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JUST how byzantine political intrigue in Indonesia can be has
been shown once again in puzzling events involving Vice-President
Hamzah Haz.
To outside quarters, his cordial ties with known militants who
have a leading role in sectarian troubles in outer provinces like
Maluku are strangely in conflict with his government's security
priorities.
There is also the international terrorism dimension to
consider, what with Indonesia facing persistent prodding by the
United States to do more to combat clandestine groups believed to
have links with global terror networks.
But, at home, his conduct is seen as wholly consistent with the
jockeying for position preceding the election, although it is
still two years away.
It will be recalled that Mr Hamzah opposed Ms Megawati
Sukarnoputri's election for president by the People's Consultative
Assembly after the 1999 parliamentary elections, although her
party had the most seats.
Mr Hamzah, whose Muslim-based United Development Party (PPP)
was the third largest bloc in the legislature, did not think the
world's biggest Muslim nation should be led by a woman.
Mr Abdurrahman Wahid then become president by default, when an
alliance of Muslim parties effectively shut Ms Megawati out.
Interestingly, Mr Hamzah lost to her in the balloting for
vice-president.
The swing came full circle when he found himself playing second
fiddle to her when she was confirmed by the upper legislature last
year to succeed President Abdurrahman following his impeachment.
It is significant that Ms Megawati did not block his
candidature for the No 2 position, which he secured on the third
ballot.
Few Jakarta pundits would think, at this juncture of the
jousting, that he is ready to make a run for the top job, but he
is focused on sewing up early support from Muslim organisations
and key individuals with their own power base.
His rivalry with Mr Zainuddin M.Z., who leads the breakaway
Reformasi faction in the PPP, is a factor.
So, too, President Megawati's apparent rallying of the military
to her side in the run-up to the 2004 polls.
In his book, visiting the detained Laskar Jihad leader Jafaar
Umar Thalib last week was good politics.
'We Muslims are brothers,' he protested when asked if it was
not scandalous for the Vice-President to be seen with a man
accused of inciting violence against Christians in Maluku.
'There's nothing wrong with visiting someone in trouble and
sympathising with him.'
The commiseration is fetching.
One little detail not missed by observers was that Mr Zainuddin
had also visited Jafaar that day.
A week later, Mr Hamzah opened Laskar Jihad's annual meeting.
To questions raised about propriety, he has replied evenly that
these were acts of a private citizen, not the Vice-President.
Mr Hamzah is defensibly being true to a politician's craft of
conniving and supping with the devil, if that is called for.
But ambition should not blind him to the fact that his acts are
bound to be looked at with consternation and not a bit of alarm in
the region, and much further afield, in Washington and the head
offices of international lending agencies.
Firstly, his conduct can undermine the authority of his
president, and the resolve of the state, to manage sectarian
conflict.
This is related to the anti-terrorism campaign.
Secondly, it is offensive to Indonesia's Asean friends that a
country struggling to cope with enormous challenges of unity and
security is again at risk of being reduced to a caricature.
President Megawati has been gamely trying to hold the line.
She has a right to expect better judgment from her deputy.
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