| Chapter Eleven The Challenge of Church-State Relations 11.1 INTRODUCTION This chapter is divided into two parts, one showing the Synod�s willing cooperation during an era of single-party government, the other showing its willing to confront when the political structure is changed. In so doing it will demonstrate the complexities of church-state relations. This chapter also will show how the life of Nkhoma Synod has been since 1962 within the context of monumental political changes. These changes have had a profound impact upon every area of life in Malawi. In these years Malawi went from being an authoritarian one, party state to being a multi, party democracy, at least in theory. The previous chapter being about literature and printing, it should be noted that in other places and in other times, authoritarian governments have prohibited the existence of printing presses that they did not control. In allowing Nkhoma Synod to keep its printing facility, the government of Malawi, to a limited degree, showed respect for the Church. This chapter will show that ultimately total separation of church and state is impossible. It will be seen how the Synod went through a process of realizing what its role must be viz a viz the government as an important part of today�s Malawian society. 11.2 NKHOMA SYNOD AND COOPERATION WITH THE GOVERNMENT Martin Pauw explains the perception that Nkhoma Synod was deliberately apolitical or even pro-MCP through much of its history. The concept of a State Church is of course entirely strange to Reformed theology and contrary to the essence and confession of a Church based on Calvinistic principles, and therefore it was felt the Nkhoma synod should not interfere in the technical aspects of politics. Moreover the DCRM missionaries, while residing in the country as guests, being neither settlers nor citizens, did not feel at liberty to �interfere� in the state machinery, but chose rather to remain neutral towards the Governments of countries where they work (Pauw 1980: 369-70). In 1963 H. Kamuzu Banda was the prime minister of pre-independence Malawi. The GAC sent a delegation to Dr. HK Banda and minister JZU Tembo to discuss and explain the following matters: the policy of the Regional Synod of Nkhoma (RSM) and its relationship with the government; the work of the synod, especially the medical work; the Bible School and the training of laymen at Chongoni; and also the future of the personnel from South Africa. A memorandum was drafted regarding these issues, and discussed with the prime minister. The Right Honourable, the first Prime Minister of Malawi, the Life President of Malawi Congress Party, the founder of Malawi Nation and the Minister of Natural Resources and Surveys: on behalf of Nkhoma synod, sir, we wish to express our thanks for the honour and opportunity that we are accorded to present this memorandum to you . . . Since 1962 the D.R.C.M. has been fully dissolved in Nyasaland, and all responsibilities which were previously held by the Mission Council, and all property have been transferred to Nkhoma Synod. All mission personnel became members of the CCAP and are under full control of the Nkhoma Synod. The Nkhoma Synod will still need and welcome fraternal workers from South Africa who wish to serve the Church in this country, on condition that such workers shall respect the national aspirations of the Malawi people, and will comply with the regulations laid down by the Government for such expatriate workers . . . the Nkhoma Synod of the CCAP fully recognizes the national and political aspirations of the people of Malawi. The Nkhoma Synod fully accepts your genuine leadership and remembers with gratitude the peaceful way in which you brought the people of Malawi from colonial rule to the status of self-government and independence. The Nkhoma synod would like to assure you that the church shall do everything in its power to support the constitutionally elected Government. It was in 1963 that the GAC issued specific guidelines regarding personal behaviour and political matters. Heads of Synod departments were to refrain from criticizing the Government or �any Malawi official�, and to remind their employees not to do so. Departmental heads furthermore were to �closely study the Code of Discipline of the Malawi Congress Party�. Local political leaders were to communicate with department heads regarding �complaints of a political nature� concerning employees. Complaints about workers or �outside persons� were to be reported to the local Malawi officials. Heads of departments were advised not to make jokes about politics or the Government. �Expatriate workers from South Africa are to be extremely careful about what they say or do.� Finally, Synod was to be asked to give similar instructions to ministers. The same meeting called for the training of Africans with a view of filling executive posts, in three categories: purely administrative, technical or skilled, and �stand-by�s� (those who can take over in case of resignation, illness, etc.). One incident soon after independence may serve to illustrate the climate of the times. The Synod was forced to dismiss the head of the carpentry shop and a carpenter because when the Prime Minister Ngwazi (�Ngawzi means �hero�) came to Kamphata ten miles away, a local holiday was proclaimed so everyone could greet the Ngwazi; and instead of presenting themselves for the greeting, they went elsewhere and imbibed in strong drink. This got them into trouble with local Malawi Congress Party operatives, and the Synod was forced to dismiss the two men (�for their own safety�) upon the instructions of the Party. The following report by the South African personnel gives another graphic illustration of the climate of the times. In 1965, workers at Nkhoma Synod were dismissed because of financial constraints, and some managers were fired due to mismanagement and dishonesty. Unfortunately, some of those affected had political connections, which brought repercussions upon the Synod. They sent the Nyau (heathen dancers . . .) to Nkhoma to frighten the people. They concentrated on the hospital and especially on one of the very loyal Malawian members of personnel . . . stoned his house�damaged property on the yard of the hospital. . . . also harassed Rev. Mgawi. The latter phoned the provincial chairman of the Party . . . who sent the police . . . The same week the provincial leader organised a meeting at Nkhoma . . . All the leaders of the local branch of the Party were dismissed, and this time nearly all the newly elected members were church members . . . In an August 1966 meeting of the GMC in Cape Town, the relationship between Church and State in Malawi was one item of discussion. The GMC stated: Notice is being taken gratefully of the good and sympathetic attitude of the Prime Minister and his government towards the church and its work. As proof hereof, the Church was requested to organize a one-hour program for the Republic Day Festival . . . The Malawi Mission Sub Committee or MMSC (previously Nyasaland Mission Sub Committee or NMSC) decided that, with the Moderator as advisor, a letter of thanksgiving should be written to the Prime Minister to express gratitude for their positive attitude towards the church and its work, and for the part given to the church in the program of the Festival . . . 6 July 1966, and to assure the Prime Minister of the Church�s intercession for wisdom and guidance in the fulfilling of his task . . . In his 1968 annual report to the DRC in Cape Town, General Secretary Rev. Mgawi reported that there was political tranquillity throughout the land, although some �rebels� attempted to cross over from Mozambique; their attempt was unsuccessful, and three were killed. The report heaped high praise upon the government�s �Young Pioneers,� and said that there were no longer any conflicts with other youth movements. They did extensive training in agriculture, and, �They are also helpful to the citizens of the Malawi to explain to them about the policies of the government.� �The Synod should thank the government because of abolishing bad system of putting on short dresses and drinking beer of teachers.� The Assistant Secretary General of Nkhoma Synod was directed to send the following telegram to the National Convention of the Malawi Congress Party, 16 September 1968: On behalf of the Nkhoma Synod CCAP we wish you good and fruitful meeting. May God bless and keep the Malawi Government and the Ngwazi. Our prayer is the word of St. Paul in Titus 3:1-2, �That all must surrender to the authorities. They must be obedient, be prepared to do any good work. They must not be rude to any person, they must not fight, they must be peaceful and meek to all people.� In subsequent years, similar telegrams were sent upon the occasion of MCP National Conventions. In his �Annual General Report for 1969� General Secretary YA Chienda reported that all was politically calm, and that they were grateful to the Government of South Africa for the money to build the new capital in the centre of the country. Regarding the Young Pioneers, he states, �It is through this Movement that the country as a whole is developing.� The Synod and the government created a symbiotic relationship. The Moderamen discussed in July 1970, the request from His Excellency the President to the Christian Service Committee for church-recruited personnel for government posts, such as secondary school teachers, doctors, agriculturalists, and engineers. The Moderamen decided to make the DRC Cape Town and Pretoria aware of this. A pair of incidents from the seventies will serve to illustrate the church-state climate of the times. In 1976, His Excellency the President visited the Central Region and some persons presented him with a gift on behalf of Nkhoma Synod, a table made at the Carpentry Shop at Nkhoma. Mr. Joswa Mwale presented this gift to the Synod, and the Synod dispatched two representatives to thank him personally. In early 1977, the Acting General Secretary sent a letter to H.E. the Life President of Malawi, thanking him for participating in the dedication of the church at Chamwabvi. The President sent a reply: To me, Christianity is not just a matter of going to church every Sunday, closing eyes in prayers. It is much more than that. At Chamwabvi, I prefer Christianity to be practiced in real life, rather than to be preached and professed but not practiced in real life . . . Please convey to the Synod my sincere thanks for its kind letters and prayers for me.� The Synod responded to this by saying: Therefore Nkhoma Synod, being solidly behind the President and the government, wishes him a long life and will continue praying for him as is being done. In early 1980 the General Secretary of the Nkhoma Synod sent a report addressed to the Chairman of the Synodical Mission Committee in Cape Town entitled �Annual General Report 1979.� The first topic covered was �Political Life of the Country�. The political life of the country has, during 1979, maintained the progress which had started with the attainment of Independence in 1964. The policy of dialogue and friendliness with neighbouring countries has been maintained. The Life President Ngwazi Dr. H. Kamuzu Banda has time and again recterated (sic) that he is prepared to talk to anyone, friend or enemy because he does not believe in isolating others or denouncing them. Peace and calm in the country has increased considerably. We, as a church, are pleased and praise God that freedom of worship was maintained. The President continues to encourage the people to worship God in the way they believe is right without any enterference (sic). He himself attends Worship Services whenever time allows him to do so especially on important days like Martyrs Day and Independence Day. He even appeals to his ministers and people to follow his example and that everyone should worship in the way he feels is right. In a prime example of government involvement in internal church affairs, early in 1980 the Synodical Committee was pleased to report that the Government Censorship Board had approved the revision of Chilangizo (�Instruction�). The Secretary General was instructed to write a letter of thanks to the Chairman of the Censorship Board. The Moderamen in 1981 expressed concern that running errands for the Party was costing the Synod money. In an item entitled �Money Spent on Journeys for the Malawi Congress Party:� Committee was informed that the lorry of the Building Department has travelled 1084 miles for such journeys, the cost of fuel alone being K1126.25. Committee refers the matter to the Joint Financial Committee. The General Secretaries (sic) report of 1981 describes the Synod�s relations with the government: I praise the Lord Mr. Moderator for the good co-operation, which is between the Government and the Synod. During the time that we have been in Office we have had chances of visiting Government Officials and exchange of letters. Through these visits and correspondence, we have had chances of receiving advices and instructions from government officials on many issues. This co-operation with Government has confirmed that the government, which we have, is a democratic Government indeed. Because of this, Mr. Moderator let us continue to remember in our prayers our Life President Ngwazi Dr. H. Kamuzu Banda, his ministers and all those who assist him in the running of the Government. In its report to the CCAP General Synod meeting of 1990, Nkhoma Synod reported the following regarding a visit from the Life President: The Climax of this Centenary Celebration was reached on Sunday 27th August 1989 by the coming of His Excellency the Life President Ngwazi Dr. H. Kamuzu Banda to attend the Church service at Nkhoma Mission. During the service he read the Scriptures in Chichewa. At the end of the service he was presented with a beautiful special bound Chichewa Bible. Then the afternoon (sic) he addressed a mass rally at Nkhoma Mission. In 1994, the Synod received a visit from a representative from the World Alliance of Reformed Churches, Rev. Dr. HS Wilson. During this visit, the Synod�s role in the political situation was discussed. The Synod at this time reiterated its apolitical stance. Nkhoma Synod got involved in governmental affairs in another way. They were asked by the government to produce a Chichewa-language version of the Malawian Constitution, a task that they readily accepted. In 1994 it was learned that the government wished to make several sites of historical significance to Nkhoma Synod museums. The Moderamen readily agreed to this . . . since they will still be property of the Synod.� While the Malawian government has a Department of Antiquities, it has been the observation of this researcher that because of lack of funds, historical sites tend to have fallen into disrepair. In 1996, the State President, Bakili Muluzi, donated MK 20,000 in honour of centenary celebrations at Kongwe, Livilezi, Malembo, and Nkhoma CCAP. Muluzi was a Muslim; the following section will touch upon some of the implications of this fact. In late May 2004, Bingu wa Mutharika became the third President of the Republic; it remains to be seen what direction church-state relations will take during his tenure. 11.3 NKHOMA SYNOD AND CONTENTION WITH THE GOVERNMENT The following incident serves as an illustration of the kind of draconian action that the Malawian government could take, causing much distress to the Synod. Dr. JK Louw and Mr. A. Dreckmeyr were ordered to leave the country within 3 days as from 7 May 1970. Later it was learned that the order to leave was suspended pending the government�s investigation into the matter. The minutes of the meeting of the Moderamen of 15 May stated that they did not know the reason for the deportation order. Related to this was the closing down of the Kongwe Secondary School by the government �for an indefinite period�. Congregations were asked to pray about this. On 23 July 1970, Rev. DC Kamphinda (vice-moderator), YA Chienda, and Rev. C. Human met with three senior officials of the Ministry of Education about Kongwe. The Ministry wanted Mr. Retief to be named as headmaster. However, Retief was not interested in the position, so the Synod had to decline the request. The Ministry stated that it was anxious to reopen the school, and would now refer the matter to the President�s Office. The Ministry of Education decided on the removal of three teachers: the Malawi Young Pioneer instructor, the headmaster, and Mr. Dreckmeyr, who were wanted by the Moderamen to help at Nkhoma Hospital. The Ministry also decided to investigate the activities of Nkhoma Synod African Teachers Association (NSATA). The Ministry further decided to appoint special auditors, as the school�s financial affairs were in disarray. The President�s Office rendered its decision. Mr. Retief would indeed assume the duties of headmaster at Kongwe, ten students were suspended, NSATA was banned, and a list of acceptable and unacceptable teachers was furnished. It was decided to re-open in August 1970 long enough for J.C. examinations, and then start the new school year in October as usual. Following this, CA Loots was posted to the William Murray Teachers� Training College (WMTTC), JK Louw was posted to Malingunde, and Rev. MH Daneel was posted to Lilongwe, continuing his work there as Youth Chaplain. When the government banned NSATA, the Synod took the step of removing all reference to NSATA from Zolamulira (The Synod�s book of rules). Dr. CJ Blignaut and Rev. CM Pauw were ordered by the Government of Malawi to leave the country; the date of their departure was to be 17 February 1973. The cause was someone brought an injured dog into the Nkhoma Hospital and it was treated. Someone else found this offensive and complained to local authorities, leading to a deportation order. In his 1973 Annual General Report to Cape Town, Secretary General YA Chienda described how he requested and was granted an interview with His Excellency the President in order to plead for the reversal of the deportation order. Later the Synod was told that the government would not reconsider. Elsewhere in his report, Chienda gave a glowing account of the peace enjoyed by the nation, and the good relations that existed between Malawi and South Africa. The deportation of expatriate personnel, however, was not the only problems faced by the Synod. Sometimes the synod had to answer other charges, as the following illustrates. Committee was informed that the Moderator, Rev. KJ Mgawi, and General Secretary, Rev. YA Chienda, were summoned by His Excellency the President on 21 February 1974, through the Minister for the Northern Region; they were summoned together with the Principal of the theological college, Rev. S. Kauta Msiska. Other persons summoned were the minister for the Central Region and two staff members of the University of Malawi. At the meeting, the minister for the Northern Region explained that Rev. Kauta had given him two letters reporting (accusing) two ministers of the Nkhoma synod (Steytler and Burger) and accusing Nkhoma Synod of refusing the moving of the Theological College to Zomba. The representatives of Nkhoma synod rejected the accusations, and further protested against these matters being taken to the government instead of to the theological board of General Synod. His Excellency the President told the meeting that if Nkhoma Synod refuses to move to the University in Zomba, he fully understands them as he himself had seen the difficulties in establishing a Theological College in an American University. The matter was therefore referred back. The Moderamen, seeing that this is a most serious and dangerous matter for the Church, resolved to call on the respective secretaries to urgently arrange an emergency meeting, held jointly, of the Theological Board and Standing Committee of General Synod, and instructs our representatives to state: � That Nkhoma synod agreed long ago that the Theological College be moved to Zomba . . . � That Nkhoma Synod has also already started raising the required funds for building at Zomba . . . � That Nkhoma Synod has lost all confidence in the Principal of the Theological College because of his actions. The above appeared in the minutes of a meeting of the Moderamen. It was marked �strictly confidential�. Problems with the political machinery persisted, as can be seen from the following. Committee was informed that the Moderator (Rev. KJ Mgawi) and the General Secretary (Rev. YA Chienda) were suddenly summoned to appear at the headquarters of the Malawi Congress Party in the Office of the Hon. Mr. Muwalo, on 4 March 1974. The Moderators and General Secretaries of Blantyre and Livingstonia Synods were also summoned, as well as Rev. Kauta (principal of the Theological College) and two students, and the Regional Ministers of the three regions of Malawi, as well as other dignitaries. The matter for which they were summoned was that Rev. Kauta as principal of the Theological College prohibited two students to wear the lapel-badge depicting His Excellency the President, and because of this the two students had also been called to this meeting. On investigation, it was found that Rev. Kauta had indeed committed a very serious offence, and that he was guilty; he acknowledged his mistake. Therefore it was agreed that he was unfit to continue in his office at the Theological College, and he was told to lay down his post and return to his home (in the Northern Region). Accordingly he left Nkhoma on 6 March 1974. This incident led to the closing of the Joint Theological College at Nkhoma. One of the accusing students was Rev. Kamwana, who was later to serve as a lecturer at Nkhoma, Synod Clerk, and as a member of the board of directors for Zomba Theological College. However, Blantyre and Livingstonia synods vetoed his becoming a lecturer at the Zomba College (see section 3.5.1, �The Ministers of Nkhoma Synod�). While from a Western viewpoint, wearing of presidential lapel pins may seem petty, during this era, shop owners had to keep a portrait of the president in plain view (a practice often followed to this very day), and there were the Young Pioneers to enforce this. In 1974 His Excellency, President Banda of Malawi granted permission for Dr. Blignaut to return (Pauw returned not long after for a visit). Blignaut stated his intention to return after writing examinations in March of the following year, 1975. In 1975, the Malawian government deported another South African, Nkhoma Synod�s Rev. Christie Burger. The deportation of Rev. Burger was a direct result of the deportation of another missionary from South Africa, Rev. Pieter Botha. Before Mozambique received independence from Portugal, the Roman Catholic Church in Mozambique put much pressure on the Portuguese government to prohibit any Protestant work in Mozambique. After Mozambique gained independence, there was a time of relative peace before the civil war started and during that time Rev. Botha started to do missionary work in Mozambique. There were already a number of Mozambican Christians across the border of Malawi, so Botha moved to Dedza, and started working in Mozambique. Botha went into Mozambique with a truckload of maize (during this time there was a famine in Mozambique, which the Mozambican government denied), and he came across an NGO fact-finding mission. They enquired of him whether there was famine in Mozambique, which he confirmed. The Mozambique civil servants who accompanied the NGO�s reported this incident to the Frelimo government who then lodged an official complaint to the Malawi government, resulting in Botha�s deportation. The Malawi government then enquired about who was the direct superior of Botha, and finding it to be his Liaison Officer, Rev. Christie Burger, who was then deported Burger as well. CCAP General Secretary YA Chienda gives his perspective regarding this incident. Nkhoma Synod sent a Malawian minister to do work in Mozambique and later, Botha went to provide assistance to the Malawian. Botha had the means to obtain and distribute maize, and so he did which in turn aroused the jealousy of the Malawian. Malawi�s president, His Excellency President Banda, received an anonymous letter to the effect, �Are you aware there�s this South African doing this?� The prior operation-on-the-dog incident did not help matters, and so Burger, the Liaison officer was deported. Botha refused to apologise. He later learned Portuguese, made a career out of helping the Church there, and eventually, died there. Chienda was able to intervene and appeal to His Excellency President Banda, and was thus responsible for Burger�s return in 1983. Chienda explains that Nkhoma Synod, although it would have liked to, was unable to prevent Burger�s deportation in the first place. The government of His Excellency President Banda was, after all, an authoritarian regime. Veteran missionary C. Martin Pauw has indicated �There is a totally different version as to why complaints were made against Botha.� Although out of the country at the time, Rev. Attie Labuschagne is able to give this personal account: One morning, at the beginning of March 1975, a phone call came from Malawi. An Anxious Annamarie de Klerk simply said, �Oom Christie has been asked to leave the country within 24 hours. Please contact the Mission Office.� Rev Christie was in no way at fault, . . . but because he was the liaison officer between the DR Church in SA and the Nkhoma Synod, the Malawian Government took it for granted that he was responsible for the activities of all the missionaries of the DR Church. It had been so in the past before the Synod had taken on the responsibility of the mission. After that missionaries were under the jurisdiction of the Nkhoma Synod (Labuschagne 2003: 398). During this period, the world attention turned to Africa, especially the disastrous famine in Ethiopia. This inspired the �Live Aid� concerts that were intended to raise funds for hunger relief. Increasingly, the Banda regime was being seen as repressive. Being part of the government, as the following reveals, was no guarantee of immunity from brutality. Charges of Banda-era political murders and cover-up have been published. The following is an excerpt from a book edited by Kings Phiri and Kenneth Ross and published by the Christian Literature Association in Malawi (CLAIM): At the outset, it is useful to outline the facts which are not in dispute in this case. On 17 May 1983, four prominent politicians - Dick Natenje, Secretary-General of the Malawi Congress Party (MCP); Aaron Gadama, Minister for the Central Region; Twaibu Sangala, Minister of Health and David Chiwanga, MP for Chikwawa District - were arrested at roadblocks in Zomba. After being first taken to the Eastern Region Police headquarters in Zomba, the spent the night in Mikuyu prison near Lake Chirwa in Zomba District. They were taken to Blantyre on the following day where they were brought first to the MCP sub-head office in Chichiri and later to a Special Branch Centre at John Abbegg - a milling firm in Blantyre�s sister city, Limbe. During the night they were taken, hooded and handcuffed, to Mwanza and thence to the Thambani road, which leads south from Mwanza along the Mozambican border. There the politicians were battered to death (Ross and Phiri 1998: 22-23). An incident in the mid-eighties is illustrative of the nature of the relationship between the government and the Synod. Although a Church, the Synod did not enjoy exemption from taxes. In 1984, the Malawian government informed the Moderamen that the Synod owed MK 5,854.39 in taxes on the land owned by the Synod. The Committee instructed the General Secretary and the Treasurer to inform the government that most of the land in question was being cultivated by local people. At the same time, these officers were instructed by the Moderamen to consider the reduction of land owned by the Synod and to consider new boundaries. The Roman Catholic Bishops� Pastoral Letter (February 1992) brought about the national referendum that decided that Malawi was to become a multi-party democracy. That letter said in part: We urgently call each of you to respond to this state of affairs and work towards a change of climate. Participation in the life of the country is not only a right; it is also a duty that each Christian should be proud to assume and exercise responsibly. People in positions of authority, in government and administration, have a particular duty to work for the restoration of a climate of trust and openness. However participation will remain a fiction without the existence of adequate channels of expression and action: an independent press, open forums of discussion, free association of citizens for social and political purposes, and the like . . . (Ross 1996: 212). The Synod�s initial response to the wind of political change sweeping across the country was rather negative. When they received a letter from Zomba Theological College advising them that the faculty had signed the Catholic Bishops� Pastoral Letter, they said first of all, they did not know the contents of the letter. Secondly, they did not agree with what they had heard about it on the radio. Finally, they recalled Dr. Kamnkhwani and all Nkhoma students who were at the College. The question arises, why did this Roman Catholic Bishops� Pastoral Letter come about at this particular time, in 1992? �Human rights violations came to a peak (at this time),� explains Rev. CL Chimkoka. He goes on to say that, �the killing of four cabinet ministers (the 1983 incident) fuelled it�. Why was the letter written by the Roman Catholics, and not by Presbyterians? Chimkoka points out that he was present at the formation of the Southern African Alliance of Reformed Churches (SAARC), in 1988, as its first General Secretary. Such celebrities as Allen Boesak participated in its activities, when the SAARC protested against apartheid to the South African government. Following the Bishops� Pastoral Letter of 1992, it got involved in the process that brought about political change in Malawi, and it was during these days that His Excellency President Banda (and his lieutenants) created the Presidential Council for Dialogue (PCD) to counter the Public Affairs Committee (PAC). The reason the Roman Catholics produced the Pastoral Letter and not the Presbyterians, concludes Chimkoka, has to do with church polity as Roman Catholic bishops can act on their own authority quicker than can a body of Presbyterians. Finally, when asked, �why does Nkhoma Synod feel free to issue its own pastoral letters and make political statements now? Chimkoka explained, �It is because there is freedom of speech now�. A May 1992 meeting in Cape Town had to consider was the case of Dr. Ryk van Velden because of a letter he had written to the General Synod of the CCAP earlier in 1992 that had political implications. Van Velden had written the letter to support the Catholic Bishops� Letter and urged the CCAP to join the movement. The Moderamen judged this to be unacceptable (as they did in the case of the unfortunate Rev. Maseko, see Chapter Twelve) and it was decided, following a meeting with Rev. JH Koch and JD Thom (both have served as Foreign Missions Secretary of the DRC), that van Velden be granted study leave until August 1992. It was stated at the time that this was for van Velden�s protection; it was feared that the Young Pioneers might prove dangerous him. The government of His Excellency Kamuzu Banda bowed to international pressure and agreed to a referendum that would decide whether Malawi would have a multi-party political structure. Nkhoma Synod backed away from its earlier resistance to change. �The Synod is in agreement with the forthcoming referendum which will take place on June 14, 1993.� During this transitional period, the Nkhoma Synod found itself wishing to be apolitical, yet unable to ignore political tensions. It issued the following press release regarding the 1993 referendum that mandated a multi-party system: During the past year much debate has taken place in our country concerning various political issues. Notably the referendum debate, which has been on the merits and demerits of a one party system as opposed to the multiparty system, has been the main topic of discussion. Nkhoma Synod is aware of the fact that many members of its church are supporters of one side or the other on the referendum question. The Synod believes that genuine Christians can support either side of the referendum without violating the genuine ideals and principles of Christianity. The Synod is also aware of the fact that such members come from all the different regions of the country. Other churches or church representatives have issued various statements during the past year on the current political debate in the country. Nkhoma Synod has however remained silent and non-partisan on the issue. This should not be misinterpreted to mean that the Synod is against the calling of the referendum on one party or multiparty system of national politics. Rather the Synod has chosen to let its members make their important decisions on the referendum free of partisan interference from the church. Individuals closely associated with Nkhoma Synod could still play a part in the political transition. The committee noted, with gratitude to God, that Rev. KJ Mgawi was selected to serve on the committee monitoring the whole process leading to the referendum. We as Synod should pray for him. By the end of 1994, the South African personnel could express apprehension at the new course of events. Nuusbrief Uit Malawi (Newsletter From Malawi) observed that all was peaceful and the poor well cared under the old regime, but the new had brought an increase in crime, vigilante justice, and devaluation of the currency. It did go on to say, however, that the new, Muslim, president seemed willing to cooperate with the churches. In 1995, Synod directed the establishment of a �Church and Society Office�. Its stated purpose was to �look at the political changes and also the welfare of the people in the country�, a project which got off to a shaky start. In 2003 Nkhoma Synod approached the Blantyre Synod for their assistance in establishing this �Church and Society Office�, and in 2004, it still has not been established . The Synod has, however, appointed someone to head up the office, and when it is established, it will be responsible for acting as social, economic, and political advisor to Nkhoma Synod. In addition, in 1995, the Governor for the Central Region, Mr. Moris Kachimbwinda, allegedly made derogatory and inaccurate statements about Nkhoma Synod. The Moderamen attempted to meet him in his office, but he did not make himself available. Synod directed that a letter of protest be written to the regional office of the ruling United Democratic Front (UDF) party , and in addition it was also decided to use the newspapers as a means of denying the allegations made against the Synod. By 1998, Nkhoma Synod had found its prophetic voice, demonstrating that the Roman Catholics were not the only ones who could issue a �Pastoral Letter�. The 1998 Nkhoma Synod Pastoral Letter starts by citing the positive effects of the UDF government: there was now a democratic government; freedom of speech; and freedom of religion. Then it listed the problem areas: including bribery and corruption; increased tribalism; increase in poverty and hunger; and the �prices of commodities are sky-rocketing�. It recommended that Nkhoma Synod members vote in the 1999 general elections in a manner consistent with their faith while condemning the buying of votes. The last part gave a vision of what society should look like. The Nkhoma (Pastoral) letter, published in July (1998), and signed by 90 ministers of Nkhoma Synod, looked forward to next year�s elections in Malawi, and urged Christians to vote for �the party that will be in accordance with our Christian faith, not in opposition to it�. This was interpreted by some Malawian newspapers as an invitation to Christians to campaign against the UDF. Malawi is a predominantly Christian country with a leader and incumbent President, who is a Muslim; and to encourage support for the Malawi Congress Party (ENI 1998). Until May 2004, Malawi had a Muslim president and for the most part, this raised few difficulties. However, the government can and does intercept E-mail. In the late nineties a pair of YWAM missionaries were expelled when they sent an E-mail to the U.S. asking for prayer as they evangelised Muslims. The Immigration Service, in spite of the fact that the Malawi High Court had ruled in their favour, deported them. In 1999, a CCAP pastor issued what got interpreted as a pastoral letter calling on Christians to vote for Christian candidates; in reprisal, operatives of the ruling party burnt a CCAP church. His Excellency President Muluzi was the main speaker when in 1996 the Assemblies of God opened its theological college in Lilongwe; he went up to the microphone shouting �Halleluiah!� In 1995, African Bible College experienced no difficulty in obtaining a broadcasting license for its Christian radio station, but received the warning not to say anything negative about another religion. For the most part, religious freedom is a reality in Malawi. Nevertheless, not all is peaceful; emotions sometimes get out of hand. On July 6, 2001, members of the Young Democrats, an arm of the ruling United Democratic Front party, beat Rev. Kalebe, representing Nkhoma Synod at an Independence Day celebration. Synod directed that the Church and Society office write a letter of protest to His Excellency President Muluzi. Dr. Jurgens Hendriks of the University of Stellenbosch, South Africa, has given his summary the Synod�s approach to politics. Some years ago in Malawi, the Nkhoma Synod of the CCAP was not prepared to join other churches of the Christian Council of Malawi in issuing a statement about democracy in Malawi. Many considered that this was because of a close liaison with the then President, Dr HK Banda, who was from the same region. The Synod�s membership of the Council was even suspended for a time. It was only when the new President, a Muslim, came into power that the CCAP Nkhoma Synod started to realize its prophetic responsibility and spoke out against injustice and other issues. (Hendriks 2004:95). In 2003, an explosive issue in Malawian politics was whether His Excellency President Bakili Muluzi would stand for a third term, in contradiction to the country�s constitution. There was a meeting between the president and representatives of Nkhoma Synod. He stated at that time that it had never been his desire to stand for a third term, only that the people of Malawi had urged it. He further stated that the party and not himself had selected his party�s candidate for the 2004 presidential election. The CCAP General Synod Standing Committee 2000 Ten Year Strategic Plan addressed the issue of Church-state relations. It called upon the Church to identify with and to protect the poor and the powerless in the name of justice. Presently as seen above the various Synods rightly or wrongly are perceived to be inclining towards different political parties particularly the party that is strongest in their jurisdiction. This is a great failure by the church and needs to seriously endeavour to remove this stigma and maintain the aforesaid full arms length relationship. In recent years we have also seen top church leaders being given seemingly innocent gifts by the Government, Politicians or parties in the form of brand-new vehicles and other gifts. Such gifts innocent though they may appear can easily lead the church leader into compromising the aforesaid objective of the church as it is not easy for a human being to speak out against the ills of the giver of that gift. The best therefore is to avoid such gifts in the interest of the integrity of the church. Hence no church leader should accept a gift from Government, Politician of political party without the sanction of the church through its various church courts for transparency purpose. The Strategic Plan also called upon the church to be �objective� in its dealings with the government and to support the government when its programmes enhance the welfare of humanity, but to confront the government when its programmes diminish the welfare of humanity. The CCAP General Assembly General Secretary, Rev. Dr. YA Chienda, feels that the CCAP deserves credit for two political victories in 2003. Its intervention prevented the impeachment of several High Court judges, and it forced the president to back down from seeking a third term. He went on to say that Nkhoma Synod issued two pastoral letters in 2004, one right before the presidential election, and one right after. These letters expressed dissatisfaction with certain actions of the government. However, Chienda also described recent violence in Mzuzu (outside Nkhoma Synod�s jurisdiction) in which a Livingstonia mbusa was beaten, allegedly by Young Democrats, operatives of the ruling UDF Party. 11.4 CHAPTER SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS The last of the seven �secondary questions� which this study was to answer was, �What part, if any, has Nkhoma Synod played in the political developments of the country?� Nkhoma Synod today is indeed playing a role, and it has been shown that this role was undertaken rather belatedly. One remembers the role that churches, particularly Reformed churches, have played throughout history in opposing repressive governments. In the 1600�s, British Presbyterians stood up to King Charles I; in the 1700�s, American Presbyterians stood up to George III; Presbyterians in the northern United States opposed slavery in the 1800�s; and marched in support of the Civil Rights Movement in the twentieth century. Outside the Reformed tradition, one also remembers; the Barmen Declaration and the Confessing Church Movement of Germany that dared to criticize Hitler; and the Roman Catholic Church of Poland (which produced Pope John Paul II) served as a rallying point for the Polish people during decades of Communism. However, running parallel to that tradition is the tendency of the church in many lands to either remain neutral or to actively collaborate with totalitarian regimes: the church in the pre-Civil War American South found ways to justify slavery; the pope in the years between the two world wars had words of praise for Benito Mussolini; most German churches got in step with Hitler and the Nazis; liberation theology developed in Latin America because the Roman Catholic church in that region took no overt action against injustice; and in recent years the Southern Baptist Convention in the United States and the DRC in South Africa have issued apologies for political stances taken in former times. The church is always caught in the tension between two Biblical commands: �We must obey God rather than men� (Acts 5:29 NIV), and �Everyone must submit himself to the governing authorities, for there is no authority except that which God has established.� (Romans 13:1 NIV). It should be pointed that during the years of His Excellency President Kamuzu Banda, it was not at all clear that it was a �repressive� government. Most of the people supported it during most of this period. The president with the Malawi Congress Party (MCP) had led the nation to independence from Britain with His Excellency President Banda being seen more in the role of a benign father figure. Moreover, nowhere in Africa, including the Republic of South Africa was there a strong tradition of multi-party democracy with free open elections. Here one thinks of Nkhrumah of Ghana, Amin and Obote in Uganda, Kenyata in Kenya, Mobutu in the Congo, Emperor Bokassa of the Central African Empire, Mugabe in Zimbabwe, and of course, apartheid in South Africa. Compared to these, President Banda, who claimed to be a Christian, seemed rather mild. Moreover, nowhere on the continent was there a church leading anything like a liberation movement. The enemy appeared to be colonialism, not indigenous national leaders. In any case, resistance was not an option. Foreign missionaries were easily deported, even those representing denominations that were funnelling much aid into the country. It has been demonstrated that homegrown leaders, like the hapless principal of the theological college in seventies, could easily be dismissed, even for spurious reasons. The Ngwazi was in a position to inflict harsh penalties, and he could bestow favours. Democracy took centuries to develop in the West; it is perhaps unreasonable to suppose that it can be quickly and easily transplanted in the soil of Africa. It remains to be seen how durable the democratic multi-party system of Malawi is. For now, though, it features true opposition parties, freedom of the press, and churches that voice their opinions and concerns through such organs as the Public Affairs Committee (PAC) an the Christian Council of Malawi. Moreover, the Nkhoma Synod of today exhibits an entirely new attitude. It confronts, challenges, and registers protests. Whereas in the past, Synod officials were called on the carpet and made to explain things to the government of the Ngwazi, one now sees the current president explaining things to the Synod, as in the case of the �Third Term� controversy. Most of all, it is important that Nkhoma Synod continue to be seen as apolitical, and not identified too closely with any particular political party. One of the two hypotheses to be tested in this study was, �Nkhoma Synod has achieved a prophetic role in Malawian society�. It is true, and what made this possible was the intervention of others. The world community recoiled at the excesses of the latter Banda years and forced it to accept multi-party politics, which, in turn, forced the old regime out. Although Nkhoma Synod did very little if anything to bring the change about, it nevertheless acted upon it when it was safe to do so, with several Nkhoma Synod �Pastoral Letters� issued since the installation of the new political structure. In addition, the Synod acting through the General Assembly and through other alliances such as the Malawi Council of Churches participates in criticism of the Government when it is deemed necessary. Therefore, another way in which Nkhoma Synod has developed its self-understanding of being a church is in the prophetic voice (one that can register protests against injustice) that it has acquired in its relations with the Malawian government. Having looked at the political scene as it relates to the civil government, the next two chapters will look at another political scene. Chapter twelve deals with Nkhoma Synod�s relations with its sister synods within the CCAP, and chapter thirteen, equally important, describes its dealings with denominations and bodies that are outside of the CCAP fold which will demonstrate that Nkhoma�s relationships with these ecclesiastical bodies parallel the development of its relations with government. |