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[Page: S2080]

Mr. JOHNSTON. Mr. President, there has been some conversation here on the floor which I caught on my television as I went home about the so-called Taiwan resolution.

Since I was the one who put an objection into the unanimous-consent consideration of that resolution, I wanted to tell my colleagues what my problems were with that issue and why I object to the unanimous-consent consideration of that resolution.

Mr. President, with the thrust of the resolution, I have no problem. I do not agree, really, with all of the wording of it. But you never can always embrace every jot and tittle in words and mood swings. But with the general thrust--which is to strongly condemn the People's Republic of China for, in effect, saber rattling in the Strait of Taiwan--Mr. President, with that I have no problem.

But, Mr. President, we have gotten into a situation where the United States now has two of our largest aircraft carriers in the Strait of Taiwan. We have the largest country in the world, one of the fastest growing countries in the world, soon to be the largest market in the world, clearly the linchpin of stability in all of Asia, and we are in a very dangerous situation with them.

How in the world did we get there, Mr. President? We got there, in my judgment, because of the fault of the United States Congress, because of the fault of the People's Republic of China, because of the fault of this administration, and because of the fault of Taiwan and their President Li Teng-hui.

The fact that this fault is shared does not diminish or ameliorate the fact that we have two carrier groups in the Strait of Taiwan in a situation that could lead, probably not to war, but, Mr. President, it could lead to great difficulties. It could lead to an incident--two ships bump in the night, a rocket goes astray and hits on Taiwanese territory. And there will be those in the Congress who would say, `Let us go. Let us attack. Let us get the smell of grapeshot. Boy, the blood is running. Let us go over and fight.'

Mr. President, we are playing with fire with the largest country in the world. I am old enough to remember when we egged on the people in Hungary to revolt. Remember those broadcasts? Some of you will remember. They went across the border. We wanted them to revolt, and they revolted. They wanted to know where the United States was, and we were nowhere to be found. I remember women pulling open their shirts in front of tanks and daring them to shoot.

Mr. President, before we get our macho up too much, I believe we ought to rationally consider this question. I believe we ought to consider the basis of our relationships with China and with Taiwan and cool our rhetoric a little bit--and yes; condemn the People's Republic of China for what they are doing, but at the same time realize that it is the Shanghai Communique with its reaffirmations which was begun by President Richard Nixon, to the applause of Republicans, to the applause of Democrats, and to the applause of the country back in 1972, and reaffirmed by five Presidents. We have to understand that that communique, a one-China policy, two systems, peaceful reunification, is the basis of our relationship with China.

My problem with this resolution is not that it condemns the People's Republic of China. for saber rattling. I agree with that. But it misstates, I believe, the basis of our relationship with China.

In paragraph 5 on page 2, it says, `Relations between the United States and the People's Republic of China rest upon the expectation that the future of Taiwan will be settled solely by peaceful means.' As far as that goes, it is correct. It has always been our expectation that it be by peaceful means, and we ought to reaffirm that. But by leaving out the Shanghai Communique we are suddenly shifting ground.

Mr. President, I believe anyone who thinks that we can shift ground from the Shanghai Communique, the one-China policy to which Taiwan has repeatedly adhered and stated that they were for, that anyone who thinks we can go to a two-China policy and independent Taiwan without a great deal of difficulty does not know anything about the Far East and about what is going on.

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[Page: S2081]

Mr. MURKOWSKI. I wonder if I might ask my friend a question.

Mr. NUNN. Mr. President, will the Senator yield?

Mr. JOHNSTON. I will yield to the Senator from Georgia for a question.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Louisiana has the floor.

Mr. NUNN. Will the Senator yield for a question?

Mr. JOHNSTON. Yes.

Mr. NUNN. Is the Senator saying if we are going to consider a resolution on this sensitive subject that we ought to hear every word of exactly what we are doing, not do it at this hour of the night when people are not paying attention and understand what we say on the floor of the Senate?

Sometimes we do not take it seriously but other countries do. I have reservations about the way this resolution is worded. It is not what is in it. It is what is not in it. There is not much I disagree with, but it leaves out the whole history of the United States relationship with China, how it evolved under President Nixon, what happened when we normalized, the Reagan communique in 1982. All of that is left out of it. We are all concerned about what is going on in China, but we do not further the cause of stability and peace in that area of the world by ignoring what we have agreed to, by ignoring the history of President Nixon's visit, by ignoring the one-China policy which was adhered to not only by the United States when we said that we would respect China's view that that was their policy but also by the people on Taiwan. For years that is what has brought stability and prosperity to that part of the world.

If they are going to change that policy politically by Taiwan or certainly by military force by China, then we ought to oppose both. We ought to oppose it vigorously because that is going to cause turmoil in that part of the world for a long time to come.

So if the Senator from Louisiana is saying let us go slow, let us do not pass this tonight, I am with him. I think he is absolutely right. We are not going to solve anything. This is more heat than it is light. And we need to be very careful.

I would be glad to work with Senators on that side of the aisle in carefully wording and making sure we reflect the history, making sure we have an overall perspective, making sure we understand the U.S. agreements, what we have agreed to. We have not always lived up to what we said we were going to do either. I think we all have deep concern about the dangerous situation developing there. We have deep friendship for the people on Taiwan and deep admiration.

So I would just ask the Senator, have I captured the essence of the point he is making here?

Mr. JOHNSTON. Mr. President, the Senator from Georgia has captured precisely the point, precisely the point. It is not what it says. It is what it leaves out. It is a subtle shift of ground. It is the mood of abandonment of the Shanghai

communique and its progeny that are the problem here, and I wish we would just take some time in committee, as the Senator from Georgia points out, to carefully word on a bipartisan basis a resolution that, yes, condemns the use of force in Taiwan; yes, reaffirms our commitment to a peaceful settlement of this problem but, Mr. President, one that, as the Senator from Georgia says, fully reveals the content of our policy with China.

We are in this soup right now with two carrier groups in the Strait of Taiwan because we acted hastily and treated the visit of Li Teng-hui as if it were simply a visit to the alma mater. I think we realize now that it was a whole lot more. It has gotten us with two carrier groups over there. That is what led to it.

And so, Mr. President, I say let us go slowly. I do not oppose what it says. But let us work it out so it truly reflects American policy.

Several Senators addressed the Chair.

Mr. MURKOWSKI. I wonder if my colleague will yield for a question.

Mr. LOTT. Parliamentary inquiry.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. The majority whip is recognized.

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Mr. JOHNSTON. Mr. President, the Senator from Georgia has captured precisely the point, precisely the point. It is not what it says. It is what it leaves out. It is a subtle shift of ground. It is the mood of abandonment of the Shanghai

communique and its progeny that are the problem here, and I wish we would just take some time in committee, as the Senator from Georgia points out, to carefully word on a bipartisan basis a resolution that, yes, condemns the use of force in Taiwan; yes, reaffirms our commitment to a peaceful settlement of this problem but, Mr. President, one that, as the Senator from Georgia says, fully reveals the content of our policy with China.

We are in this soup right now with two carrier groups in the Strait of Taiwan because we acted hastily and treated the visit of Li Teng-hui as if it were simply a visit to the alma mater. I think we realize now that it was a whole lot more. It has gotten us with two carrier groups over there. That is what led to it.

And so, Mr. President, I say let us go slowly. I do not oppose what it says. But let us work it out so it truly reflects American policy.

Several Senators addressed the Chair.

Mr. MURKOWSKI. I wonder if my colleague will yield for a question.

Mr. LOTT. Parliamentary inquiry.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. The majority whip is recognized.

Mr. JOHNSTON. I will yield to the Senator.

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Mr. MURKOWSKI. I wonder if my colleague will yield for a question.

Mr. LOTT. Parliamentary inquiry.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. The majority whip is recognized.

Mr. JOHNSTON. I will yield to the Senator.

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Mr. LOTT. Parliamentary inquiry.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. The majority whip is recognized.

Mr. JOHNSTON. I will yield to the Senator.

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Mr. JOHNSTON. I will yield to the Senator.

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[Page: S2098]

Mr. DASCHLE. Mr. President, during the past 3 weeks, several unfortunate events that threaten peace and stability around the world have occurred. In Israel and in the skies off the Cuban coast, innocent men, women, and children have lost their lives as a result of those tragedies. Moreover, countless others continue to suffer the consequences of increased tensions between countries and groups of people who have long been separated by ideological or religious differences.

Like many of my colleagues, I have already expressed my outrage at the unnecessary tragedy in the Straits of Florida and the unconscionable suicide bombings in Israel. I want to take this opportunity to voice my strong concerns about the recent escalation of tensions between the People's Republic of China and the Republic of China on Taiwan.

In the past week, China has taken several actions intended to intimidate the people of Taiwan and influence its upcoming presidential elections. On March 5, Beijing announced its decision to conduct guided-missile tests near Taiwan. Three days later, China launched the first three missiles in tests it intends to conduct until March 15. On March 9, China announced its plans to conduct live-ammunition war exercises in the Strait of Taiwan until March 20, just 3 days before Taiwan's presidential elections.

As Secretary of State Warren Christopher indicated recently, these actions are `risky, and smack of intimidation and coercion.' China's actions create grave risks to stability in that region. I urge China's leadership to halt these dangerous and provocative actions immediately.

Make no mistake, the risk is real. China's missile tests and military exercises are dangerous in and of themselves, and they increase the chances of an accident that could cause tensions to spiral out of control.

When China conducted similar missile tests in July and August of last year, the target areas were 85 and 80 miles north of Taiwan, respectively. By contrast, the target zone for the surface-to-surface missiles fired last week are only half as far from Taiwan, and far too close to major airline and shipping routes.

Of the three missiles launched last week, two landed near the port of Keelung which is only 23 miles from Taiwan's northern coast and approximately 30 miles from Taipei, Taiwan's capital. The third missile landed in a target zone near the port of Kaohsiun, which is only 35 miles from Taiwan's southern coast.

Thankfully, the three missiles fired last week and the one fired this week landed where the Chinese intended. However, China intends to conduct similar missile tests in the same zones. If one of these missiles should stray off-course and mistakenly land in Taiwan, or hit a ship or an airliner, the repercussions would be severe. Needless to say, under such circumstances, Taiwan could not be expected to sit idly by, and the Clinton administration has continually warned that if an accident occurs, China `will be held accountable.' I would like to lend my voice to those warnings.

Even if China's missile tests and military exercises go as planned, the inevitable result is greater difficulties in the day-to-day lives of the Taiwanese people. Taiwan's stock market has already experienced a great deal of volatility, and the fluctuations would have been greater had it not been for government initiatives. Flights for commercial airlines will also be disrupted this week when aircraft will be forced to change routes to avoid China's military exercises, and shipping has been delayed or diverted to avoid the missile test zones.

Despite the heroic efforts by President Lee to keep the people of Taiwan calm during these trying times, China's threatening actions will continue to inject fear into the daily lives of the Taiwanese people. Beijing's time and efforts would be far better spent trying to communicate with Taiwan in a non-threatening and peaceful way rather than carrying out reckless missile tests and military exercises.

Finally, Mr. President, there should be no misunderstanding that if China's missile tests and military exercises should develop into actual military action against Taiwan, the United States is well prepared to respond. The carrier U.S.S. Independence, accompanied by three warships, was recently ordered to move near Taiwan. Moreover, the U.S.S. Nimitz and five to six additional ships are expected to arrive near Taiwan before the upcoming presidential elections.

The irony is that China is conducting missile tests and military exercises in order to curb support for Taiwan independence. The fact of the matter is, most Taiwanese, as well as a majority of their elected leaders, are committed to reunification, but only reunification achieved through peaceful means.

United States policy, as spelled out in the 1979 Taiwan Relations Act, stipulates that the future relationship between China and Taiwan should be determined by peaceful means. I sincerely hope China will not miscalculate United States resolve in this regard. With the leadership of President Clinton, the United States stands ready to assist Taiwan if necessary. Again, I urge the People's Republic of China to cease its intimidation of Taiwan and to resolve its differences with the Taiwanese peacefully.

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