Chapter Fifteen

Final Conclusions

15.1 INTRODUCTION
The present researcher sees himself as both an outsider� and as an �insider� regarding Nkhoma Synod.  He is an outsider in the sense that he is not a member of Nkhoma Synod, CCAP.  However, he feels that he is an �insider� in another sense because he is a long-term resident of Lilongwe, Malawi, in the heart of the Synod�s jurisdiction.  He cherishes his friendships with both Nkhoma Synod and DRC executives.  He has learned that to do justice to this study, it requires a combination of reading of primary and secondary sources, interviews, and personal observation.  
In order to understand Nkhoma Synod, one must understand the context in which it lives.  Barely six generations have passed since David Livingstone first gazed upon Lake Malawi.  Most inhabitants of the two large cities, Blantyre and Lilongwe, consider their ancestral village to be �home�.  Colonialism did not adequately plant democratic political institutions.  Living in Malawi, one often hears of the �Donor Community �.  All of the political, educational, and religious institutions are donor-driven:  the national university does not open for class until a donor has been acquired; the civil service has been known to go on strike and demonstrate in the streets because the government could not make the payroll; public school teachers go for months without pay; corruption, inflation and unemployment take a heavy toll upon the life of the country.  In 1993, the Malawi Kwacha to U.S. dollar exchange rate was about four to one.  Ten years later, it was over one hundred to one .
Public education in Malawi faces a number of challenges.  Personal observation and years of teaching in Malawi have confirmed this to the present researcher.  Teachers are without books, and many buildings are dilapidated.  Freshmen arrive at African Bible College unprepared to do college-level work; school children are taught to memorize, not analyse.  In a culture in which adult males get fed first, the children are often hungry, a situation which may not necessarily lead to �malnutrition�, but �under� nutrition, leading to less than optimal growth and development outcomes.
The worldview of the Malawian is vastly different from that of the Westerner.  The latter sees a world brimming with opportunity for the energetic and ambitious; the former sees a world of chronic scarcity.  The difference in worldview can be quickly grasped by comparing the folklore of Africa and America.  In American folklore there are superheroes such as Pecos Bill, Paul Bunyan, and John Henry (who was black), fictitious figures who made an impact upon their society by independently striking out on their own and working very hard.  In the typical African folk story, all the animals of the forest gather for a banquet.  The monkey causes great consternation by greedily gobbling up more than his rightful share of food.  The plot of the story revolves around the other animals conspiring to foil the monkey.  In the end, the monkey is put in his place and harmony is restored to the forest.  This illustration serves to demonstrate how American culture values individualism and opportunity while African culture emphasizes interdependence and sharing.  While neither is inherently bad, it is obvious that they do lead to significantly differing outcomes .  In class, the present researcher gets asked,     �Do you think that your country is giving us enough foreign aid?� rather than, �What can we Malawians do to build our country?�  This suggests that Malawians are content to take a passive role: �What can be done for us?�  This tendency carries itself into church development.  
The research question for this dissertation is, �In which way did the Nkhoma Synod develop its self-understanding of being a church since 1962?�  The research hypotheses are, �The Nkhoma Synod has achieved a prophetic role in Malawian society�, and �Nkhoma Synod has come full circle from being a mission church to being a missionizing church (defined as having a mission effort that exceeds the missionary input that it receives).  In dealing with these, seven secondary questions were identified.  Based upon the data and documentation demonstrated in this dissertation, these secondary questions will now be addressed.

15.2 REVIEW OF THE QUESTIONS

15.2.1 Question one:  Does the self-understanding of the Nkhoma Synod entail that it sees itself as a confessional church?
Here it is necessary to define �confessional church�.  A confessional church will have a lengthy statement of doctrine and belief that is intended to govern what constitutes orthodoxy and orthopraxy.  The Constitution of Nkhoma Synod (as amended in September 1972) contains Article IV, The Creed (see section 14.2).  In the present CCAP Constitution, the ancient creeds of the Church and Reformed creeds are affirmed in its section 3, the Book of Confessions.
In recent years several �Mainline Protestant� denominations in the West have either ignored or actively distanced themselves from their confessional standards, in order to pursue theological directions more in line with a post-modern worldview.  At the same time many newer, more evangelical denominations deliberately eschew a confession, believing that to do so detracts from direct guidance from the Bible.  In addition, they often see historic creeds and confessions as irrelevant to the contemporary scene.        
How important is it to be a confessional church?  Failure to have an agreed upon, time-tested creed or confession opens a group up to subjectivism and pragmatism; �What verse fifteen means to me is what it means.�  Confessions act as a bulwark for preserving commonly understood objective truth and for protecting against personality cults (�Christianity is whatever Reverend Bob says it is�).  The present researcher has seen for himself what happens in a church that lacks this confessional tradition.
To what extent is Nkhoma Synod a confessional church?  We have seen under �Relations with Other Synods and Denominations� how they used the confessional standards of the Belgic Confession, the Heidelberg Catechism, the Westminster Confession, and the Canons of Dordt to determine which organizations to join and which to reject.  The CCAP Constitution has a Chapter Four, Summary Of The Fundamental Principles Of Faith Of The Church. This is in the same tradition as the early Brief Statement of the Faith, which was a series of �Questions to be Addressed to Native Ministers at their Ordination.�  Uniting with some groups (such as the World Council of Churches) was seen to be inconsistent with their confessional, creedal heritage and constitutional mandate.  In one instance, they even turned down badly needed money from a Canadian body because it was uncertain where they stood doctrinally.  We have seen them gladly join the Reformed Ecumenical Council because they were seen as being like-minded.  We shall shortly discuss how their being a confessional church has determined the state of their spirituality.  To Nkhoma Synod then, the word �Reformed� still means something.  The present researcher has come to this conclusion by reading page after page of meeting minutes in which concern was expressed about how �Reformed� something under consideration was.
Being �Reformed� has identifiable implications.  Alister E. McGrath explains.
With the Reformation, the formative centres of Christian thought and life gradually shifted from the monasteries to the marketplace, as the great cities of Europe became the cradle and crucible of new modes of Christian thinking and acting.  Mirrored in this shift are the political, social, economic and ecclesiastical changes which lie at the heart of the formation of modern western culture.  The mainstream Reformation rejected the monastic impulse to withdraw from the world-but primarily on the basis of theological, not social, considerations (McGrath 1993: 221).
Following the Reformed tradition of refusing to withdraw from the world, Nkhoma Synod has been involved in medical practice and education as well as Gospel proclamation.  This involvement began with the DRCM missionaries.  The present researcher has concluded that Nkhoma Synod has maintained this commitment to minister to all needs by observing firsthand their schools and hospitals and by reading the primary sources that mandate this. 

15.2.2 Question Two:  What is the character of its polity?
In other words, how is Nkhoma synod governed, and how consistent is that with Reformed tradition?  To answer this, we must understand what that tradition is.  While Presbyterians and Reformed churches are ruled by elders and hence not congregational, it has always been an essentially bottom-to-top structure in the West.  The people in the pews elect elders to represent them, in what is called the �church session�.  In section 3.2, we examined the various levels of the �courts (governing bodies)� of the CCAP, and how they relate to one another.  Sessions and presbyteries may pass �overtures� up to the General Assembly; much the same way, bills are introduced in Congress or Parliament.  It is a model for representative democracy.
An extensive discussion of the polity of the Nkhoma Synod can be found in Chapter Three, �Administration and Personnel Issues.�  It was here that the courts of the church, the session, the presbytery, and the Synod, are defined, in ascending order.  The Synod is to have a Moderamen, consisting of the Moderator, Vice-Moderator, General Secretary, and Junior Clerk.  There is also to be a Synodical Committee, consisting of the Moderamen plus one minister and one elder from each presbytery.
See also Chapter 4.5, �Church Officers and Congregational Life.� Here we took a look at Joda-Mbewe�s critical remarks about the offices of minister and General Secretary, and some responses to those remarks.   It has been observed that Nkhoma Synod is a top-bottom authority structure.  Decisions are made by the Synod, the Synodical Committee, and the Moderamen, and then handed down to the presbyteries and then to the congregations.  In other Reformed bodies, initiatives most frequently begin at the level of the local session.
Closely related to this is the discussion on �The New (CCAP) Constitution� found in Chapter 12.3.2.  From this, the reader will gain insight regarding the Church Order of the CCAP.
The U.S. government is patterned after Presbyterian polity because Presbyterians were largely responsible for the writing of the U.S. Constitution.  The U.S. government has a series of �checks and balances�, in which power is divided among three branches, the legislative, the judicial, and the executive.  No single branch should have too much power vested in it because of human sinfulness.  This principle was applied to both governmental and ecclesiastical structures.  For this reason, except in the case of the Reformed Church of Hungary, Presbyterianism has traditionally opposed rule by bishops.
The polity of the Nkhoma Synod, however, appears to be a modification of Reformed tradition.  It often appears to be more of a top-to-bottom structure.  There are good reasons for this; the rank-and-file membership is largely illiterate.  Representative democracy is still today only imperfectly understood in Malawi.  The opportunities for corruption exist. 
The Synod sends �directives� down to the congregations in a way that would never happen in the Presbyterian Church (USA).  In one instance, when �Synod week� failed to produce the hoped-for income, the Synod �directed� the congregations to have Synod Week all over again.  In the minutes of Synod meetings, there are few references to overtures that originated in local sessions or presbyteries. Along with the �Moderator�, most Presbyterian bodies will have a �Stated Clerk�.  In the Nkhoma Synod, there is the Moderator and then there is the �General Secretary�. 
How does this compare with the other synods of the CCAP?  It was pointed out in section 4.5 that General Secretary Winston R. Kawale asserts that his office has less authority than his counterparts in other CCAP synods have.  We saw in section 4.5 Joda-Mbewe�s criticism of the role of Nkhoma Synod�s General Secretary, comparing him to a �bishop�.  This is a bit unfair, as the General Secretary is an elected office; bishops are appointed by higher bishops.  However, one sees much authority vested in the Moderamen, of which the General Secretary is a member.
.  In the CCAP the mbusa often resembles a village headman, and commands the respect due to one.  The present researcher has observed the behaviour of Nkhoma Synod reverends enrolled at his college, and has listened to the reports of his students on this issue, and has blended these with the primary sources that he has read while doing his research.  On the other hand, this study has shown that Nkhoma Synod has produced a large number of selfless ministers.  They have voluntarily taken on a hard life for the cause of the Lord�s service.     

15.2.3 Question Three: Has the Nkhoma Synod become a Three-Self church?
A three-self-church is one that is self-supporting, self-governing, and self-propagating.  The basic idea was that eventually there would be established an indigenous church that needed no money, leadership, or personnel from the parent church.
To a large degree, Nkhoma Synod has achieved this.  The one area in which there is a mixed record is in the area of finances.  In the areas of governing itself and evangelisation, it has become quite effective.
The financial problem originates with the man and woman sitting in the pew.  The present researcher has sat in services, even preached in them, and has observed what comes back in the basket at the end of the offering time.  He has read the despair that is expressed in synodical reports regarding this topic.  Time and again in this study, it has been demonstrated that both Nkhoma and DRC clergy have engaged in stewardship campaigns, imploring the people to give.  Sometimes the Synod resorted to imposing set amounts upon congregations, which has generally met with mixed results at best.  Not only does the Synod budget suffer, but work at the congregational level languishes as well.  Ministers, like their colleagues in the public schools and the civil service, go for extended periods of time without being paid, and this has been reported by ministers to the present researcher. Ministries are discontinued, and necessary repairs to buildings are not made.  More often than not, due to the extreme poverty in the nation, Presbyterians in Malawi often exist at the subsistence level.  Parents lose babies because they could not afford to go to the clinic, miles away.  HIV/AIDS remains a continuing threat to the church and its future due to the dramatic and multifaceted consequences of this disease.  It is difficult to build up a surplus when culture requires open-handedness when a relative is in need.  Because of these economic and cultural realities, it will be difficult for the Nkhoma Synod, along with other African churches, to achieve self-reliance, perhaps for generations to come.
It is the position of this present researcher that inability to be fully self-supporting does not preclude being self-governing or self-propagating.  This is because he has seen what the people and the ministers have been able to do in spite of financial constraints. What Nkhoma Synod has demonstrated is that a church can still be seen as a viable, mature church even in the face of large infusions of external aid.  Perhaps the concept of the �Three-Self Church� has become less meaningful today.
A Malawian Roman Catholic writer, Patrick Kalilombe, seems to feel that the donors themselves are intentionally perpetuating the situation (2002: 2-17).
External aid is always a double-edged sword: it can help the needy out of their predicament only to entrap them in their poverty and powerlessness perpetually.  This is clear in the context of the present system of globalisation.  Donors may be tempted to use their donation as a means of controlling the recipients.  Usually, there are conditions attached to the aid; first, the donors designate the projects or programmes they are prepared to fund, they also retain the right to monitor their use, so that they can stop assisting at any time.  This empowers the donors to direct and control the projects.  If they wanted the beneficiaries to be self-sufficient, they would not encourage programmes that entrench dependence.
Nkhoma Synod continues to give a high priority to evangelism.  Through interviews, reading the minutes of meetings, and through personal interaction with Nkhoma Synod people, the present researcher is unable to escape this conclusion. Indeed, it is easy to understand that that no one can reach a  Malawian with the Gospel the way that another Malawian can.  The Synod between 1962 and 2002 posted growth that is totally unthinkable in the West.  In 1963 it had 76,000 members; in 2003 it has grown more than five fold.  At about the same time the Presbyterian Church USA dropped more than 40% of its membership, from 4.2 million down to 2.4 million.  Nkhoma Synod accomplished this largely on its own, with only a relative handful of ordained ministers.  The Synod has a serious outreach to Muslims (in spite of the fact that the country had a Muslim president for ten years) and a missionary presence in neighbouring Mozambique.  Again, the bleak financial picture hampers these important ministries; but nonetheless, they continue.   
This leads to consideration of Hypothesis Two: that Nkhoma synod has come full-circle from being a mission church to being a missionizing church.  Here the answer must be, continued expatriate missionary presence notwithstanding, an unqualified �Yes�.  Chapter nine revealed a vigorous, continuing missions thrust to Mozambique and even involvement with Chichewa -language congregations in South Africa.  The effectiveness of its missionaries, who do not require as much language school and time to get acclimated, cannot be measured in monetary terms.  In addition to reading the records of meetings regarding missions, the present researcher has interacted with Nkhoma Synod people concerned with this endeavour, and has personally visited their site at Chia in Mozambique several times.
The question arises, �Does Nkhoma Synod regard the Johannesburg extension as a mission thrust or as a matter of ecclesiastical expansionism?� Whichever is the case, we have seen how CCAP General Secretary YA Chienda has suggested  (or is aware of) a proposal to rotate a presiding minister from the Malawi synods for these congregations (see section 9.3, �The South African Extension�) 

15.2.4 Question Four:  What is the relationship between the Synod and the Dutch Reformed Church personnel from South Africa?
The study has revealed that the Synod continues to have a welcoming attitude toward South African missionaries, even expressing the wish that more would come.  It was demonstrated how they regretted that the trend seems to be going in the way of short-term rather than long-term missionaries.  This trend is not confined to South Africa, but can be seen in American missions as well.  The Synod�s regret is understandable; there is no substitute for the man or woman who has dedicated his or her life to learning a language and a culture so that he or she may transmit the Gospel of Jesus Christ to that culture.  In any case, the 2003 Partnership Agreement emphatically affirmed the special relationship between these two denominations.
It would difficult to overemphasize the significance of that 2003 Partnership Agreement (see section 13.3, �From �Deed of Agreement� to �Partnership Agreement.�)  Among its important points was the fact that it now included other South African churches, reflecting a reunion of denominations in that country.  It also spelled out the obligations, viz: Nkhoma Synod was to demonstrate accountability for all monies received and send evaluations of personnel sent from South Africa,  while the South African partners (Commission for Witness) were to pay for all of the expenses for the personnel they sent.  It was shown that the South African partners wanted to broaden the nature of the �partnership� to something more than just �we give, you receive, and you set the terms by which we do so.�  Nevertheless, significant movement is seen when one compares the current arrangement to the 1962 Deed of Agreement, which featured annual .reports to Cape Town from the General Secretary, and a South African �Liaison Officer.�
In reading the successive �agreements� and interviewing both Nkhoma Synod and DRC executives, the present researcher has learned that real movement has been achieved through the latest agreement document.  The �Mother Church-Daughter Church� mentality has been dispelled, and this, in turn, is an important step in the development of Nkhoma Synod in its self-understanding of being a church.
Dr. Hennie van Deventer serves today as the principal of Nkhoma Institute for Continuing Theological Training (NIFCOTT).  He and his wife have now been in Malawi for over twenty years.  Hennie Smit and his wife Elsabet are also twenty-year veterans of Nkhoma Synod.  Until quite recently, Rev. Dr. Ryk van Velden was a long-term missionary, operating chiefly in the capital city of Lilongwe.  Although officially retired, Dr. Martin Pauw continues to make trips to Malawi, serving as Missions Secretary of the Commission for Witness in the Western Cape.  The fact that these people have remained so long demonstrates unfeigned love for and commitment to the Synod.  These men and women follow in the legacy of many dedicated DRC missionaries, beginning with Revs Murray and Vlok.  Time and again, the Synod has expressed gratitude for the contributions of the DRC personnel.  The present researcher has talked extensively with South African personnel in Malawi, has attended Bible studies with them, has had them in his home, and has read English translations of their Nuusbrief Uit Malawi.  He knows of their dedication. 
The traffic is not one-way.  Malawian clergy and students are regular sights at the University of Stellenbosch.  The present researcher has spoken with them as well, during visits to Stellenbosch.  The relationship between the two churches will likely remain cordial and supportive.

15.2.5 Question Five:  How does the Nkhoma Synod relate to the other synods of the Church of Central Africa Presbyterian?
Recounting the difference in background between Nkhoma and the others should preface the answer.  Scots missionaries, it will be remembered, founded Livingstonia (Free Church of Scotland) and Blantyre (Established Church of Scotland).  Their spiritual homeland is English speaking Scotland, not Afrikaans speaking South Africa.  These synods reflect the influence of the progressive theology noted in today�s Mainstream Protestantism more than is the case with Nkhoma. 
One outcome of this is the role of women.  Women are now being ordained in the Livingstonia and Blantyre synods; they are not in Nkhoma.  This will potentially lead to awkwardness in inter-synodical relations, as demonstrated by the note of disapproval from the University of Malawi�s Isabel Phiri.  It remains to be seen how long the Nkhoma synod will resist pressure to change its policy regarding ordination of women.  The present researcher, in his reading and in his speaking to appropriate authorities of the Synod, has concluded that to some extent they are rather ambivalent on this topic.  The DRC in South Africa, like so many Reformed bodies around the world, has opened its doors to the ordination of women. 
Another problem area occurs at Zomba Theological College.  The other two synods seem to work happily with the Anglicans.  In the study, it has been shown how Nkhoma maintains a certain reserve towards them, seeing them as being quasi-Catholic (although they did not hesitate to work with Catholics in Bible translation).
Between the Nkhoma Synod and the others there are differences in liturgy and canon law, for example there are different lengths in each for the catechumenate.  Ministers from one synod cannot easily transfer to another.  Nevertheless, they share a common history and common purpose; a General Synod unites them.  Issues that are tearing denominations apart in the West (i.e. homosexuality) are non-issues here.  No doubt, what they have in common will continue to outweigh whatever differences exist between them.  The 2002 constitution emphasizes a common commitment to greater unity. In interviews with Nkhoma Synod and CCAP executives, the present researcher has sensed this commitment.
The creation of the 2002 constitution was indeed a major landmark event for Nkhoma Synod and for the whole CCAP (see section 12.3.2, �The New Constitution�).  It was seen that while each synod is free to establish ecclesiastical relations with other churches, all the synods are to be uniform in liturgy, order of worship, and Zolamulira (rules and regulations). It spelt out the powers and responsibilities of the Trustees, as well as those of the General Assembly.  The important Standing Committee has its duties outlined explicitly.  It sets the conditions for being a church officer; it mandates ordination for women without compelling Nkhoma Synod to do so.  Article Twelve says that the General Assembly is to give general rules, with further details furnished by the synods.  Perhaps of particular significance is Article Seventeen which determines the process by which amendments can be made to the constitution and to the book of order.  Again, the emphasis, and purpose, of the new constitution is to establish greater unity amongst the synods of the CCAP.
The present researcher, in reading both the old and new constitutions, and in interviews with Nkhoma Synod executives, has come to the conclusion that a true milestone has been reached in the government of Nkhoma Synod and of the CCAP as a whole.  The outlook for genuine unity appears promising.  However, synodical distinctions will probably remain.        

15.2.6 Question Six:  How has the Nkhoma Synod developed theologically and spiritually during the years included in this study (1962 � 2004)?
Again, some background information is required.  According to the official statistics, Malawi is overwhelmingly Christian.  A smaller percentage, perhaps less than twenty percent, are Muslim.  On the surface, African Traditional Religion (ATR) has experienced a drastic decline over the last one hundred years.
Nevertheless, beneath the surface a different picture emerges.  The study has revealed that the practice of witchcraft continues to be widespread.  In Malawi, there is the often-repeated proverb,  � Christianity in Africa is like a river that is two miles wide and two inches deep.�  People commonly believe in the mfiti � someone who can turn into a hyena and then back into a human . 
The study has shown that the Nkhoma Synod takes no such placid view, rejecting polygamists even as catechumens (here it should be noted that though they are often found in the same cultural group, ATR and polygamy are actually separate issues).  Many cases of church discipline were found involving members who had regressed into pre-Christian practices.  Specific activities are denounced from Nkhoma pulpits, such as the practice of mothers placing charms upon their infant children to protect them from curses.  
Nkhoma Synod has reacted negatively to the Charismatic Movement.  Those in this movement are commonly referred to in Malawi as the �born-agains�.  While in other parts of the world, the term �born again� simply refers to any evangelical believer and thus has a broader application; here in Malawi it is reserved for Charismatics.  Nkhoma Synod along with the rest of the CCAP has made it clear that it has no sympathy for this stream of Christianity.  In the future, this is likely to cause Nkhoma problems in two ways.  First, some members will likely leave to join Charismatic churches.  Secondly, the Student Christian Organisation of Malawi (SCOM) heavily influences the young people.  This organization has a definitely Charismatic tint to it, which was not the case in the beginning.  In any case, those that stay in the CCAP will likely agitate for change in the years to come. In addition to reading Nkhoma Synod sources regarding the Charismatic issue, the present researcher is in constant touch with students from Nkhoma churches, and he concludes that there is a bit of a �generation gap� involved here.    
One result of the anti-Charismatic feeling that dominates the CCAP is the launch of a breakaway group that calls itself the Presbyterian Church of Malawi (PCM).  A congregation of this new denomination meets at the Kamuzu School of Nursing in Lilongwe .  In his research, the present researcher has investigated this development, and it is described in section 13.4.2, �The Challenge of the Charismatics.�  He has concluded that the CCAP should not simply shrug off its existence.
Nkhoma Synod has in the same way rejected the Ecumenical movement, which is seen today in the World Council of Churches and other organizations (see section 13.5, �Relations With Ecumenical Bodies�).  The Synod has shown in the study that it happily cooperates with Reformed bodies that are theologically conservative.  The present researcher concludes that this is consistent with their confessional tradition (see section 14.2, �The Confessional Heritage of Nkhoma Synod�). 
There is in the study section 4.5, �Church Officers and Congregational Life,� section 14.5, �Church Regulatory Issues,� and section 14.6, �Zolamulira.� These sections dealt with the questions of over-regulation and legalism.  One can understand that a semi-literate villager, however, has needs that may be met by just that sort of �legalism�.  Of course, as time goes on, and Malawian society changes, those needs will change.  Nkhoma Synod must be prepared to receive the children of the villager; they will likely have a very different set of needs. The present researcher has read and has observed that the next generation tends to be more educated than the previous one, leading to a potential generational conflict.  He concludes that the Synod must be ready to meet needs that involve more than �do�s and don�ts� sermons.  These children will face complex ethical questions. 

15.2.7 Question Seven:  What part, if any, has Nkhoma Synod played in the political developments of the country since independence?
The British colonial administration may have restricted entry of religious groups into their territory, but in today�s Republic of Malawi, there is freedom of religion.  This freedom of religion, however, is not without qualification.
During the first thirty years of independence, Malawi was a one-party state.  Toward the end, it was becoming heavier handed.  In the study, it has been shown how church and synod officials were dismissed, and missionaries deported, often for seemingly spurious reasons.  During this era, the Nkhoma Synod generally took care not to incur the wrath of the state. 
Until very recently Malawi has had a Muslim president.  The government�s position is, preach whatever you like, but do not preach against anybody else�s religion. Even outreach to Muslims continues, but in a very unobtrusive way.
Historically, Reformed and Presbyterian churches have been at the forefront of rebelling against what they saw as tyrannical governments.  In the seventeenth century Scottish minister and Westminster divine Samuel Rutherford wrote a book entitled Lex Rex (Law is King) and stated that the people have a right to use force to replace a government with another one that better reflects their will.  An outcome of this was Charles I losing his head at the hands of irate Calvinists.  It happened again in the next century when America rebelled against Britain and gained its independence.  At the time, a member of the British Parliament was heard to mutter something about �that Presbyterian revolt in the colonies�.  The Presbyterian contribution to the writing of the American constitution has already been mentioned.  It goes without saying, however, that a Malawian in the twenty-first century is something very different from a seventeenth century Englishman or an eighteenth century American.  The people of Malawi are gentle and calm; this can be seen in the lack of violence that has characterized other African nations.  The Synod�s full participation in the Public affairs Committee, though a recent development, and its reinstatement into the Christian Council suggests to the present researcher a new spirit vis-�-vis the government.
Thus, the present researcher concludes that the answer to the first hypothesis, �Nkhoma Synod has become a prophetic church� is �Yes�.  He has seen how one South African minister was obliged to leave the country temporarily for making a political statement publicly.  Nkhoma Synod has only recently confronted political authority the way the prophet Nathan confronted King David.  It now does so, however, with boldness.  A pastoral letter issued in connection with the 2004 presidential election criticised it as not being free and fair.  The researcher has read the English version. The Synod exerts influence in at least three ways.
First of all, when it preaches the Gospel, this inevitably has an impact on national affairs. Governments much more restrictive than Malawi�s have been brought down by this. 
Secondly, ministers can denounce injustice and abuse of power from the pulpit and call on members to take specific action.  One remembers the �Pastoral Letters� issued by Nkhoma Synod in recent years.  We have seen how one minister called on his congregation to vote for godly candidates and this resulted in a church burning, but the present government usually does not post spies to monitor what is said in church.
Thirdly, the Nkhoma Synod is still engaged in education, though this dimension is somewhat diminished today.  The researcher, however, is aware from interviews that the Synod has big plans on the boards for greater involvement in education.  An educated membership must inevitably have an impact upon national affairs.
If, then the answers to the questions asked in the two hypotheses are both �Yes� � Nkhoma Synod has developed into a prophetic church as well as a missionizing one, what then is it?  How does it gain its �self-understanding of being a church?�
First of all, what is a church? According to Leonardo Boff (1986:11):
The church comes into being as church when people become aware of the call to salvation in Jesus Christ, come together in community profess the same faith, celebrate the same eschatological liberation, and seek to live the discipleship of Jesus Christ.  We can speak of church in the proper sense only when there is question of this ecclesial consciousness.  Hence the crucial importance of explicit Christian motivation.  We are united and we pursue our social objectives of liberation because we react to the call of Christ, and the call of other communities that transmit his call to us and that have preceded us in the living experience of this same community faith.  We can speak of a church community, therefore, only when a given community has this explicit religious and Christian character.  Otherwise it will be some other kind of community, however it may actualize the same values as the church pursues.  For an authentic, contemplative Christian, this other community indeed verifies the essential definition of church in its ontic reality.  But the presence of the ontic ecclesial reality is not enough.  In order formally to be church, the consciousness of this reality must be there, the profession of explicit faith in Jesus Christ who died and was raised again.
Then there is the Reformed definition of a church, going back to John Calvin.  According to this tradition, a true church is one in which the Word is preached, the Sacraments are rightly administered, and discipline is maintained (Calvin 1060: 1023).
In the Nkhoma Synod, there is a clear witness to its Lord, and an understanding of itself as a body united in a particular set of doctrine.  It has a consciousness of itself as being a united body of disciples that today is largely unknown in the United States, where often faith is just one compartment among several.  The researcher has concluded that faith permeates the entire existence of the Malawian Christian.
Secondly, what are some characteristics of a Reformed church?
Reformation pastoral theology emphasized the office of the minister (at the same time, however, it rejected clericalism and proclaimed the doctrine of �the priesthood of the believer�).  There was a shift in accents.  The new stress on justification by faith switched the emphasis to the proclamation of the Word.
Likewise, the role of the clergy was toned down because of the new accent this renewal movement placed on the general priesthood of the believers.  This was particularly true of the Lutheran tradition (Thurneysen 1957,261 [1962, 294-95]).  Calvin and Bucer allowed for democratisation through a differentiation of the various church offices: lay leaders could be appointed as elders or deacons. The basic pastoral model was utilized in the division of Geneva into quarters, with elders in charge of home visitation and church discipline, and with deacons dealing with the social needs. Church discipline was especially important, as the jurisdiction was shared by the church and the government (Plomp 1969).  The church, through its diaconate, carried a heavy responsibility for the care of the poor, as well as of the sick and the needy.  Calvin linked his tripartioning with the threefold work of Christ: prophet (minister of the Word), priest (deacon), and king (elder). In addition, he mentioned in fourth place the office of the doctor (teacher of the church or professor of theology).  This view on the offices within the church was adopted by the Dutch churches, where women were initially allowed to serve as deacons (Heitink 1999: 95).
The researcher has concluded that using both Boff�s and Heitink�s descriptions of a church are appropriate for describing Nkhoma Synod.  The Nkhoma congregation, and the Synod itself, are consciously communities according to Boff�s definition.  At the same time, the Synod follows Calvin�s model for church offices, as explained by Heitink.
This study has shown to the researcher how discipline is rigorously applied within Nkhoma Synod.  Regarding the plurality of offices, the office of elder takes on an enhanced importance in Malawi, where there are so few ordained ministers.  Thus, while in some ways the polity of Nkhoma Synod resembles the Episcopalian system with congregations receiving �directives,� the researcher nevertheless concludes that there is a certain �democratisation� that occurs because of the necessary reliance upon lay elders.
And then thirdly, what are some characteristics of an African church?
Because of the social structure of African life, it is easy to understand God�s plan for the local church.  In Africa, a person�s extended family and tribal community are the most important realities in his or her life.  It is God�s plan that the local church should become the most important community in the life of a Christian.  It is the group of people who belong to each other as spiritual brothers and sisters, regardless of tribal or social connections, because they each belong to Christ as their Lord and Saviour.   As the community of God�s holy people, the members of the local church have a responsibility to care for one another.  They also have the great privilege and responsibility to pray for themselves and for the world, and to live by the power of the Holy Spirit.  By doing this, God will cause his will to be done on earth through their prayers and his glory to be seen in the world through their good works.  No other community in the world has such a privilege or responsibility (O�Donovan 1996: 173-174).
Then there is the music.  The present researcher has preached in Nkhoma Synod services in which he was obliged to introduce six or seven different choirs.  All music from all groups was exclusively indigenous.  One popular song in the churches of Nkhoma Synod is �Bayete Nkhosi� (Salute the King).  It contains the lyrics, �You are crowned King of Africa.�  In its worship, the researcher has found that Nkhoma Synod is joyfully African.
In the course of doing research, the study uncovered a number of �challenges� that now face Nkhoma Synod.  These, in turn, have an enormous relevance to the research question, �How has Nkhoma Synod developed its self-understanding of being a church since 1962?�
The first was discussed in section 3.3, �The Financial Challenges of Autonomy�.  Quite simply, the researcher has found that the Synod is unable to support itself without significant outside help.  This is particularly true of certain departments, such as the Medical and Relief and Development Departments.  This is not peculiar to Nkhoma Synod, but it is a problem that must eventually be corrected.  The problem is not that the Western Christians are growing unwilling to help.  The problem is that Western Christianity is itself receding.  For example, one of the CCAP�s �partners� is the PCUSA.  Since the 1960s, this denomination has lost nearly half of its membership.  This is a well-publicized fact, available from many sources, such as the Internet.  Other Western bodies have experienced similar, if not quite as drastic, declines.  Therefore, the researcher feels that it is essential that Nkhoma Synod develops other strategies for survival besides receiving aid from donors.
The next �challenge� was discussed in section 3.5.2, �The Challenge of Women in a New Role�.  Even the highest denominational executives in Nkhoma Synod and the CCAP are expressing sympathy �to the researcher- for the cause of women as church officers and ministers, and some are becoming quite vocal about it.  Very likely, the urban congregations of Lilongwe will accept this concept much faster than will the village members.  Village people hold on to traditions until forced to change.  A majority of the people still live in those villages, although the educated, influential people tend to live in town.  The question then becomes: How to reconcile both components?
In section 5.8 we dealt with the �Challenge of Multi-Faith Religious Education�.  This is part of a wider problem, the secularisation of public schools.  The recession of Christianity in the West has already been noted; generations subjected to secular education are a likely major cause.  Throughout much of its history, Nkhoma Synod has extended its influence through the educational process.  The question then becomes: How can Nkhoma Synod develop youth programmes that will offset this secularising trend?     
�The Challenge of HIV/AIDS� was the topic of section 7.4.  The researcher has determined that this is a continuing crisis for several reasons.  It chokes off economic growth, which perpetuates poverty, which prevents Nkhoma Synod from achieving greater financial independence.  It cuts into church growth because church members, their children, and potential converts are dead.  Ministers must spend their time conducting funerals and have much less time for other activities.  Here the Church faces two questions.  The first is, �How can the Church promote Biblical standards of behaviour that will minimise the devastating effects of AIDS?�  The second question is, �How does the Church respond as Christ�s representative, to those effected and affected by AIDS?�
�The Challenge of the AICs (section 13.5.1)� and �The Challenge of the Charismatics (section 13.5.2)� should probably be combined for the sake of discussion.  The researcher has seen that these groups continue to attract people, particularly among the young; he has seen that youth and young adults are less likely to stay with the church of their parents if that church is seen as too rigid.  The question for Nkhoma Synod then becomes; �How to balance needed flexibility and yet retain our essential identity?�
Finally, there was section 4.4, �The Challenge of Traditional Belief�.  This is not restricted to village �prayer houses�.  It has been shown how Lingadzi CCAP in Lilongwe, the church known for its makeup of professional people, has had to discipline members for engaging in traditional practices, according to an interview between the pastor and the researcher.  In the West, many Christians have trouble dealing with realities that do not lend themselves to empirical study.  Perhaps here the question then becomes: �How do we as a Church deal with the issue of traditional belief and practice without making the mistakes of the West?�
In section 4.6 (�Forty Years of Growth�), a growth rate that would be seen as phenomenal in the West was shown.  Using that parameter, Nkhoma Synod is a resounding success.  Its clergy is continuing to upgrade their level of education.  Lay leader training continues.  Nkhoma Synod has developed an awareness of being the Body of Christ, a community of believers who worship Jesus and which proclaims the Gospel message. 
In the final analysis, the researcher, based upon his study, concludes that Nkhoma Synod is consciously Reformed, with its emphasis on the Word, Sacraments, and Discipline.  It sees itself as an integral part of the broader Church of Central Africa Presbyterian, and indeed the worldwide Reformed community, without forsaking its traditional alliance with DRC family of churches in South Africa.
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