Comrades
It is hard to characterise the Milosevic regime accurately, mainly because the bourgeois press has demonised it so, and unfortunately for communists living in capitalist states, that is where we have to get our main source of information. It has been labelled "fascist", guilty of "genocide"; and Milosevic has been compared to Hitler.
Then there are those on the Left who idolise the Milosevic regime. They hail it as the modern day incarnation of Tito, as partisans; or give it uncritical support based on the fact Yugoslavia was attacked by imperialism.
Both of these views are profoundly mistaken. The first seeks to demonise Milosevic to the extent working class people will feel nothing but hatred for him, and on this basis give their support to the imperialist war. The second is nothing more than a leftist cover for a regime of ex-Stalinist bureaucrats who led the capitalist counter-revolution in Yugoslavia.
Jared is very firmly on the latter side. He has had a very confused, almost disturbing reaction to the imperialist war against Yugoslavia. Because the pretext for the war was the oppression of Albanians, Jared places a sort of national guilt against them verging on hatred, and then devotes his time to finding evidence to support a conclusion he already has - to prove that the oppression of Albanians was non-existent. This is not historical method. Don't get me wrong: a lot of his work has been excellent; it has indeed proved that the accounts of genocide were invented by the imperialists carrying out the war to justify it, because so far only 2000 bodies have been found. Yet his reaction to the war is not one of a principled socialist, but identical to that of a Serb chauvinist.
He denies the Serbian government is Chetnik. True. But it does contain Chetniks, being a coalition government - I would say the correct characterisation of the Serbian Radical Party is 'fascist'. The character of the government is not fascist, and Milosevic is no fascist; but then the Weimar government when it contained Nazis in a coalition government did not have a fascist character. The character of the Yugoslav regime I believe is best described as counter-revolutionary.
There is no doubt that Milosevic and his crew of bureaucrats carried out capitalist counter-revolution. They privatised about half the economy, crushed the Titoist "workers' self-management", and carried out all sorts of reactionary policies including banning abortion. The richest man in Serbia today is the Minister of Privatisation. Milosevic and other bureaucrats have made millions out of the restoration of capitalism, as have their counterparts in the rest of Eastern Europe and the former-USSR. They were all motivated by the same desire, whether they be Milosevic or Yeltsin; though the Stalinist system provided its bureaucrats with privileges, they had no direct ownership over property. Only by restoring capitalism could they have property rights, and the people who became the new bourgeoisie were those bureaucrats who only fifteen years ago would pledge a cynical allegiance to Marxism and Leninism.
This is clearly not going to sell to the Yugoslav masses. The regimes of Milosevic and Tudjman gained mass support through nationalism, as well as the regime in Slovenia, as did most other Stalinist regimes (especially in the USSR). They would gain the mass support they needed by propagating the oppression of the Serbs or Croats or Slovenians. Gaining this base, they could carry out the counter-revolution with mass support.
However, if they had been the Nazis the West loves to paint them as, that does not explain why Serbia continues to be one of the most multiethnic states in Europe, with 100,000 Albanians living in Belgrade alone. With the exception of the crackdown in Kosovo that resulted in an attempted expulsion of Kosovar Albanians from Kosovo, there has been no action against the various nationalities of Serbia. As it is, Milosevic does not believe in anything; none of these ex-bureaucrats do. As long as their privileges are maintained, they will speak nationalist, socialist, or even Islamic fundamentalist if such a view were popular.
There is nothing "partisan" about Milosevic. This former stooge of Western imperialism has not fought for anything progressive to make him a partisan, unless we start including reactionaries as partisans, and this would make the Afghan Islamic fundamentalists partisans against the Soviet Union.
Is he a brave soldier against imperialism? Actually, he was until recently a darling of imperialism and Western capital; industries such as communications have been sold off to the Italian and Greek bourgeoisie; and his regime overthrew the [deformed] workers' state which would have any bourgeois happy. At the Dayton agreement he was described as the man we [the West] could do business with, as people like Holbrooke drank the night away with him.
The reason he refused to sign the Rambouillet accords was because the imperialists added an amendment which allowed for the occupation of all Yugoslavia. No leader of any country would allow that; it is an invasion. Of course NATO knew he wasn't going to accept, he would have had to have been insane. On this matter, I would like to draw your minds back to 1914. After the assassination of Archduke Ferdinand in Sarajevo, Austria-Hungary demanded that Serbia allows its troops in to search for the so-called terrorist groups responded. Historians now generally accept A-H knew Serbia would not accept being invaded, and merely wanted an excuse, a pretext.
And so history repeats itself for Serbia.
I will agree with comrades who believe Kosovar Serbs were oppressed by the autonomous administration within Kosovo. I would say the troubles really began in 1981; a student demonstration demanding better food in university cafeterias suddenly became a full-scale uprising demanding Kosovo become a republic; there were, however, proxy Hoxha groups demanding Kosovar independence (carrying slogans like "We Are Hoxha's Soldiers"). There was a security crackdown then, and all the various interviews I have seen from people of the time, Serb or Albanian, said this was the turning point. Children said that afterwards they could no longer play with people of a different race; and that before race was not an issue but afterwards there was mutual suspicion. Mixed marriage couples had to flee to Belgrade.
I would like to share with you my Serb friend Maja's comments on the issue here:
"Yes, it is completely true. They had no rights, they [Serbs] were systematically raped, killed and expelled from their houses for years. From the WW II, Tito gave a great autonomy to Albanians in Kosovo, in fact they had their own kind of republic. He did that just to keep peace there, and to calm them. So in the late 80's Serbs started to demonstrate and ask for equal rights, they haven't been Milosevic's supporters. But he was clever enough to use their unsatisfaction and to manipulate with those demonstrations. Leaders of those protests are his greatest enemies now, they are aware they have been manipulated. He came as a savior of Serbs >from Kosovo, he promised that noone would torture them anymore and that everybody would be equal in that province. A lot of people believed in his words and they needed years to understand what he was doing. Just using that situation to stay in power and to strengthen his position. Well, I suppose some things from that book are true, but there are always nuances which are very important to understand that complicated situation between Serbs and Albanians in this century, and after manipulation Milosevic used to take advantage from it."
Milosevic used the whole issue of the oppression of Kosovar Serbs to gain mass support to gain legitimacy to carry out counter-revolution. This is what I draw from Maja's comments.
The KLA began as a force that killed Albanian socialists and dissidents. The best man at Maja's wedding was a Kosovar Albanian; he had to flee Kosovo for Slovenia after facing repeated intimidation from the KLA, and finally had to escape when he married a Serb woman. Its black uniform and salute are modelled on the Kosovar fascist collaborators during World War II. It did have a Hoxhaite wing, but the Thaci faction purged it violently (the Kosovar Albanian hero Demaci, was known as the Kosovar "Mandela", was killed by the KLA leadership, as well as several other Kosovar Albanians during the war, deaths originally blamed on the Belgrade regime). It became nothing more than a proxy of imperialism, being ordered to provoke Yugoslav forces at the beginning of 1998 to gain more of a pretext for NATO to attack. During the war the bourgeois media supportively called it NATO's land army. They did not defend the Kosovar Albanian population, which would have been a criteria to support them; indeed, they continued to engage in fighting for villages and allowing the Albanians to suffer to gain political capital, as well as continuing to kill Albanian dissidents. Their financial backers include gangsters from Northern Albania who have in return for their support been given power in Kosovo, and now kidnap women off the street for prostitution, for instance. The worst crime of the KLA, of course, is their ethnic cleansing of all non-Albanians and of Albanian dissidents from Kosovo, which NATO is allowing.
Another thing about Jared; his repeated use of the word "secessionists". This definitely paints him as a chauvinist, not a leftist. It is not for Marxists to go round denouncing groups as "secessionist". On this same matter, he denounces the Chechen rebels as "fascists". Perhaps we should start denouncing the PKK, IRA, ETA and various other groups as "secessionists". Clearly, if we did, we would be siding, respectively, with the Turkish, British and Spanish States.
He implies Kosovo is somehow the property of Serbia: but as Marxists we support unequivocally the right of self-determination. If the democratic will of the masses is to independence, then we support their right to s-d. The Bolsheviks could have called the Finnish and the Polish secessionist and terrorist, but instead they accepted their right to s-d and granted them independence. For, as Engels said approximately, no people that oppresses another is free. No nation has a "right" to control another, whether it be for some historical pretext like a battle against a foreign occupier taking place there. That is why we support the re-unification of Ireland, and self-determination for Kurdistan, for example.
(...)
Comradely,
Owen