Max Nomad, Apostles of Revolution (London, 1939), 90-91.
3. In a contemporary observation Warren remarked, "the average duration of the experiments of community of property and the Fouriersist Phalanxes is about two years, or two and a half." Practical Details, 89. See also short objective summary of Fourierte activity in Tyler, Freedom's Ferment, 217-220
4. Practical Details, 57
5. Practical Details, 93-94; Warren to Maria and Thomas Varney, February 27, 1847, in Pratical Details, 111; Nettlau, Der Vorfruhling, 110.
6. John Humphry Noyes, the first chronicler of the happenings following the collapse of the Clermont Phalanx, misinterpreted sources and is responsible for contributing the impression that this small community group was the nucleus of the individualist colony, which developed independently a few months later.
7. According to Noyes' account the community began in September, while Warren set the date of the laying out of the town in July. The Harbinger, October 2, 1847, quoted in Noyes, American Socialisms, 374-375; Warren, Practical Applications, 9.
8. Peaceful Revolutionist, II (May, 1848), 4; Periodical Letter, II, 42-43
9. Peaceful Revolutionist, II (May, 1848), 16
10. The date given for the renewal of publication stated by Noyes as 1845 is obviously in error, in view of the fact that the colony did not start until two years later. The mistake had been perpetuated by anarchist bibliographers ever since, facilitated by the fact that issues of the paper are particularly rare. See Noyes, American Socialisms, 98-99; Stammhammer, Bibiographie, II, 345; Nettlau, Bibliographie, 6.
11. E.G. Cubberley to Josiah Warren, April 10. 1848. in Peaceful Revolutionist, II (May, 1848), 8-9
12. Peaceful Revolutionist, II (May, 1848), 8-9
13. Witness Warren's humor on this point: "Straws are often better to show which way the wind blows than the most labored invention. I cannot give a better sign of progress, than that a store-o-crat in the neighborhood says 'we must be stopped.' I suppose he has heard of Calicoes being sold here on the Cost principle for eleven cents a yard similar in quality to those often sold for twenty cents. It seems that his public spirit has taken the alarm- he cannot permit the public to be so imposed on; threatens us with law (for the protection of person and property) on account of issuing Labor Notes as a circulating medium." Peaceful Revolutionist, II (May, 1848), 11.
14. Peaceful Revolutionist, II (May, 1848), 5. The substance of this quotation may be found under "A peep Into Utopia," in Noyes, American Socialisms, 99, with source not indicated. There are over twenty errors in transmission if reproduction is from the material first printed in the contemporary Peaceful Revolutionist. This issue contained other material besides community affairs. Warren commented favorably on the passage in New York and elsewhere of statutes guaranteeing women personal property rights independent of their husbands. He also wrote extended commentary headed "Revolution" in which were summarized his attitudes toward the wave of political revolution then sweeping Europe, which he looked upon with sympathy but felt sure would "end in defeat and disappointment."
15. See Warren's manuscript notebook "D" for entry dated August 18, 1848, while in Boston. Warren remained here until the latter part of Aril, 1849, lecturing upon various phases of the principles in practice at "Utopia." See note 26, below.
16. Senter was a resident of the community, producing the new edition in Warren's absence in February, 1848, before joining Warren in the spring. The two protagonists returned to "Utopia" in May of the same year, after conducting a lecture tour which included Pittsburgh. Boston Investigator, March 7, May 16, 1849. The 1849 edition of Equitable Commerce contained facsimiles of the new labor notes calling for alternative redemption in 20 pounds of corn per hour, probably the first instance of the revelation of this new arrangement of the general public.
17. Stephen Pearl Andrew, The Science of Society, (No. 2. Cost the Limit of Price: A Scientific Measure of Honesty in Trade, as one of the Fundamental Principles of the Social Problem), 159-161
18. Geared for an economy built upon individual craftsmen, primarily, the system did not imitate the communal plans even though it functioned on a cost exchange basis.l The superior worker had the opportunity of receiving more hours for less, or he might, on the other hand, choose the increased leisure resulting from his having to work less.
19. Article "Trialville (sic) and Modern Times," in Chambers' Edinburgh. Journal, XVIII (December 18, 1852), 396.
20. See letter form E.G. Cubberley describing the operation of the community in Periodical Letter, I, 74. He spoke of the place as "Trialville," the name by which interested observers in England knew it. The names of other residents as recorded by Warren were George Prescott, William Long, Henry B. Lyon, Martin Poor, Thomas Vater, a Mr. Francis and a Mr. Hemphill. Several others were designated by the initial of the family name only. Practical Applications, 11-16.
21. Periodical Letter, 11, 46. This represented an increase of fourteen buildings since late1849. Practical Applications, 13.
22. Warren favored migration into Illinois, but in groups so as to be able to bring the cost economy with them and thus avoid the three principal sources of exploitation colonists faced, land speculation interest and lack of an available market. The real reason for the failure of the town to expand he later related, was the fact that the lands surrounding the original settlement were in the hands of speculators who held out for such high prices that most of the early settlers left as a unit for Minnesota., after cheap land was opened up in this area. The actual destination was never revealed. Practical Applications, 15; Periodical Letter, II, 42 next page