| Chapter Two Preliminary History 2.1 INTRODUCTION The transition from mission to church was not without a degree of awkwardness. As John Baur explains, In the religious-ecclesial sphere the movement chiefly fought against the lack of trust evident in the slow pace of promotion of the African clergy: against preferential treatment of white church members; against the wholesale rejection of African customs; and against any kind of missionary paternalism, whether authoritarian or benignant. In its strongest form this protest turned into open secession: it was the reason for the formation of the earliest independent churches. The missionaries had a clear vision of a fully Africanized Church from the beginning. However, it was a vision of the future; one bean with the lower positions and insisted that nothing should be rushed. The acceleration came in fact with political independence (Baur 1994: 284-5). In the case of the dissolution of the DRCM in Malawi, it can be shown that the missionaries were aware of the Malawians� concerns. Furthermore, they were to some degree in sympathy with them. Thus, the hand-over of control from mission to synod in this case was a controlled one. 2.2 CHRISTIANITY IS INTRODUCED INTO MALAWI Christianity came to Malawi on a permanent basis in 1875 when the Free Church of Scotland established a mission later known as Livingstonia Synod. In 1877 an African evangelist from South Africa named William Koyi began work with this mission, focusing upon the warlike Ngoni people (Hildebrandt 1990: 119). One year later the Church of Scotland began what was to be known in time as Blantyre Synod. Serious mismanagement resulted in a change of staff in 1881; the new leader was David Clement Scott (1881-98). In addition to putting the mission on a more solid footing, he also built the famous St. Michael�s and All-Angels Church. The origin of Nkhoma Synod goes back to 1889 when the Dutch Reformed Church missionaries from South Africa started work in the Central province. In due course a church was established with the purpose, inter alia of providing spiritual and social welfare to people. In 1926, Nkhoma Presbytery joined the newly established Church of Central Africa, Presbyterian (CCAP) together with Livingstonia and Blantyre Presbyteries. In 1956 these three Presbyteries became Synods, together constituting the General Synod of the CCAP. Later two more Synods namely those of Harare and Zambia joined the three Malawi Synods so that the CCAP General Assembly today comprises of five Synods. Since 1889 Nkhoma Synod has grown spiritually, numerically and in its ministry in Malawi, the neighbouring nations, and to the world. Nkhoma Synod was founded in 1889 when missionaries of the Dutch Reformed Church in South Africa, principally AC Murray and TCB Vlok, arrived in Malawi. The first base of operations was at Mvera, but twenty-three years later (1912) the mission station at Nkhoma became the centre of operations. The Scottish missionaries, supported by Cecil Rhodes, called for a British protectorate to be set up in this territory, and this was accomplished in 1891. Their motives for doing so were a desire to promote Christianity and commerce, and to save the land from the slave trade and the Portuguese (Shaw 1996: 214). By 1914 the list of Protestant missions in Malawi included the Universities� Mission to Central Africa (UMCA), the Australian Baptists, the South Africa General Mission and the Seventh Day Adventists. The Roman Catholics established a presence in 1901. Another major group, the Jehovah�s Witnesses, quickly earned for themselves a ban by the government (Hildebrandt 1990: 179, 222). A number of denominations currently in Malawi had their origins in the �Faith Missions� movement. The Zambezi Industrial Mission, founded in 1892, was the source for the Zambezi Evangelical Church, the 1932 Congregation of the Lamb, and the (c. 1953) African Church. The Nyasa Industrial Mission, founded in 1893, gave rise to the Evangelical Church of Malawi and the 1946 African Nyasa Mission. The Africa Evangelical Fellowship, founded in 1900, grew into the Africa Evangelical Church of Malawi (Fiedler 1994: 96). In 1928 The African National Church was founded; it was a breakaway from the Livingstonia Mission. It was not earliest, but its name reveals an anti-colonial feeling (Weller and Linden 1984: 186). In 1933 Yesaya Zerenji Mwasi founded the Blackman�s Church, which is in Tongaland (Ross 1996:169). There are now a number of �African Independent Churches�, such as the African Abraham Church and the Last Church of God (see 13.4.1, �The Challenge of the AICs�). Concerning the creation of these churches, Elizabeth Isichei feels that there is an inherent tendency within Presbyterianism that encourages this. . . . the creation of new churches came more easily to Protestants. The fissiparous tendency of Presbyterianism, for instance, is reflected in mission history; the same belief in the paramount importance of individual religious conviction underlay independency in Africa (Isichei 1995: 248). Although it had antecedents in the period before World War Two, the Assemblies of God is generally thought of as having started in Malawi in the late 1940s. The Southern Baptist Convention entered Malawi in 1959. At that time they sent two American missionary couples. The Baptist Mission in Malawi maintains a significant presence to this day. The Free Methodist Church began in the 1970s when a Malawian living in Zimbabwe received a vision to return to Malawi and start a Free Methodist work there. After he started it, the parent denomination in the U.S. took over and sent Henry Church to act as its superintendent. Church is now responsible for all of Free Methodism in Southern Africa, and is based in Zimbabwe. One major event in Malawian history occurred when a Malawian named John Chilembwe led an uprising on January 23, 1915. He had founded the Providence Industrial Mission and had received education at a black American college. After killing three whites, his revolt ended in failure and he was killed attempting to escape to Mozambique (Hildebrandt 1990: 220). In 1924 the two Scottish Presbyterian missions, Livingstonia and Blantyre, came together to form the Church of Central Africa Presbyterian (CCAP). It was decided to put �Presbyterian� on the end in case they decided to unite with a non-Presbyterian or other Reformed body; the name at the end could easily be dropped. It never happened. Shortly afterward, in 1926, Nkhoma Presbytery joined the CCAP. The Moderator having put the motion, it was carried unanimously and with acclamation; and thereafter the Rev. J.A. Retief, moderator of the Mkhoma Presbytery, received from the Moderator of the Synod The Right hand of Fellowship in token of the Mkhoma Presbytery�s incorporation with the Synod of the Church of Central Africa, Presbyterian. Attending that Second Meeting of Presbytery in 1926 were representatives from the DRC of the Orange Free State: Revs. C.P. Pauw, F. Botha, and DP Laurie. In 1956 Nkhoma Presbytery became Nkhoma Synod. It was to remain under the stewardship of the Dutch Reformed Church Mission (DRCM) until 1962, which was two years before the country of Malawi became independent. This was shortly after the synods of Scottish origin, Livingstonia and Blantyre, had achieved autonomy. At the beginning of this period of study, 1962-2004, Nkhoma Synod, Church of Central Africa Presbyterian was established as an autonomous body. In 1962 it was �Mkhoma Synod�. We shall begin with a description of the state of the Synod�s affairs, as they existed in 1962, the year in which the Dutch Reformed Church Mission in Nyasaland was dissolved and its functions were handed over to the General Administrative Committee of the Nkhoma Synod. 2.3 ON THE EVE OF AUTONOMY In April 1956 the CCAP, meeting at Nkhoma, adopted a constitution, and the Synod of the CCAP became the General Synod of the CCAP. The dominance of expatriate missionaries at that stage can be seen by the composition the Synod�s officers: the Moderator was Rev JJ Watt, Rev AS Labuschagne was the Vice Moderator, Rev GF Hugo was Senior Clerk and Rev FS Chintali was Junior Clerk. In August 1956 the Presbytery of Nkhoma became the Synod of Nkhoma; Rev Labuschagne was to be its first and last white Moderator. In 1958 Rev JS Mwale become the first Malawian Moderator, and all Moderators since have been Malawian (Labuschagne 2003: 328-330). As a prelude to ecclesiastical autonomy, in 1957 a Synodical Education Committee was set up by the Nkhoma Synodical Committee, which had agreed to take over responsibility for running all congregational schools. In 1959 the Synod assumed the right to appoint members of other committees, which had been the prerogative of the Mission Council. In 1960 the first Nkhoma Synod member, Rev. Mgawi, went abroad (to Great Britain) for training (Pauw 1980: 374-5). In 1960 the Nkhoma Synod Teachers� Association (NSTA) was formed. They were to agitate for the acceleration of the dissolution of the Mission and the autonomy of the Synod. Following the achievement of this goal, they were to for years afterward work toward the lessening of DRC presence and influence in Malawi. At the time of the transfer of power in 1962, they decided to reject the Constitution and Deed of Agreement, which had been negotiated between the DRC and the Synod. They maintained that the General Administrative Committee (GAC), which was to govern the Synod, and which involved substantial participation by DRC personnel, was merely the Mission Council under a different name. They produced a misleading report that was published by the Malawi News to the effect that the DRC had tried to impose a constitution upon the Synod against its will. They also threatened a boycott of all church activities unless the teachers� demands were met. Although the Synod rejected their ultimatum, changes in the Constitution were made which reduced the number of DRC personnel and their influence (Pauw 1980: 376-92). Another veteran South African missionary, AS Labuschagne, had a perspective of the situation that can only be described as conciliatory. With reference to the letter they wrote to the three missionaries, it puzzled us that good friends could change so suddenly and write such a threatening letter to us. The day when we finally met them in what we called the �Truth and Reconciliation Committee� to hear what the accusations against especially were, the spokesman was Mr. Hartwick Kachaje, a good friend of us all. He laid the charge sheet before each one of us in which our trespasses were stated. We could feel that these men sitting in front of us were not our enemies, but old friends. It was like a well planned play in which the three of us were chosen as persons in positions of influence, meaning formers, whom they could use as agents to bring about the change so badly needed in the Mission and the Synod. Actually they did not hate us but loved us and honoured us because they considered us to have such great influence that we could help them to bring about the change they prayed for (Labuschagne 2002: 142). The �Truth and Reconciliation Committee� was jointly chaired by Mr. John Tembo of the Mkhoma Synod Teachers� Association (MSTA) and Rev Attie Labuschagne. This became known as the Tembo-Labuschagne Commission, and it made proposals that were accepted by the DRCM Mission Council in April 1961. This led one year later to the Mission Council being dissolved and replaced by the General Administrative Committee (GAC) of Nkhoma Synod. The era of autonomy for the Synod had arrived (Labuschagne 2003: 335-338). In a 1961 speech, the Chairman of the Mission Council cited several shortcomings on the part of the Mission, which hampered the ability of the Synod to exercise full autonomy: There had been inadequate training of Malawian leaders who could take over responsibilities formerly done by missionaries. There was a paternalistic attitude reflected by the missionaries that precluded participation by Malawians. Along with this, missionaries generally reflected unfortunate and inappropriate social and racial attitudes. The size of the Mission organization had grown to such an extent that it made the hand-over to the Synod more difficult. The profits of the various departments and how they were to be handled created further tension between Mission and Synod. The Synod was to find the financial system of the Mission difficult to perpetuate. In the area of education, long a source for new church members, there was the problem of schools losing their spiritual heritage and becoming essentially secular. This might have been alleviated by the more extensive development of youth work. Finally, the missionaries caused resentment on the part of Malawians by appearing thoroughly dug in and not wishing to leave (Pauw 1980: 396-7). 2.4 CHAPTER SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS The understanding of one�s origin and of one�s history is absolutely essential to self-understanding today. To be unaware of how one got to the present state is to consign oneself to a perpetual state of amnesia. The transplanting of Christianity into what is today Malawi required self-sacrifice and great tenacity; the efforts of those responsible for this transplantation must be forever preserved and treasured. The founding of what was to become Nkhoma Synod by the Dutch Reformed Church in South Africa was to set the stage for conditions that are still in existence today. The continued strong ties with South Africa make greater sense when Nkhoma Synod�s history is examined. The synods of Scottish origin and Nkhoma Synod are separated by an invisible wall of language, confessional standards, liturgy, theology, and polity. This is a highly imposing wall, but it is not an insurmountable one. These differences will be described more fully in the chapters to follow. Also to follow is the description of more recent efforts to bring the wall of separation down. The gradual transfer of power and properties from the Mission to the Synod was met by the Malawian leaders with suspicion and resentment. The Nkhoma Synod Teachers� Association may have had reason to suspect the intention of missionaries who mixed with Africans only with hesitancy. Perhaps the transfer might have been done more rapidly. However, it was seen that such DRCM leaders as Labuschagne acted with commendable restraint � more so than did the NSTA. The following chapter will take up the story of the administrative challenges faced by the newly autonomous Synod. |