Harm Reduction: Society at Risk

Preamble

This paper is being written in response to the recent initiative taken by the provincial government to institute of a program of "harm reduction" for drug abusers. The harm reduction program in British Columbia seems to have been initiated after a report by British Columbia's chief coroner, Vince Cain, in which he made "63 recommendations to government and the BC College of Physicians and Surgeons on ways to reduce the number of deaths due to illicit drugs" (1). Health Minister Paul Ramsey noted that "illicit drug abuse is now the biggest killer of British Columbians between 30 and 44 years old, and heroin was involved in 90 per cent of those deaths in 1993" (2).

The main recommendation is a shift from enforcement to harm reduction "which aims to reduce the human and financial costs to society arising from drug use and distribution" (3). The basic components of the harm reduction model are as follows:

  1. Non-medical use of psychoactive drugs is inevitable in any society that has access to such drugs. Drug policies cannot be based on a utopian belief that non-medical drug use will be eliminated.
  2. Non-medical drug use will inevitably produce important social and individual harm. Drug policies cannot be based on a utopian belief that all drug users will always use drugs safely.
  3. Drug policies must be pragmatic. They must be assessed on their actual consequences, not on whether they symbolically send the right, the wrong, or mixed messages.
  4. Drug users are an integral part of the larger community. Protecting the health of the community as a whole therefore requires protecting the health of drug users, and this requires integrating the drug users within the community rather than attempting to isolate them from it.
  5. Drug use leads to individual and social harms through many different mechanisms, so a wide range of interventions is needed to address these harms. These interventions include providing health care (including drug abuse treatment) to current drug users; reducing the numbers of persons who are likely to begin using some drugs; and, particularly, enabling users to switch to safer forms of drug use. It is not always necessary to reduce non-medical drug use in order to reduce harms (4).

What the harm reduction model attempts to address is the damage that occurs to addicts (alcoholics are addicted to alcohol). Unfortunately, what it does not address is the increased risk that this model places on the larger community that the same substance abusers are a part of.

The Issues

The first component of the harm reduction model states that the 'non-medical use of psychoactive drugs is inevitable if those drugs are accessible'. It would be in society's better interest to make those drugs more inaccessible than to try to eradicate the problem once it has been allowed to become a problem. Although figures for Canadian efforts could not be found, it is interesting to note that:

the Clinton administration has overseen a controlled shift in drug policy from an aggressive interdiction policy to one of harm reduction. The [US] federal government's ability to disrupt drug shipments has been reduced by 64 percent. Foreign anti-drug programs have been cut by 55 percent and domestic marijuana eradication by 59 percent. Meanwhile, between 1992 and 1996 funds for treatment rose [just] 19 percent (5).

Continuing with the harm reduction model, the second component states that 'non-medicinal drug use will inevitably produce important social and individual harm'. What it does not state is the harm that could result from just one instance of use. Women who use drugs while pregnant place their unborn children at risk. "One study has implicated prenatal exposure to cocaine in an increased risk of stillbirth [while other] . . . studies have implied that cocaine may be implicated in irregular neonatal respiratory patterns that may be related to an elevated rate of SIDS. [Yet another] . . . study implies that infants exposed to cocaine in utero may have an increased risk of motor dysfunction [and that] exposure may be related to Central Nervous System (CNS) abnormalities"(6).

Marijuana, still thought by many to be a 'harmless' drug, has been implicated in prenatal (heavy - at least one marijuana cigarette per day) use with: "low birth weight; a shortened gestational period; meconium staining; [and] neonatal neurobiological abnormalities" (7). Furthermore, "[r]esearch implicates alcohol in a wide range of perinatal effects including: an increased risk of spontaneous abortion and stillbirth; shorter gestation periods; [and] reduced birth size and weight. The long-term effects of prenatal exposure to alcohol include fetal alcohol syndrome (FAS) and fetal alcohol effects (FAE)" (8).

The third component of the harm reduction model states that drug policies 'must be assessed on their actual consequences' - not the messages they are sending. Being told that it is OK to use drugs is not the message we should be sending to anyone. One recovering addict stated that, "the A and D counselor in ... (city deleted to protect confidentiality) told me that I shouldn't use cocaine so much but it was all right to use 'pot' if I wanted to" (9). One section of The Code of Ethics for Alcohol and Drug Service Providers in British Columbia states that service providers "ensure that client's best interests are paramount . . ." (10). One of the health goals of the Adult Clinical & Addictions Services (BC) is to improve "the health and well-being of people affected by addictions" (11). Condoning the use of illicit drugs is not the message that counselors, who know the devastating effects of addiction, should be giving out. Adolescents and young adults rely heavily on their peer groups in their need to 'belong'. As one psychology text book points out, "[e]specially influential is the immediate friendship circle: a careful longitudinal study found that the single most important factor encouraging drug abuse among young adults - even more important than life stress, temperament, and personal attitudes - was having friends who used drugs" (12). Many of the above quoted addict's friends were told what the counselor had said. I wonder what message they got?

The fourth component of the model stresses that drug users are a part of the larger community and that the health of the community as a whole 'requires protecting the health of drug users'. It is interesting to note that the health of the community is mentioned. Every time needle exchange participants 'ditch' a used syringe to avoid arrest, they are practicing 'harm reduction'. When someone picks up that 'dirty' syringe (most often a child), they are at risk of contracting whatever disease was present in that syringe. Whenever a drug users spend all day traveling around in search of 'good' drugs, they are practicing a form of 'harm reduction'. Countless numbers of people are put at risk on the streets as the drug user's ability to drive responsibly are diminished through increased frustration, desperation, and craving. Every time registered methadone patients 'beat' their urine sample to stay in the program they are practicing harm reduction. Methadone prescriptions are often sold to or shared with lovers, spouses, family and friends. A term that comes to mind which is often used in addiction circles is 'enabling'. Although needle exchange programs have been established in an effort to prevent the spread of the HIV AIDS virus, a user who frequents a needle exchange site can find connections to good drugs within half an hour. In 1993, Dr. Karl Gunning, a Dutch physician and a harm reduction opponent, wrote, "The harm reduction Dutch policy of containing heroin addiction through distribution of free needles and syringes and through methadone distribution has not prevented the spread of heroin addiction, curtailed drug-related crime, nor has it proven to decrease the level of HIV infection" (13).

The first sentence of the fifth component of the harm reduction model is most satisfactory however, the last two sentences must be addressed - in particular, 'enabling (there's that word again) users to switch to safer forms of drug use'. It has been determined that the consequences of smoking (of any drug - including tobacco) "include symptoms of chronic bronchitis, an increased frequency of acute chest illnesses, a heightened risk of pulmonary infection, a variable tendency to airways obstruction and a possible increased risk of malignancy involving both the upper airway and the lungs" (14). "Drinking alcohol can lead to liver cirrhosis, gastritis, and pancreatitis" (15) as well as swelling of the brain in which the user becomes a 'vegetable' (16). The only other ways left to ingest drugs are to eat them, to 'snort' them, or to inject them - eating them can be extremely hazardous: "The doctor told me that my whole insides had literally shut down. The cocaine that I had swallowed in order to avoid arrest had 'frozen' the workings of my esophagus, stomach, large and small intestine, and liver. I was lucky to be alive" (17). 'Snorting' drugs through the nostrils can lead to serious permanent damage. Residue from cocaine left in the nostrils can eat away at the linings (much like cancer) and leave the user with permanent holes from one nostril to the other or even eat away the sinuses completely, leaving huge cavities which never heal and are constantly susceptible to infection. The only alternative left is injection. Using the harm reduction model , we can teach drug users how to: properly clean a syringe with bleach; sharpen the end of a used needle; safely store and care for a syringe; find needle exchange centers and how to find veins that haven't already collapsed through repeated punctures. In reality, what harm reduction would actually be doing is prolonging the drug users dependence on the 'system' rather than empowering them to make conscientious decisions for themselves.

The final sentence of the fifth component states that 'it is not always necessary to reduce non-medical drug use in order to reduce harms'. What of the harm done to those who cannot help themselves?:

Whether or not they live in at-risk communities, children who live in families abusing alcohol and other drugs are exposed to more immediate risks. The quality of the caregiving environment, reflected in family discord, stability, and status, has been related to children's development in study after study . . . . Substance abuse results in behaviors that are in conflict with secure and nurturing caregiving: social isolation; poor coping skills; and difficulty in managing finances, accessing community resources, making child-care arrangements, or pursuing vocational and educational activities . . . . Some research has tied alcohol and drug abuse directly to an increased risk of child abuse and neglect . . . . Between 1984 and 1989, there was a 3,000 percent increase in the number of drug-related abuse/ neglect petitions in the U.S. juvenile courts. Today, 22 states report that chemical dependency is now a dominant factor in child protective custody cases. (18)

Conclusion

There is evidence that societal reactions produce their own set of problems. We know that interdiction efforts against injection drug users accelerated the spread of HIV among those groups. We have indication that much of the harm to property and persons caused by people dependent on illicit drugs is determined by a system which has failed to discourage use while inflating price. Typical measures of harm are incomplete. They provide us with an inadequate, and misleading picture of the damage caused by drug use.

I agree that responsible harm reduction policies, if accompanied by a restrictive response to drugs - 'the war on drugs' - helps to alleviate the spread of problems. Irresponsible policies drain resources away from more cost effective prevention and treatment activities. I suggest that a comprehensive strategy to reduce drug-related harm is only possible if we begin using an extensive system of indicators - a system that clearly acknowledges causes and effects. It is only when harms and their origins become definable and measurable that we can come up with successful policies to reduce drug-related harm and improve public health. Giving drug users more drugs, and providing them the means to use them is not the answer - using a harm reduction model which moves toward abstinence does. As any substance abuser who wants to do something about their problem knows: "One is too many, and a thousand never enough" (19).

copyright: LJSilver
February 25, 1997

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Endnotes

  1. Ministry of Health and Ministry Responsible for Seniors, "Cain Report On Drug Deaths Released", Press Release Number: 1994-298, January 20, 1995
  2. Ibid.
  3. Ibid.
  4. Des Jarlais, Don C. "Harm Reduction: A Framework for Incorporating Science into Drug Policy." American Journal of Public Health 85 (1995):10-12.
  5. Executive Office of the President. The National Drug Control Strategy, 1996: Program, Resources, and Evaluation. Office of National Drug Control Policy. . Washington, D.C.:312-319.
  6. Brady, Joanne P., et al.. The Implications Of Prenatal Exposure To Alcohol And Other Drugs, The Education Development Center, Inc. 1994.
  7. Ibid.
  8. Ibid.
  9. Jo-Anne G., Personal interview. (city deleted for confidentiality), BC. 29 September, 1996.
  10. BC Ministry of Health and Ministry Responsible for Seniors. Code of Ethics for Alcohol and Drug Service Providers. Adult Clinical & Addictions Services. 1995.
  11. Ibid.
  12. Berger, Kathleen, S. The Developing Person Through the Life Span. 3rd ed. NY.: Worth Publishers, 1994.. p. 454.
  13. Kaplin, Susan. The Effects of Harm Reduction vs. Harm Prevention: An International Assessment. Hassela, Sweden. Hassela Nordic Network, May 1994.
  14. HHS Fact Sheet. National Conference on Marijuana Use: New Research Findings and Public Information Efforts. National Institute of Drug Awareness. Press Office. 19 July 1995.
  15. Kendall, Perry. Measuring Harm. Addiction Research Foundation. 1996.
  16. (Name deleted for confidentiality). Personal interview. Castlegar Hospital, Castlegar BC. 2 February 1997.
  17. Rudy D. Personal interview. Vancouver, BC. 19 January 1997.
  18. Brady, Joanne P., et al.. The Implications Of Prenatal Exposure To Alcohol And Other Drugs, The Education Development Center, Inc. 1994.
  19. Little White Booklet Narcotics Anonymous, Newly Revised. Van Nuys, California: World Service Office, Inc. 1986. p. 3.
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