INTRODUCTION
1. Attributed to Benjamin Franklin by Claudette Champrun Goux, Houston based French photographer.
2. John Collier Jr., "Photography and Visual Anthropology," in Principles of Visual Anthropology, ed. Paul Hockings (Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, 1995), 201.
3. Paul Strand, in The Snapshot. Aperture. Volume 19, Number 1. ed. Jonathan Green (New York: Aperture, 1974), 49.
4. John Collier Jr. writes that documentary photographs contain much cultural information. The researcher can return to these records repeatedly to examine the inventory of their contents. With these pictures, the researcher can contrast and compare, measure, and count. "Photography and Visual Anthropology," in Principles of Visual Anthropology, ed. Paul Hockings (Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, 1995), 237.
5. Roger Sanjek, "The Secret Life of Fieldnotes," in Fieldnotes: The Makings of Anthropology, ed. Roger Sanjek. (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1990), 226.
6. The Kogi used the film to send the message back to "civilization" that ecological destructiveness has dire consequences. In "First Exits from Observational Realism: "Narrative Experiments in Recent Ethnographic Films," Peter Loizos, in Rethinking Visual Anthropology, eds. Marcus Banks and Howard Morphy (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1997), 85.
7. George E. Marcus discusses the ways in which anthropologists employ alternative literary techniques in works produced after their dissertations. The implication is that traditional methods reflect a bifocal relationship between ethnographer and informant, in which the ethnographer retains complete control of the gathering, collecting, recording, interpreting, and translating of his or her research findings. Alternative literary techniques, on the other hand, reflect the anthropologist's awareness that the informant is a participating agent in the research. The use of creative methods of writing also illustrates that the premise of deconstruction, a defining element of postmodernism, challenges the tradition of organizing research material in sequential forms; this type of organization is thoroughly Western and indicates the prevalence of linear logic in scientific inquiry. In "Ethnographic Writing and Anthropological Careers," in Writing culture: the poetics and politics of ethnography: a School of American Research advanced seminar, eds. James Clifford and George E. Marcus (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1986), 263.
8. Raghubir Singh, Bombay, (New York: Aperture, 1994), 56, 76,102.
9. Howard Morphy and Marcus Banks. "Introduction: Rethinking Visual Anthropology," in Rethinking Visual Anthropology, eds. Marcus Banks and Howard Morphy (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1997), 10.
10. Ruby, Jay. Up the Zambezi with Notebook and Camera or Being an Anthropologist without Doing Anthropology . . . with Pictures. A paper originally presented at the 71st Annual Meeting of the American Anthropological Association, Toronto, 1972.
11. Emile Durkeim argues that moral and ethical standards are defined by religion, and that therefore, religion informs the construction of identity, both individual and collective. It follows that religion is the foundation of almost all institutions, that religion is the collective expression of a society. In "The Cultural Logic of Collective Representations," In Social Theory. The Multicultural and Classic Readings, ed. Charles Lemert (Boulder: Westview Press, 1993), 98.