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A
Papuan free for all
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Sydney
Morning Herald
March
11, 2003
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A Papuan free for all
An independence movement in the
Indonesian province of Papua threatens to turn into a humanitarian
disaster and bring new tensions to the fragile ties between
Canberra and Jakarta. Craig Skehan reports.
Despite its natural splendours, cultural diversity and tragic
history of decolonisation gone awry, Papua has not loomed large in
world or regional affairs. But that's about to change. Papua has
the potential to become as explosive an issue between Australia
and Indonesia as East Timor.
Indeed, when John Howard was in Jakarta late last month,
Indonesia's President, Megawati Soekarnoputri, told him that
pro-Papuan independence activists in Australia were
"hampering" the bilateral relationship.
Today, the issue of Papua is expected to be raised at an
Australian-Indonesian ministerial meeting, and Indonesia has
already flagged concern about Australian non-government
organisations (NGOs) advocating independence for Papua.
"We know the Australian Government's view in support of our
territorial integrity," said a spokesman for Indonesia's
foreign affairs ministry, Marty Natalegawa. "At the same time
we will make known our concern not to allow certain groups under
the guise of democracy, free speech and the like basically to try
to disrupt and disturb our national unity which we will defend, as
would any other sovereign country."
Universities and colleges, NGOs and churches in Australia are all
raising the level of public consciousness on our oft forgotten
neighbour, formerly known as Irian Jaya. And a new book published
in Australia, West Papua - Follow the Morning Star, detailing the
history of Papua's long and bloody campaign for nationhood, opens
a window on this mountainous land.
Pro-independence guerillas wearing penis gourds and traditional
decorations peer out from these pages, some with the word "Merdeka",
freedom, painted on their bodies.
In a preface to the book, the Papuan human rights activist John
Rumbiak cites investigations which put the number of Papuans who
have died during 40 years of resisting Indonesian rule at 100,000.
"In the face of so much suffering, Papuans have committed
themselves to pursuing a peaceful movement towards their goal;
freedom," Rumbiak writes in the preface. "It is a
struggle for everyone living or who will ever live in Papua."
The launch of the book two weeks ago, by Liz Thompson, Jim Elmslie
and Ben Bohane, coincided with a Melbourne seminar on Papua and a
fundraising concert. The Royal Melbourne Institute of Technology
has come under fire for pulling out as the seminar venue.
As well as a veiled Indonesian Government threat that the large
number of Indonesian students studying at the institute could be
withdrawn, seminar organisers believe there was behind-the-scenes
pressure from Canberra.
The Indonesian Government also signalled displeasure at Australian
Government funds going to aid organisations which it accuses of
actively supporting Papuan independence.
In light of the bitter diplomatic breach that followed Canberra's
belated support for an act of self-determination in East Timor,
the Australian Government is trying to avoid a similar conflict in
Papua.
But many of the same Indonesian military officers accused of
creating and directing violent anti-independence militia in East
Timor have now been deployed in Papua.
The Foreign Minister, Alexander Downer, argues that the
international community has no room to move because whereas East
Timor was formerly a Portuguese colony, Papua was part of the
wider Dutch colony which became the Republic of Indonesia.
Australian public opinion forced the Howard Government to drop its
longstanding acceptance of Indonesia's invasion and incorporation
of East Timor. It is yet to be seen whether so many Australians
will come to feel as passionately about Papua as they did about
East Timor.
However, events in the western half of the island of New Guinea
are already demanding greater public attention and engendering
humanitarian concern.
The arrival of thousands of Islamic militants - mostly in the form
of the Laskar Jihad among Muslim Indonesian migrants to the
province - is one portent of trouble ahead. More serious still is
growing evidence indicating that some elements of the Indonesian
military are backing the jihadists, including through training at
camps along the rugged border with Papua New Guinea.
Senior officials in the Howard Government acknowledge that there
are "informal" links, but a number of regional analysts
point to high-level Indonesian military sanctioning of the Laskar
Jihad and other militias in Papua.
Among the prime suspects in terms of such involvement are members
of Indonesia's Kopassus special forces.
Despite such concerns, the Australian Government is renewing aid
and other ties to Kopassus which were severed following gross
human rights abuses by the elite force in East Timor during 1999.
The Australian Government, in the wake of the October 12 Bali
bombings and wider fears over al-Qaeda-linked groups using the
Indonesian archipelago to stage further terrorist attacks, is
clearly worried about developments in Papua.
For example, there is the prospect that an Indonesian military
crackdown on dissent, which has already involved summary killings,
will intensify while the world is preoccupied with the looming war
against Iraq.
And extremists, or military-backed agent provocateurs, have
already demonstrated a readiness to incite communal strife
elsewhere in Indonesia by such underhand methods as setting fire
to churches or mosques.
Given past experience, it could be corrupt elements of the
military - seeking to retain control of lucrative illegal logging
operations or extortion rackets involving big mining projects -
who provoke unrest in order to justify the crushing of dissent.
Given that some 40 per cent of Papua's more than 2 million
population consists of non-Papuans, mainly Muslim migrants from
elsewhere in Indonesia, amid a Christian and animist majority,
scope for widespread communal conflict is real.
Downer has on a number of occasions warned about the risk of a
"bloodbath" in the Indonesian province if there is
outside support for the independence campaign which has waxed and
waned since the 1960s. Specifically, he has pointed to a danger of
"civil war".
The Howard Government advocates continued international acceptance
of Indonesian sovereignty in Papua, a recognition of Jakarta's
insistence that the republic not be allowed to fracture into
micro-states.
During a recent sweep through the South Pacific, Downer strongly
cautioned Vanuatu against going ahead with a plan to allow the
opening of a West Papuan representative office in its capital,
Port Vila, this month.
Australia has also worked behind the scenes, not always
successfully, to prevent Papuan activists from being included in
several national delegations at the annual Pacific Islands Forum
gathering.
In the past, Australia has pressed concerns on Jakarta's behalf
with Papua New Guinea, even relaying requests for Indonesian
troops to be allowed to cross over the border in "hot
pursuit" of rebels.
With continuing pockets of popular support for Papuan independence
in PNG, especially in border areas, Port Moresby has been squeezed
by local sensitivities as well as by Jakarta and Canberra.
The PNG Government recently expressed fears that Islamic extremist
militia in Papua could use the province as a base to strike
Australian targets on the PNG side of the border.
In an attempt to avoid tensions with Indonesia, PNG has said this
month it will repatriate more than 300 Papuans who have been at a
refugee camp near the dusty border town of Vanimo for more than
two years.
As happened when more than 10,000 Papuans crossed into PNG in the
1980s, the Catholic Church has come out strongly against such
repatriations, to the annoyance of the Indonesian Government.
On the Papuan side of the border, there has been an Indonesian
troop build-up during the past year or so from about 4,000 to more
than 5,000 soldiers.
Professor Ron May, a regional specialist at the Australian
National University in Canberra, told the Herald that after a
period of attempting to pursue dialogue, Indonesian authorities
had switched to a major crackdown on dissidents.
"If they put the lid on a boiling cauldron like that, there
will be a point when the lid will blow," May said.
He said Australia needed to engage in open discussion about the
problems and future of Papua, adding that other academic
institutions should not follow the RMIT and bow to outside
pressure. Likewise, he said the Australian Government should not
attempt to curb academic freedoms in order to appease Jakarta.
Rumbiak, who is from the Papuan human rights group ELSHAM, says
that rather than focusing on the danger of civil war, Downer
should urge Indonesia to enter into meaningful talks with Papuan
leaders.
"We are talking about a wise proposal that would take into
account the interests of Papuans, Jakarta and the international
community, including Australia," he said.
As well as discussion of Indonesia's plans to implement a package
providing for greater autonomy, the issue of full independence
would remain a "crucial question" to be addressed.
While a major pro-independence body, the Papua Council Presidium,
has called for a "zone of peace" in Papua, there are
elements of the Free Papua Movement (OPM) in remote hideouts who
continue to call for more guns to pursue an armed struggle.
"That is because of frustration due to the international
community remaining silent on the need for dialogue," Mr
Rumbiak explained.
He added that it was clear that Australian communications
intercepts in Papua, as well as intelligence information shared
with Canberra by the United States, were providing evidence of
human rights violations and links between the military and
anti-independence militia (see breakout).
"As a member of the United Nations, Australia should not stay
quiet - it should take such material to the United Nations High
Commissioner for Human Rights," Rumbiak said.
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