The ALP Draft National Platform (2000): A Critical Review

The ALP Draft National Platform (2000): A Critical Review

Introduction

The following is a critical review of the ALP Draft National Platform (2000). By "critical" the same meaning is used as that used by "critical theory". It is not to be equated with a negative review, but rather as critique to test the sincerity of principles to practices. Aspects of the Draft Platform are thus evaluated in an oppositional, yet positive manner; where such an assessment is given it is also with constructive alternatives. Further, by "critical" this review also seeks to highlight those aspects of the Platform, which directly relate to the organising principles of the Party rather than those that are temporary or incidental.

Synopsis and Review

The opening chapter of the draft platform comments on the rate of technological and social change but holds that Labor values is constant. In particular the Platform notes that the Party was born of the trade union movement and its objective of bringing a dignified and secure life to working people. This objective and the association with the union movement is considered not to be merely of historical interest but the prime motivation behind Labor Party policies. Further, the opening chapter commits Labor to strong national government, equal opportunity, fairness, equity and democracy (including a degree of industrial democracy).

Labor's priorities are defined as providing security (employment, income, local and national), opportunity and the utilisation of economic means for social goals. Labor's "distinctive approach" highlights a government interventionist approach for system performance benefits (for the private sector) and social justice and security. Labor holds that government is the guardian of "the common good" of products and services which are antithetical or prerequisites for "free market" logic. Finally, Labor holds to a distinctive vision for Australia which includes an innovative, economically advanced and united multicultural society, which is prepared to take independent positions in advancing the national interest and involved as a international citizen.

This founding chapter are the principles to which the following fifteen chapters of practical policy should abide to.

The second chapter concentrates on economic policy, which initially reiterates Labor's commitment to economic policy for social goals. Labor is committed to higher living standards, maximum employment opportunity and rising incomes - a high-wage high-skill society with a particular emphasis on education ("the Knowledge Nation"). Labor acknowledges "globalisation" in a matter-of-fact manner, noting the impact of economic growth, social dislocation and further disillusionment with the role of the nation-state. In terms of economic orientation, Labor's first objective is reducing unemployment as a means to further economic growth with strong aggregate demand and structural/supply side policies. This includes strategic intervention for regions and export markets. In general, the second chapter posits unemployment as the greatest economic and social problem that this nation faces, hampering growth, inefficiency, equality and social integration. Labor posits advanced education as the primary solution to this problem.

It is not surprising then, that the third chapter is dedicated to education, training and population policy. Labor's objective here is that Australia become a "knowledge nation", and specifically promises a substantial increase in government investment in education, training and research, a ninety percent high-school (year 12) completion rate, free and secular public schooling (but not tertiary and vocational education), to phase out up-front undergraduate tertiary education fees, to review the HECS structure, to expand apprenticeships, and to support universal representative organisations. Labor also, quite distinctively, promotes a national long-term population plan in opposition to ad hoc populism, which includes a non-discriminatory immigration policy.

The fourth, fifth and sixth chapters deal respectively with building the nation's capital base, the global economy and national industry. These are reviewed simultaneously due to the close relation between the three subjects. In terms of the capital base, Labor notes that a critical problem with the Australian economy is a reliance of foreign capital for our substantial infrastructure needs. To counter this, Labor will promote greater national savings through economic growth (private saving) and expanding superannuation. Labor sees that infrastructure investment is the proper role for government by identifying regional and sector priorities in a way that a "free market" could not. In particular Labor identifies transport, communications and energy as the priority areas for infrastructure investment. Financial assistance will be provided to State governments to improve and expand public transport systems, build a second airport in the Sydney basin whilst maintaining the cap and curfew at Sydney airport, integrate the national rail network with intermodal connections (particularly airports), oppose privitisation of the National Rail Corporation, restore road funding to the level of the previous Labor government and expand the national highway network, especially for freight routes (port access, urban ring roads).

In terms of communication and energy infrastructure, the Labor draft platform is disappointing. In terms of telephony, Labor does not make the analytical distinction between network infrastructure, which should be owned by the State and telephony commodities (which should be subject to regulated competition). Instead Labor holds a status quo position, to maintain the current public/private mix of Telstra ownership. Likewise for Australia Post - Labor supports full public ownership, yet restricts its role of sole carrier to that of standard letters and sole issuer of stamps. Finally, the energy policy is merely a statement of the contemporary situation and accepted economic and technological wisdom. It certainly doesn't make a serious attempt at grappling with the inefficiencies of privitisation or the potential of renewable energy sources.

In the fifth chapter the draft Platform does make the very sensible claim of opposing moves in the WTO to alter private/public mix in health, education, welfare and cultural sectors. Further, Labor will seek to ensure core labour standards are included into the WTO with the ILO as a consultative body. In sixth chapter, the Platform deals with developing and integrating Australian industry specifically for the purposes of reducing unemployment, significant expansion of export income and encouraging overseas investment. This is achieved through skill formation, strategic intervention, cost competitiveness and market access. Labor, unlike the Coalition, emphasises that cost competitiveness is achieved through a high-skilled, well-paid workforce rather than the mentality that cost-competition means "Third world" wages. The platform makes specific mention of agricultural and resources industries, however fails to successfully account or resolve that these two industries are in an unprecedented and continuing price slump which has lasted for over thirty years. Only in those circumstances where Australia offers unique agricultural or resources is there the possibility for growth. Furthermore, the Platform has not resolved the issues regarding uranium mines. Whilst strict mining and export controls are placed on uranium, the policy of not opening any new mines - and making no mention of phasing out existing ones - is a null result.

In comparison the Draft Platform makes a reasonable assessment of our forestry, manufacturing and information technology industries. In both forestry and manufacturing it advocates a value-added approach with an export orientation. In terms of the information economy, the Draft Platform recognising the need for infrastructure investment (but not necessarily through public ownership) improved public sector information service delivery. For commerce, Labor will seek to implement digital signatures, and encryption standards - including principles governing personal privacy.

Chapters seven to ten return provide a strong example to the practice encapsulated in the opening principles; that economic results have a social objective. Respectively, the Draft Platform concerns itself with developing regional Australia, income security and security for older Australians. The Draft Platform recognises that markets cannot provide regional development and that the current government has abdicated from responsible service delivery in the regions. In response, Labor sees a primary role for government in ensuring infrastructure development, with the establishment of a National Infrastructure Advisory Council, integrated services and strategies for specific regions. Labor makes particular reference in this regard to local government, and advocates providing constitutional recognition.

The eighth chapter opens with Labor making a commitment to a unemployment rate below five percent - not quite up to the standard of full employment, but certainly the goal orientation is better than is provided by most. Further the Draft Platform commits Labor to high participation rates in the labour market, so that unemployment reduction is not a matter of reworking the definition of unemployed. Once again, Labor highlights the relationship between employment, education, skills and national wealth. Labor also seeks to resolve the economic structural changes in employment circumstances (eg., casualisation, underemployment, overemployment) as well as the political (changes in industrial relations). The practical orientation in the Draft Platform towards these matters is vocational training for youth, a more equitable distribution of work (spatial and temporal) and reform of industrial relations to enhance workplace collective bargaining, industry agreements, including the abolition of AWA's.

Chapters nine and ten can be conceptually linked: dealing with security and opportunity for older Australians and Health, Housing and Family Support. The draft Platform, whilst noting that Australia has an aging population, commits the party to ensure that the elderly have a secure and universal income through government pensions (based on at least 25% of average male weekly earnings), compulsory superannuation and incentives for voluntary superannuation contributions. In Chapter ten, Labor commits itself focusing on illness prevention (identifying eight priority areas), whilst at the same time strengthening Medicare and solving the funding fragmentation between the different tiers of government. Labor is opposed to individuals opting out of Medicare or using means testing and will reestablish a Commonwealth Dental Scheme. Labor's housing strategy maintains the Commonwealth-State Housing Agreement, for growth in public and community housing. However, public housing tenants will continue to pay up to 25% of their income in rent a decision made under the auspices of the current government. On a more positive note, Labor will establish a National Rental Housing Standards Code.

The eleventh and twelfth chapters are concerned with community security and human rights respectively. Labor orientates itself initially to the prevention of crime, safety of persons and property, support for victims of crime and rehabilitation. Labor supports the establishment of a national uniform criminal code that confirms with international and human rights obligations, which prohibits the use of the death penalty and prohibits mandatory sentencing for juveniles. Further, Labor will introduce national defamation laws - which is an overdue necessity given the changes in information technologies. In terms of human rights, Labor will establish a legislative Charter of Citizenship and Aspirations and supports the Constitutional recognition of inalienable rights. Further, Labor will review the current rights extended to youth, including suffrage. Labor rejects the 1998 amendments the Native Title Act.

Chapters thirteen and fourteen deal with the natural and cultural environment and culture. Labor holds that a high standard of living is inseparable from a healthy environment. Labor will support the use of economic instruments to achieve environmental outcomes and the internalisation of environmental costs. Further, Labor will set environmental benchmarks - "a Federal Green budget" - and establish an independent Commissioner for the Environment. Labor commits itself to protecting at least 60 per cent of old growth forest (100 per cent for rare and depleted) and 90 per cent of high quality wilderness. In terms of culture ("the social environment") Labor will give priority to the Australia Council as an independent, peer based arts and culture policy development body. Whilst Labor emphasises diverse media ownership, the regulatory power of the Australian Broadcasting Authority and the public ownership of ABC and SBS, there is no comment concerning the re-establishment Radio Australia funding.

The fifteenth chapter deals with defense and foreign affairs, which the Party quite rightly claims a proud record. Labor maintains a commitment to ASEAN and APEC and seeks to integrate China into the Asia-Pacific community. Labor considers the development of human rights and democratic processes integral to relations with Indonesia and commits generous assistance to the newly independent East Timor. Labor remains committed to the internationally agreed overseas aid target of .7 percent of GNP and will restore assistance to the 95/96 level of .32 percent "as soon as circumstances permit". In defense, Labor is committed to the general principle that neighbouring democracies are a form of regional defense. More specifically however, Labor will free the AADF from maritime policing and establish a dedicated Australian Coast Guard. Further, the draft Platform aims to ensure that intellectual property rights of research from DSTO remain in Australia.

The final two chapters are concerned with the delivery of government services and their financing, of which strict adherence to the Constitution - and community education of those rights - is considered paramount. The draft Platform makes commitment to constitutional reform for equal enfranchisement and simultaneous four-year Federal terms. Labor will undertake a series of plebiscites to identify what form of republic that Australians desire prior to putting an acceptable model to referendum. In terms of financing, Labor supports a progressive taxation system based on capacity to pay, and is opposed to the GST. Labor will reduce the impact of the GST on health, education and reduce the compliance burden of small businesses.

Conclusion

The ALP Draft Platform 2000 soundly expresses the principles of an advanced social democratic political organisation that seeks to improve economic circumstances towards social ends, promotes the nation as an international citizen and acknowledges natural environmental concerns. Further the Draft Platform also expresses the orientation of a genuine political party of organised labour; an excellent industrial relations policy and work and income policy. The Draft Platform indicates that the Party has excellent knowledge of national economic issues (including globalisation) and the means to solve them in an intergrated fashion. However, the broad and overriding orientation of seeking national economic improvement by improving the knowledge and skills base (high wages, high productivity rather than cutting costs of a static economy) is contradicted by not seeking to abolish up-front fees for postgraduate students and a policy paralysis in terms of the communications industry.

This is not a particularly radical Platform in any circumstance - but by the same token there are few instances where the Party seems to be making moves antithetical to the values of democratic socialism and a multitude more where the orientation is positive. What this Platform makes clear more than anything else however is that compared to the current Federal government the Australian Labor Party has a better knowledge and policy base, is less divisive of the community, and is more interested in the long-term well-being of all members of the nation.


Amendments to draft Platform for National Conference: 3.6.(j), 3.52, 3.64 Remove the word "undergraduate", in "phase out up front undergraduate fees" (all references) and include "in the first term of Government".

The ALP must commit itself to phasing up-front postgraduate fees as well as undergraduate fees. If the ALP truly holds that up-front tertiary education fees are a disincentive for further education and is committed to the most highly education population possible, there is no justification to truncate opposition to up-front fees at an undergraduate level.

3.6.(j), 3.65 Alter the sentence "review the current HECS structure so that it does not act as a financial barrier to students seeking undergraduate entry" to read "review the current HECS structure so that repayments are made reaching an income greater than the average weekly wage". This is the fairest practical implementation of draft orientation.

3.6.(k) Insert after the words "encouraging private sector innovation and research" with "by means of a research and development levy for medium and large businesses".

As recommended by the "Committee on Higher Education Funding 1988, Report of the Committee on Higher Education Funding, (N. Wran, Chairman), AGPS, Canberra." - the same paper which also recommended the introduction of a deferred partial tertiary education fees system. The two were supposed to be introduced simultaneously, and for a short period the previous Federal Labor government did have a research and development levy for medium and large businesses.

5.17 Insert after the words "Labor will vigorously oppose any proposal that would require Australia to privitise its health, education and welfare sectors, or which would require us to remove protection of culture industries" the sentence, "Further, Labor will advocate under WTO rules for national sovereignty in determining the appropriate public/private mix in the environment and housing industries"

4.26 Insert after the words "... will not sell any further portion of Telstra." with the words "Labor will aim to return ownership of the network infrastructure to full public ownership". This is possible, as Telstra has (in 1998) separated its network infrastructure and commodity provision sectors. It would be a simple matter - even under the current public/private mix - to ensure that the network infrastructure remains in public hands.

6.88 Insert "through public intervention" between words "Labor will ensure" and "that the basic instrastructure of the information age".

The provision of information economy infrastructure is as important as roads are to the provision of physical goods. Labor, of all political parties, must realise this and take an interventionist orientation in terms of infrastructure.

6.89 Insert "including national government website standards" after the words "provision and transaction processing".

Websites should follow the standards established by the World Wide Web consortium (http://www.w3.org) along with some basic style considerations (eg., loading speed, links to other sites, languages other than English).

9.97 Following the words "These standards will ensure that tenants' rights are protected in matters such as eviction, unfair rents ..." include the words "databases of tenants".

9.97 In the phrase "no public housing tenant shall pay more than 25 per cent of his or her income in rent" change 25% to 20%.

The increase from 20% to 25% was a decision of the Coalition government following the 1997 Report on Housing Assistance (see http://www.aph.gov.au/senate/committee/clac_ctte/housing/)

13.25 In the phrase "preserving 15 per cent of the pre-1750 distribution of each forest ecosystem" alter to read "preserving over 15 per cent of the pre-1750 distribution of total forest ecosystems".

The draft Platform claims to be consistent with the Janis criteria (http://www.rfa.gov.au/rfa/national/janis/), however that document is quite clear that 15 per cent is the minimum total forest ecosystem required. As a practical pro-environment Party we have an objective for more. Further it is quite clear in the document that in some cases the general percentage may not apply to specific circumstances.

"In consideration of the above, 15% of pre-European distribution is seen as a desirable objective, however, some flexibility is both acceptable and desirable. For instance, where socio-economic impacts are not acceptable, or where biodiversity conservation objectives can be demonstrably achieved, such as for forests ecosystems which are extensive, a lower level of reservation, (e.g., 10%) may prove adequate."

14.43 Include as a dot point after "Labor will ensure that the ABC provides high levels of local content and has the capacity to:" add "Promote Australian opinion and multiculturalism through Radio Australia".

Somehow Radio Australia managed to miss out being mentioned in the draft Plaftform - given the importance of this service in providing the views of an advanced modern democracy to our neighboring nations it is essential that Radio Australia's funding be returned and expanded.


Lev Lafayette, Hobart 2000


Site scripted by Lev Lafayette. Last update, July 13, 2003

Hosted by www.Geocities.ws

1