberal ideology. The US was the paradigm of a laissez-faire market system. At the time, this was also viewed as an entirely proper order of things; hard work and economic ambition were perceived to be the proper activities of a moral person. Once again, this was in contrast with Europe, where the established aristocracy and the church were teaching that the pursuit of material economic gain and one�s own welfare was not sufficient to constitute a moral life. Ironically, what these sectors were teaching would enhance the goodness of a person�s life, giving some of their wealth to the needy, has become a massively important sector of activity in the US; philanthropy is a way of life there as much as in any other country, without the need for an established authority to persuade people into giving through any promise of religious salvation.
The education system was also set up with the intention of having a more inclusive and less class-differentiated model of learning that was prevalent in Europe at the time. Americans saw the European system as limiting access to the best and most academic schools to a small minority of pupils (usually those whose parents could afford it), and thus developed an alternative concept of common schools where everyone should attend the same type of institution regardless of origin, status, or wealth. Whilst this is an attractive proposal which seems to guarantee the production of a tolerant and cosmopolitan population, it is apparent that this goal has not been achieved by the US education system. The efficacy of US schools is low, and pupils achievement in international tests in maths and native language skills has been poor. This can be put down to the greater social heterogeneity in the population and also the large degree of poverty among minorities, but can also be attributed to the natural disadvantages of mixing different-ability pupils, whereby the education given is constrained by the lowest common denominator. As the system is a public monopoly. there is a lack of competition among schools as all are supposed to be of the same standard. Thus there are no incentives for efficiency or high standards. This provides a sharp contrast with the university sector in America, which is nearly totally funded by private means, and as a result of the competition between institutions, produces high levels of achievement.
In all of these areas of social activity we have examined, there have proved to be areas where America is markedly different from other countries. Yet it is not just in positive terms that this is true. The pressure to succeed and the importance of material worth result in the ends very often justifying the means used to achieve them; this is reflected in the extremely high crime rates and number of litigations that can be observed. It is another issue whether these externalities are strong enough to counteract the persisting attachment Americans have to their unique ideology. Given the high percentages who continue to express pride at their country and its achievements and way of life, it seems that they are burdens people there are prepared to endure.