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[Page: H868]

The SPEAKER pro tempore. Under a previous order of the House, the gentleman from New Jersey [Mr. Torricelli] is recognized for 5 minutes.

Mr. TORRICELLI. Mr. Speaker, it is said that in history, great conflicts begin more often from miscalculation than by purposeful design. Even in our own time, it is said that the Korean war may have begun by the unfortunate statement of Mr. Avenuees that the defense perimeter of the United States began in the Sea of Japan, and not the 38th parallel.

A few years ago the United States Ambassador to Iraq suggested to Saddam Hussein that in a dispute between Kuwait and Iraq, the United States would regard the matter as an internal problem in the Arab world. Today in the straits of Taiwan a foundation may be being laid for a similar misunderstanding.

I take the floor today, Mr. Speaker, as one Member of this institution, in the hope that the leaders of our country, our great allies in the People's Republic of China, come to some mutual understanding of events that are taking shape even as we speak between Taiwan and the People's Republic of China.

Only weeks ago the Peoples Republic fired missiles into the airspace and the shipping lanes around Taiwan. It is now openly being discussed what further actions, including military measures, might be taken. The leaders in Beijing are displeased with comments or activities of President Li after the Taiwanese elections.

It is the policy of the United States Government to have formal diplomatic relations with the People's Republic and to recognize it as the sole legitimate Government of China, but the Taiwan Relations Act is infinitely more complex. It also permits, and indeed, in my judgment, provides a responsibility for the United States Government to continually reassess our role and obligations if the security situation of Taiwan were to deteriorate.

I recognize that the relationship between Beijing and Washington is one of the cornerstones of world peace. It is one of this Nation's most important economic, cultural, and security relationships. I want it to be strong and I want it to be sound. But I also recognize, and history bears witness, the United States keeps its obligations, recognizes its relationships, and meets the needs of its friends.

I trust and I hope that Beijing in the coming months will act responsibly, retain the commitment that any dispute it might have with the people on Taiwan and the question of the larger China is resolved peacefully, responsibly, and diplomatically. But simply because Members of this institution and the larger U.S. Government are committed to good relations with Beijing, simply because we want good political relationships, increased investment and trade, simply because of the progress of all these years, they should not put aside that this is still a nation that keeps its obligations, defends the weak against the strong, and holds democratic governments with pluralistic governments in a singular and special category.

This is, after all, not the Taiwan of 20 years ago. There is a free press, a pluralist democracy, and now, a popularly elected President. That does not negate aspects of, or in its totality, the Taiwan Relations Act. It is simply an attempt to make an effort on my own part to communicate with the leaders in Beijing to let them know that the firing of the missiles was not only wrong, but threatening military action is irresponsible.

However they may calculate it, whatever their advisers may say, at the end of the day, in spite of all the investment and all the hopes for good relations with China, the world will not watch a military incursion, a renewal of hostilities, or even irresponsible acts that threaten the peace.

So I hope each in our private ways, parties to this potential dispute, will again renew their commitment to peace and ensure that our actions remain responsible, but that all parties at the end of the day recognize that the United States will not witness the forceful end of the Government of Taiwan.

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