University of Stellenbosch








HIV/AIDS ALIENATION:
BETWEEN PREJUDICE AND ACCEPTANCE


Chapter 3
AIDS Concepts in Africa and the Response of the Church











JANET L. BROWN

Dissertation presented for the Degree of Doctor of Theology
At the University of Stellenbosch







Promoter:  Professor H. JURGENS HENDRIKS

April 2004


Chapter 3  AIDS Concepts in Africa  And the Response of the Church	69
3.1	INTRODUCTION:	69
3.2	DENIAL	73
3.2.1	Denial at the individual level.	73
3.2.2	Denial at the group level.	75
3.2.3	Denial at the international level.	77
3.3	MYTHS	78
3.4	TIME	82
3.5	INTERRELATIONSHIPS OF MALAWIANS	84
3.5.1	Limited Good	86
3.5.2	The World of Spirituality	87
3.6	GENDER	88
3.7	EDUCATION	92
3.8	THE AFRICAN CONCEPT OF 'HOME'.	93
3.9	THE RESPONSE OF THE CHURCH	95
3.9.1	The Role of the Church	95
3.9.2	Definition of Church	96
3.9.3	The Mission of the Church	97
3.9.4	Parachurch Organizations:	99
3.9.5	Practical Application of Role of Malawian Church Mission, Overcoming Challenges.	103
3.10	SUMMARY	106

Chapter 3 
AIDS Concepts in Africa 
And the Response of the Church


3.1	INTRODUCTION:
 In the first chapter, the problem of the chasm between the church and the HIV/AIDS community was developed, and the unfortunate perceptions of these two groups towards each other, has been shown to have developed into an ineffective response by the church in its mission as witness to the world.  The church has had a long history of dealing with the problems and difficulties of mankind and has never been able to hide from its responsibility towards issues that affect humanity, despite its attempts to do so.  Chapter two specifically examined the way the church has dealt with the issue of HIV/AIDS, focusing particularly on the negative outcomes generated by the lack of Christ-like response from much of the faith community.  Tracing the reactions from the earliest days of recognition to the present have demonstrated a variety of ways of dealing with this pandemic, some were successful but many were not.  Those unproductive measures, which were taken by the church, admittedly became much clearer in hindsight than when they were current issues, are compounded by the specific and unique realities of the African Church.
Although the crisis of HIV/AIDS is worldwide, there is no denying the fact that it is concentrated most heavily on the continent of Africa.  Since the problem under discussion and the historical context have now been examined, it then becomes important to look more closely at some of the identifying characteristics with in the African cultural context that contribute to the distinctive facets challenging the African church.  
The continent of Africa is in many ways a world within itself.  Of the many countries included in this great land, there are countless numbers of tribes and people groups, languages, religions, customs, etc.  But with all of this diversity, there remains a certain aspect of unity.  Although it is not within the scope of this dissertation to analyse each and every group, there are certain definite consistencies and patterns, which would emerge among the peoples of Africa if this task were to be undertaken.  Using the common patterns and practices which would be seen in those countries in Sub-Saharan1 Africa as the point of reference, one can make certain generalities and assumptions regarding the 'African' mindset2.
Before the comparatively recent western influence of the past couple hundred years, the average African's life was simplistic in many ways.  Generation after generation acted and responded in much the same way to the unchanging world around them. Before the western missionaries came to the continent of Africa, life went on day to day as it had done each day for the centuries preceding it.  Even in today's modern world, these same ancient ways and customs continue to be practiced in many rural areas of Africa.
With the influx of the western civilization, the world of the African began to change.  The western world, with their 'advances' and 'progress' sought ways to plug in their success story into Africa.  They began the process by attempting to assist Africans in achieving what had been accomplished in the west, endeavouring to bring the advantage of their knowledge and progress to the continent of Africa.  Without taking into consideration the worldviews and experiences which separated them, those in the modern world began thinking that they could impose their values upon the African nations in an attempt to bring them up to the western standards by infusing western 'know-how' into them.  After several generations of Western influence, frustration came due to the fact that invalid assumptions had been made in the effort to transfer the Western mindset into the African culture.  This can be colourfully demonstrated in the following story, which chronicles an event in the history of the Boers encounter with the Ndebele tribe.  Western (Boer) and African (Ndebele tribe) understandings of the same event demonstrate differing worldviews as they interpret the same event, which occurred in South Africa's history, in two very different ways (Boon 1996:18):
The Boers arrived and stopped at the Vaal River, whereupon a group under Hendrik Potgieter was sent forward to reconnoitre.  A Boer named Stephnus Erasmus, independent of the Voortrekkers, decided to make use of the presence of the Trekkers along the Vaal and organized a hunting trip into Mzilikazi's territory.  He hunted in an area designated as the king's own royal hunting ground.  The Ndebele reaction was quick and ruthless.  Discovering the hunting party and their booty-laden wagons, they attacked, killing all but Erasmus and one son who was hunting with him.  Thinking of the Trekkers now scattered along the banks of the Vaal, Erasmus galloped off with his son to warn them.  He came across the Botha and Steyn families in the present-day Parys area and blurted out a warning.
As soon as they could, the Voortrekkers gathered and formed a laager at a place now known as Vegkop (Battle Hill) between the Renoster and Wilge rivers, and awaited the attack they knew would follow.  In this laager, there were only 40 men or boys capable of using firearms, one of who was a 12-year-old boy destined for great fame later in his life as president of the Boer Transvaal republic - Paul Kruger.
On the afternoon of 15 October 1836, a great Ndebele army, some 6,000 strong, approached.  Both sides waited out the night, and it can only be imagined what thoughts entered the minds of all those brave Africans that night.  The leader of the Ndebele force was Mkalipi who, for some reason, did not employ normal Ndebele tactics of night attack.  Instead, he waited until the next day when the sun was already high before initiating the assault.  After three massive attacks on the wagons, each one seemingly more vigorous and terrible than the last, the Ndebele withdrew.  To this day, the battle at Vegkop is celebrated as a massive Voortrekker victory.
But there is also a different view, which comes to us through the izibongos3 of the Ndebele.  The story agrees with everything - except the result.  After three massive assaults on the wagons, the Ndebele army withdrew to a great Ndebele victory, because they left with 4,600 cattle, 100 horses and 53,000 sheep.  After all, what is the purpose of war if not for booty?

This story serves as an illustration of how the worldview of an individual or groups colours their interpretation of an event so thoroughly that the outcome can be seen in two opposite ways.  Applying this story of the past to recent, as well as current attempts to 'westernise' Africa may shed some light on some of the difficulties and frustrations now being experienced by the Western world.
Since the Western world did not take into account the worldview and thinking processes of the African mindset, they met with disappointing results in their attempt to 'modernize' Africa.  These same mindsets continue to exist today, affecting the way individual Africans view their current world.  This 'African' way of thinking must be understood as it applies to the current HIV/AIDS epidemic if one is to find ways of changing this destructive tide.  The way the African views the events happening to him and his people today reflect these same worldviews that the Western world has such difficulty understanding.  
Some of the prevailing mindsets that serve to hold Africans back from moving ahead against the scourge of HIV/AIDS in an effective way can be seen in the way the average African views the areas of denial, various myths, the concept of time, home and gender issues.  This chapter will take an in-depth look at these issues, along with other areas of ethnocentricity that are distinctly 'African' in context.  Specifically, this chapter will observe those issues that are serving to work against the people of Sub-Saharan Africa by promoting cultural expectations and practices that are actually escalating the devastation and destruction of HIV/AIDS.  These very practices may have served the people well in the past when they were begun, but now bring only ruin into the community.  In addition to looking into these generalized African cultural practices, this chapter will also be observing and evaluating the response of the African church; discovering why it has allowed the pandemic of HIV/AIDS to envelop them without their actual acknowledgement of the problem until it had intensified to the point where it could no longer be ignored.  
The chapter immediately following will venture to examine those particular traditions that are not only African in context, but specifically practised in the local Malawian culture contributing to the promotion and continuation of HIV/AIDS.  Subsequent chapters will then look into the theological implications revolving around these issues with consideration of God's direction to His people as they seek to respond to this crisis.  Following these foundational chapters that describe and explain the problem in its contextual environment, will come the final chapters of this research that will provide explanation of the methodology and conclusions derived from the examination of these issues.  
3.2	DENIAL
To quote Oxford (1999:311) as a reliable source for definitions, denial can be described as:
A statement that something is not true; a form of deny which can also mean; to say that one knows nothing about something; to refuse to acknowledge something. 

Denial can come in many forms, from relatively harmless as in the caricature of a woman denying her age and claiming to be 'twenty-one' every year when asked her age; to a more sinister and harmful form of denial that equates with outright lies resulting in harmful injustices being allowed to occur.  Although it may have begun innocently, the denial of HIV/AIDS by the Church in Africa and the world, has served to harm those who are suffering by denying them the Christ mandated love, compassion and care they deserve. 
3.2.1	Denial at the individual level.
Probably the most widespread misconception about HIV/AIDS in the African mindset has to do with the difficulty of denial.  Before any type of prevention, or change in attitudes can take place, one must first recognize the problem.  Although Africa is now beginning to wake up to the fact that they must face the reality of HIV/AIDS, for far too long it has been an unspoken secret kept hidden below the surface.  As with the proverbial 'elephant in the living room', where each person entering the home is faced with the fact that there is a huge elephant standing in the middle of the room taking up all of the space; looking around at the other guests each one says nothing, waiting for someone else to initiate a response.  In order to be polite to their host, each person coming into the home participates in a conspiracy of silence; refusing to acknowledge the presence of the elephant to avoid offending their host.  Because of this the people all suffer, as they must flatten themselves against the wall to move about the room.  If they were to enter the home honestly and identify the elephant for what it was, as a group they could address the problem and remove the beast.
This story may be a simple metaphor, but it serves to demonstrate what extreme measures we are often willing to take in order to avoid the discomfort of honest confrontation.  In East Africa, and in Malawi in particular, great lengths are often taken to avoid disappointing someone, even if the truth will be found out eventually.  The concept of it is better to delay difficulties to 'tomorrow' rather than deal with them today is very prevalent.  An example of this way of thinking can be illustrated by an actual incident this writer encountered.  In an attempt to order a special cut of wood for a project, exact measurements were taken to the local lumberyard.  After checking the stocks, it was determined that the needed material was not available on that day, but if we would 'just check back again tomorrow, it will be ready'.  When checking with the very same attendant the following day, we were told that they do not carry this type of material.  They never did, and had no expectation that they would any time in the near future.  The attendant knew this when we were there the previous day, but rather than disappoint us, he felt he was doing a better service to us by giving us false hope that the materials could be picked up the following day.
Several years ago, this writer was speaking to the Head Matron at Lilongwe Central Hospital in Lilongwe, Malawi.  Knowing that it was estimated that 70% of the patients who were currently in the hospital were suffering with AIDS, it was surprising to hear the Matron's response to the question, 'What are the most common diagnosis' that you see here at Lilongwe Central Hospital?'  To this question she replied without hesitation:  pneumonia, malaria, anaemia, TB, etc.  AIDS was not mentioned.  Ask any villager as they are returning from yet another funeral of their brother, sister, or friend; 'What did they die from?'  The response will be something like, 'They had pneumonia', or 'They had malaria', or 'They had TB', etc.  Again, no AIDS.  If AIDS is devastating Sub-Sahara Africa, where is it?  Why doesn't anyone have it?
There are many reasons for this blatant denial of the problem; not the least of which has to do with the fact that AIDS is a sexually transmitted disease.  Therefore, in order to bring it to the surface for discussion, sexual issues must be mentioned.  Sex as a topic for discussion is not culturally appropriate in most African cultures, particularly in groups containing both men and women.  Although sex obviously is happening, if one were to judge from the discussions being held by Africans, it simply does not exist.  The vast majority of Africans consider sex a very private, and 'off limits' topic for casual conversation.
'You have to realize that sex is a very delicate subject in Kenya,' says Dr. Cleopus Mailu, Kenya's Minister of Health Reform.  'Even though I'm a health professional, I find it difficult to listen to these radio commercials that say, `Let's talk about AIDS and sex.' That's when my hand starts reaching for the off switch.'
There is a code of silence and denial surrounding AIDS, allowing secrecy and denial to persist even in the face of sickness and death.  The wards of the hospital in Makindu (Kenya), for example, are filled with people whose charts identify their illnesses as pneumonia, malaria or tuberculosis. Many of them are suffering the diseases because their immune systems have been savaged by AIDS, yet many still refuse to be tested, hospital officials say.  Government and civic leaders - and most average Kenyans - are reluctant to talk publicly about AIDS because of the enormous cultural stigma attached to the disease.  Federal health officials recently sponsored billboards that urged Kenyans to think - and openly talk - about AIDS. But many of the signs were defaced, or even torn down, within a matter of days, Kenyan health officials say (Neville 1999).
3.2.2	Denial at the group level.
Although these quotes are from Kenya, they reflect ideas and attitudes that are well accepted and believed over all of Sub-Saharan Africa.  Throughout the many people, tribes and tongues in this land of diversity lies a similarity in mindset and attitude regarding many of the basic issues of life.
The overwhelming denial of the problem stems from more than simply cultural mores.  It has been observed by this writer, that when Africans (Malawians in particular for this example) are given an opportunity, where they feel safe to ask direct and probing questions without humiliation or reprisal from their peers, they will not only demonstrate a willingness to discuss such personal issues, but will appreciate the opportunity to do so.  This suggests that the cultural taboo against the discussion of sexual matters has the potential to be broken, given the right circumstances. 
Fear is one of the most powerful forces contributing to the 'code of silence' experienced by AIDS suffers and their families.  Fear is a basic human emotion and is at the root of the denial.  As demonstrated in chapter one, there is a heavy stigma associated with HIV/AIDS in Africa.  No one wants to have that stigma linked to them or those they care about.  
Michel Carael, prevention coordinator for the United Nations AIDS Program reports: 'many factors have contributed to the atmosphere of shame and the fear of discovery, including superstition, conservative religious beliefs and low levels of education....'There is a pervasive sense of sin that is not only attached to the person who is infected but to their family and group,' he says. 'There is a sense that, if you have become infected, you have done something against God and your ancestors. Something terribly taboo.'...So great is the depth of this epidemic that it borders on the unimaginable. Yet when you are there (Zimbabwe) it is almost as if this disease does not exist. The stigma attached to AIDS promotes an air of desperate denial. Admitting to having AIDS is a sure way of being ostracized. In the words of one AIDS sufferer: 'You become a monster.' Those who have the illness call it something else: fatigue, tuberculosis, malaria, anything but AIDS. But the cemeteries, overfilled with newly dug graves, tell the truth (Champagne 2000).
In predominately Christian Sub-Saharan Africa (World Factbook, 2000) 4, diagnosis of HIV/AIDS is perceived as a clear indicator that Biblical principles have not been maintained and sin is evident.  As the above quote confirms, it is well established in African culture that HIV/AIDS is contracted from sinful sexual behaviour.  Even for those who are not confessing Christians, but practice African Traditional religions, HIV/AIDS carries a stigma of shame to one's family and ancestors.  Since no one wants to be responsible for bringing such shame unto themselves or their families, it is a natural recourse to use whatever means is necessary to prevent such a label.  One of the easiest ways to do this is simply to deny the possibility of HIV/AIDS infection.   
Considering the first question that comes to a person's mind when faced with the fact that someone has AIDS is 'how did they get it?' those who have been positively diagnosed with HIV/AIDS and are forced to face this disease are often quick to persuade their listeners that they were one of few who did not get the disease from an illicit sexual encounter.  This was evidenced when this writer was visiting with AIDS patients in Nkhotakota, Malawi (Appendix F).  After talking with several patients, it was noted that in each case, the patient took pains to explain that they had not encountered it in the usual (sexual) way.  For example, one man shared that he thought he was infected by contaminated razor blades used by the witch doctor while making multiple cuts on his skin in order to apply potions for a medical cure for his continuing lack of stamina.  Another said she had no idea how she got it; again saying it was possibly from razor blades.  Several alluded to the impression that they had been 'bewitched'.
The reason behind such denial has to do with the underlying impression that if  one has obtained the disease in an 'innocent' manner, they are then the victims of the disease and it is more tolerated by others.  If however, they were infected in the way that most are (the vast majority of adults infected with HIV/AIDS were infected due to sexual encounters (USAID 2000), then they must also face the attitude held by many that they are suffering justly, receiving what they deserved; that they are being punished for their sins (Greyling 2003).  This attitude affects not only the way people feel about those suffering from HIV/AIDS, but also it permeates the psyche of the individual, causing depression with a sense of fatalism that hinders their willingness to help themselves to a more healthy lifestyle (5.5).
'Stigma and the fear it engenders both fuel the spread of HIV, since those with risky behaviour in the past may be reluctant to change that behaviour in case the change is interpreted as an admission of infection.  Fear of acknowledging HIV infection can stop a married man from raising the subject of condom use with his wife.  Fear of advertising her HIV status may prevent an infected woman from giving her baby replacement feeding to avoid transmitting the virus through breast milk' (Hillery 2000).
3.2.3	Denial at the international level.
In addition to denial at the individual and family level, Africans are faced with ambiguous leadership, some which deny internationally accepted facts about HIV/AIDS.  In an article comparing the denial of the devastation of HIV/AIDS in Africa with the attempts by some to deny the reality of the holocaust of WWII, one author stated that:
South African President Thabo Mbeki appears to be actively flirting with a new form of holocaust denial, one that claims that HIV is harmless, AIDS is a phoney epidemic and the only thing endangering the health of Africans is the same set of poverty-related health issues the continent has long faced  (Mirken 2000).
When faced with conflicting information such as this, which is often intermingled with misinformation and myths, it is difficult for Africans who are often uninformed about medical discoveries and up-to-date information to make proper and educated choices for their own well being.  
Dr. Mamphela Ramphele, former vice chancellor of the University of Cape Town says:
... no coherent management strategy [has] yet [been] developed by the Government.  This failure results not from lack of expertise in South Africa, but in its disregard by those in Government, with tragic consequences ... the South African government's position on AIDS was nothing short of irresponsibility, for which history will judge it severely (Ackerman 2000).

Typical of the African mindset in dealing with denial, Malawi has one of the highest HIV-infected populations in Africa and statistics show that only 8 percent of the population is aware of its HIV status while 92 percent have not been tested.  Some people choose to be ignorant of their status owing to the reaction engendered by HIV positivity while to others AIDS remains a mysterious disease that should not even be talked about (Ligomeka 2002).  The unspoken sense that if it just isn't mentioned, isn't confirmed - then it can't really be happening.
3.3	MYTHS
Even amongst the diversity of the Sub-Saharan nations, there remains a consistency in many of the deeply held beliefs and myths that surround HIV/AIDS in Africa, crossing national and tribal boundaries.  Listed below are some of the myths taken from an article, Aw, c'mon, you don't really believe those Aids myths5!, dedicated to the commonly held misconceptions about HIV/AIDS (Mail & Guardian 1999).  Without attempting to give substance to them by refutation they will be explored briefly at this point, since many of these myths contribute to the continuing spread and confusion of HIV/AIDS:
* Not everyone infected gets Aids. 
This dangerous myth perpetuates the idea that one might be invincible, 'It can't happen to me.'  This leads one into thinking that they can beat the odds and not be infected by this deadly virus.  Young people are especially prone to feeling immortal, even if they know that rationally it cannot be true.  The underlying feeling is that although death will come to all one day; it isn't something that will touch their lives for many years into the future.   Another danger with this type of thinking is the possibility of carelessness if one does have the virus.  Thinking that they may not necessarily be infecting others, they may continue to expose non-infected people without realizing they are indeed passing the disease.  This myth is perpetuated by the fact that many people who are carrying and spreading the virus live for many years in what appears from the viewpoint of an outside observer to be a healthy, disease free life.
* AIDS was invented by the CIA in a US Army biological warfare lab in Maryland (USA) to kill black people.  
This type of thinking goes along with the basic idea of 'passing the buck'.  Blaming someone or something else it makes it easier to justify anger toward the aggressor.  How can one be angry at a virus?  By putting a 'face' on the enemy, the victim has a focus for his or her anger and thereby removing the guilt that the problem may have stemmed from their own behaviour.  This myth also forces an 'us verses them' mentality which undermines the genuinely benevolent efforts of the countless missionaries and humanitarians who are earnestly trying to find ways to help those suffering from HIV/AIDS.  A cursory surfing exercise on the Internet in search of those who share these types of 'they're out to get us' attitudes yielded a frightening response.  Many so-called 'facts' are touted regarding the diabolical plans the western nations have for Third World countries.  One website boldly claimed the following:  
o In fact, the Roman Catholic Church is already deeply implicated in the spread of AIDS since 1975.  The scientific community accepts that the initial Big Bang spread of HIV in Africa was caused by the re-use of unsterilized needles during inoculations in missionary hospitals (New World Order 2002).
* Nothing happens by chance, AIDS is the result of witchcraft.
Very frequently believed in Africa, this belief also has the effect of removing the guilt and responsibility of infection from the individual, placing it in the realm of the unknown, the mystical.  A person cannot be held responsible if they are afflicted by something of which they have no control.  There is also a widespread belief amongst the Chewa of Malawi that AIDS does not really exist, but witches were using it to hide their own activities and thus were escaping detection (Forster 1998:542).
* AIDS comes from grey monkeys. (Or green monkeys, or some type of monkey from Africa)
Scientists have been able to trace the origins of the HIV/AIDS virus to a connection with monkeys, which make this less of a myth.  Overshadowing the good news that monkeys can be studied to see how they were able to live with the disease and not fall victim in masse, is the notion that Africans have been having sex with monkeys, perpetuating the barbaric, jungle, less-than-human concept of some 'white supremacists'.  This in turn perpetuates the African response of 'they're out to get me' (see myth number one)
* There's a miracle cure.
This myth has the potential for causing not only false hopes in those who are suffering, but the opportunistic base nature of mankind provides opportunity for man to prey on the weak and the desperate.  Within moments, an Internet search6 for cures for AIDS turned up 375,000 so called cures, from 'Virgin Coconut Oil', to the 'Zapper (Clark 1993)' which could be quickly purchased for a mere $20 US dollars.  
* ... not Virodene, not Pearl Omega in Kenya, not oxytherapy, not Kemron, not the African potato, not the swill brewed by Billy Chisupe in Malawi, not dozens of other 'cures' sold the world over. . . saying something can stop AIDS is like selling silk shirts labelled 'bullet-proof vest'.  Buy one if you like the colour; don't test it.  Drug companies test hundreds of compounds, many of them poisonous.  A few always show early promise.  But some don't work for long; some help only some people; some kill the patient (New World Order 2002). 
* Organic food and/or vitamins will shield or cure you.  
Although not as dangerous as the above myth, this idea can actually do some good if it improves the overall health and well being of a person; but it will not cure the HIV/AIDS and may cause a false sense of hope or worse; it could keep someone from seeking real medical treatment which could lengthen their lives.
* Promoting the use of condoms is really a plot by white men to cut down the black birth rate / African condoms are no good. / Condom use perpetuates promiscuity.
Although the purpose of this dissertation is not to enter into debate over the place of condoms in the war against HIV/AIDS, the fact remains that while it is true that condom use will not completely prevent the spread of HIV/AIDS and other sexually transmitted diseases condoms, when used properly, will reduce the transmission of HIV.  These types of rumours and myths discourage their use even when it would be very legitimate from most standards to use one.  
* Having sex with a virgin can cure AIDS.
Horrifying articles such as this give evidence to the prevalence of such an idea:
o Baby rapes shock South Africa - Two men are due to appear at a court in Johannesburg on Tuesday, accused of raping a five-month-old girl who was discovered covered in blood and in tears. . . It is the latest in a series of rapes of baby girls - some of them involving children less than one year-old, which has left South Africans reeling with horror. . . Every day the newspapers bring awful revelations: a nine-month-old girl gang-raped by six men; an eight-month-old raped and left by the roadside (Phillips 2001). 
* 'Dry sex', (wankie or other sexual preferences can prevent HIV/AIDS), (Gay and Black Glossary (2002). 
This dangerous practice can enhance the likelihood of becoming infected because it promotes irritation of the tissues, causing increased tissue tearing.  Even when trying to practice 'safe sex', without natural or artificial lubrication, condoms tear and come off (Ruden 2000:568).
Although there are certainly many more myths surrounding the spread and manifestations of the disease, particularly in the local arenas, this list gives the reader an idea of some of the destructive information and mis-information which is being believed and rumoured in the African communities.
Malawi can 'boast' of its own source of mythological cures as it remembers the claims of Billy Goodson Chisupe (Probst 1999:108-137), which gained worldwide attention in 1995.  He claimed to have received a vision directing him to the creation of a cure for AIDS, causing an estimated 250,000 to 300,000 desperate people from all over the world to come seeking the 'cure' from this healer.  To lend credibility to his powers, stories began to surface including ones claiming he had died and resurrected with this formula (Schoffeleers 1999:407).


3.4	TIME
In addition to the problem of denial, another basic element of thought that contributes to the HIV/AIDS crisis in Africa centres on one's concept of time.  If one remains ethnocentric in a Western perspective, he will be greatly limited in his understanding of the effect of this basic concept in the African mindset.  Western culture centres around time to the point that time has become the medium of investment.  When a new idea or project is proposed, the first question asked is not 'how much will it cost?' but rather has become 'how much time will it take?'  Western life centres on daily planners and palm pilots that are designed to keep track of each minute of the day in an effort to provide the most efficient use of time.  The concepts of 'saving time, wasting time, and losing time' are deeply held concepts within the Western culture.  This perception can be seen most clearly from the words of Mbiti (1971:24-25), where he describes time as the:  
'key to our understanding of the basic religious and philosophical concepts.' 

According to Mbiti, in African culture time is all that has happened, what is currently taking place, and that what is expected to happen very soon, with no actual comprehension of a future beyond these parameters. 
For the Akamba [Mbiti's tribe used here to represent the overall sub-Saharan African tribal situation], Time is not an academic concern; it is simply a composition of events that have occurred, those which are taking place now and those which will immediately occur.  What has not taken place, or what is unlikely to occur in the immediate future, has no temporal meaning - it belongs to the reality of 'no-Time'..... From this basic attitude to Time, other important points emerge.  The most significant factor is that Time is considered as a two-dimensional phenomenon; with a long 'past', and a dynamic present'.  The 'future' as we know it in the linear conception of Time is virtually non-existent (emphasis mine) in Akamba thinking.
Time is a succession or simultaneity of events that 'moves' not forward but backwards.  People look more to the 'past' for the orientation of their being than to anything that might yet come into human History.  For them History does not move towards any goal yet in the future; rather, it points to the roots of their existence, such as the origin of the world, the creation of man, the formation of their customs and traditions, and the coming into being of their whole structure of society.  The 'present' must conform to the 'past' in the sense that it is the 'past', rather than any distant future, by means of which people orientate their living and thinking.
Time reckoning is governed by phenomena rather than mathematics.  People reckon Time for a concrete and specific purpose:  one event in relation to another....The day, for example, is reckoned according to the major events:  rising up, milking cattle, herding, working in the fields, driving cattle to the watering places, returning home for the night, preparing and eating the evening meal and going to sleep.  It does not matter exactly when the event of rising up takes place; the important point of reckoning time is the fact of rising up in the morning....There is nothing to indicate that this rhythm of nature will ever change radically or come to a complete halt (:29).
 
When one ponders the African time paradigm, and interplaying that with the difficulties and denials of the HIV/AIDS scourge in Africa, the reasons behind denial and lack of comprehension as to the devastating effects of the disease become clearer.  To the Western mindset, the role of the future is very meaningful.  Plans are often made even before birth as to what opportunities a child might have available to them as they grow and mature.  Therefore, while it is very reasonable to tell someone from a Western perspective of the opportunities and dreams one might have for events which may happen 10 to 15 years in the future, to the African mindset, these are pipe dreams that can not be honestly considered as important to them at the present.  
From another perspective, as the average lifespan drops lower and lower (Church World Service Fact Sheet 2002), many Africans have an almost fatalistic attitude.  'Why should I worry about what might happen so far in the future?'  'I don't know if I will even be alive then'.  The concept of actions taken today, having devastating consequences on the cloudy image of some distant and elusive future, pale in comparison to the desire to take advantage of opportunities that present themselves solidly before an African today.  Observing the lives of their peers, family and friends being snuffed out before them everyday gives credibility to the foolishness of living for the moment, as quoted in Luke 12:19, where Jesus talks of the destruction of those living to 'eat, drink, and be merry' with thoughts only of their immediate well-being.  Due primarily to the impact of the HIV/AIDS pandemic, life expectancies for African children have dropped significantly over the past ten years.  Life expectancies for children born in Africa in 1999, shown in the WHO report, are far below those even in most other developing countries.  Only 9 of the 53 African countries for which the WHO shows data have life expectancies of 50 years and over, as compared to 130 of the 138 countries outside Africa.  Among the 52 countries with life expectancies less than 50 years, 44 are African and only 8 are outside Africa (Africa Policy Information Centre, 2000).  When looking at life expectancy figures for countries in the world, Malawi places third from the bottom of the list (with only Niger and Sierra Leon below it), using the D.A.L.E. adjustment standards.7

3.5	INTERRELATIONSHIPS OF MALAWIANS
Another aspect of Malawian culture that has an impact, albeit indirect, on the spread and transmission of HIV/AIDS has to do with the underlying sense of suspicion and selfishness that is part of the fabric of Malawian, if not African culture.  Although there is a strong sense of community and commitment within the Malawian culture and traditional values, lurking below the visible surface is a darker side.  Needless to say, this is an area that is seldom spoken about, but nonetheless remains a significant aspect of society.  This characteristic is often vague and difficult to accurately define.  It may be of more value to give a clearer picture to use a comparison to American culture, with which this writer is more familiar.  Contrasting these two very different cultures will help to pinpoint some of the paradigms now being explored.
These differences can be observed when examining the folklore and fables, which are common in each of these environments.  In American folklore, for example, there are heroes portrayed who tend to display certain attributes which are held in high esteem by Americans.  Examples of this might be Pecos Bill, Johnny Appleseed, Paul Bunyan and others (Schlosser 2003), who, being portrayed as bigger than life, were able to carve out the Wild West by their own grit and determination.  They did not let difficulties stop them, but were instead strengthened by trials and moved forward to independently make way for others who would follow in their wake.  They were often loners, independent in their thinking and way, needing no one to guide their way.  
In addition to these mythical heroes, there is a plethora of examples in real life of Americans and others who have gone against the current thinking and accepted ways of doing things, to work towards a goal that often they are the only ones to see the dream or the vision before them.  Examples of this would be Henry Ford who, despite criticism and discouragement moved forward to perfect the assembly line, which led to the development of the automobile for the common man, therefore changing American society.  There is probably no greater example of the American 'can do' attitude than can be seen by examining the life of our 16th president, Abraham Lincoln.  On a website dedicated to him, this brief list of struggles was cited:
* He failed as a businessman - as a storekeeper.
* He failed as a farmer - he despised this work.
* He failed in his first attempt to obtain political office.
* When elected to the legislature he failed when he sought the office of speaker.
* He failed in his first attempt to go to Congress.
* He failed when he sought the appointment to the United States Land Office.
* He failed when he ran for the United States Senate.
* He failed when friends sought for him the nomination for the Vice-Presidency in 1856.
* Not bad for a man many consider to be the greatest President of all and who attended school less than 12 months in his entire life!  (Neely 1996)

The attributes displayed by these heroes foster the concepts of rugged individualism, courage to step away from the crowd and be different, independent and progressive thinking - even if it goes against the common thought of the community.  Values such as these, which are held in high regard in an American culture, are viewed as negative traits in Malawian culture.  A Malawian would classify these traits as egotistical, selfish, and arrogant.
In consideration of this model, it is important now to consider the Malawian paradigm.  Folk heroes in Malawian and other African cultures are very different.  An example of a Malawian folk story would be 'how Spider got his thin waste' (Greaves 1993:126); a story describing the events around Spider, who receives his just punishment for desiring more for himself than what everyone else has.  African folk stories typically involve an individual stepping out of the customary and accepted norm for the group, often displaying characteristics of selfishness or individual (as opposed to group) thinking.  A typical proverb that exemplifies this concept would be Chakomachakoma pusi anagwa chagada, or, 'the monkey in his greedy effort to grab all the good things fell on his back'  (Hullquist  1988:95).  The idea being promoted is one of working together with the community in order for all to remain comparable in their accomplishments.  
Most people never question their basic foundational means of thinking.  General attitudes and paradigms are considered by one's culture to be bedrock values, which everyone should automatically embrace.  Unless these ideas are disputed for one reason or another, they usually remain unchallenged during a person's lifetime.
3.5.1	Limited Good
An example of such a paradigmatic thinking pattern can be seen in the concept of 'limited good.' (Appendix H)  Many Africans believe in the concept of limited good, the concept that there is only so much 'good' for the world (Foster 1967:293-312). 
 ...an individual or family that makes significant economic progress or acquires a disproportionate amount of some other 'good' is seen to do so at the expense of others, such a change is viewed as a threat to the stability of the community... Individuals or families that lose something, that fall behind, are seen as a threat in a different fashion; their envy, jealousy or anger may result in overt or hidden aggression toward more fortunate people.  

This concept is almost directly contrary to the American mindset.  Time has been spent detailing the foundations of these mindsets in order to assist in the understanding of this aspect of Malawian culture.  The underlying sense of suspicion, coupled with the fear and jealousy, control the core Malawian senses of reality and justice.  This works against society, as it tends to prevent true altruistic and benevolent action.  Tied in closely with the beliefs in magic and the power of the witchdoctor, the uneducated village Malawian feels that if he moves to work on behalf of those who are suffering, it can ultimately cause circumstances to bring more trouble upon himself.  This can be seen in the Malawian proverb, Chaona mnzako chapita, mawa chiona iwe, 'What your friend has seen go, tomorrow it will see you.'  (Hullquist 1988:95), which demonstrates the idea that if one works to ease the suffering of their friend, the suffering will then find someone else, maybe even themselves, to trouble. This fatalistic attitude undermines the ability to see their community in proper perspective.  Instead of seeing the need for collaborative efforts between individual villagers to work together to move forward, their sight is clouded by ideas that the ultimate good for those who are suffering will come at the expense of themselves or their family.  
Mrs. Chisala, the head of the Malawian Social Welfare Department, explained this general concept to this researcher as she was describing an instance she observed (Chisala 2002).  In her example, a group of girls were jealous over one girl being allowed a certain job they coveted.  Therefore, they deliberately sabotaged her situation by implicating her in an undeserved accusation of theft.  Their reasoning was that if she were fired from the position, it would then open an opportunity for one of them to move into it.  From this example it can be seen that the motivations behind negative actions of the group demonstrate this principle, resulting in the unjust accusation of an individual.  By attempting to destroy the credibility of the individual, the group interpreted the outcome as one that might improve their opportunity to move ahead.  Mrs. Chisala explained that this was a very common way of thinking among Malawians because they are generally steeped in jealousy and greed that colours all of their thinking and actions.  
3.5.2	The World of Spirituality
To the African mindset, 'the world is full of divinities, spirits, demons and their human allies in the form of witches and wizards' (Imasogie 1993:75).
Thus for the African there is no solid line of demarcation between the sacred and the secular because the spiritual interpenetrates this world.  Man is vulnerable and is open to the spiritual forces for ill or good.  Consequently, man lives in fear of metaphysical anger and constantly needs the help of spiritual forces for security.  This understanding of his world is reflected in numerous practices to ensure a measure of protection from the metaphysical forces that are ranged against him.  For him, there is no accident; every happening has a metaphysical basis.
This world view also reveals that man can find his real fulfilment only in relation to his human as well as his spiritual communities.  This is emphasized in rites of passage which begin with the naming ceremony, followed by puberty rites, marriage, funerary rites and ancestral worship...The divinities who are regarded as intermediaries between man and God have an important place in the African world view.  Having been created by God for the purpose of assisting him in the theocratic governance of the world....When an African worships any of these divinities he thinks he is really worshipping the Creator God through the intermediary. 



3.6	GENDER
Throughout the world, the relationships between men and women have been pitifully anti-women in their bias in many, if not most, spheres.  From the earliest of times, when men were looked to for physical protection and provision due to their increased body mass and strength, male/female relationships have tended to reflect male dominance.  In addition to the obvious physical differences between men and women, there are a host of other variations that contribute to this way of relating to one another.  For many years the primary thinking, as behavioural scientists studied the difference between the sexes, was that behavioural differences between men and women/boys and girls were due to environmental factors.  Children were raised with expectations based upon their sex, and therefore, as adults, they came to think of themselves within the paradigms from which they were raised.  These ideas have pretty much fallen by the wayside as scientists discover that giving dolls to little boys and trucks and guns to little girls does little to determine their actual behavioural patterns.  What has been discovered is that the basic thinking patterns of males and females are different, and greatly affected by hormonal changes from within the male and female body (Conner 2000) In an article discussing these differences, Lee Cowan (2002) shares, 
Their boyishness goes back to the womb where, around six weeks after conception, a surge of testosterone targets embryos carrying the male Y chromosome, transforming not just their bodies but their brains and psyches.  A second strong spurt follows at six months, then again at adolescence.  Testosterone brings feelings of invincibility and power.  It's an urge to action, to impulsive risk-taking, to aggression and dominance, and to a compulsive short-term energy cycle of tension, immediate gratification and release.
To complicate the situation, boys have less serotonin than girls, the hormone that soothes our emotions, helping to control impulsive behaviour and facilitate good judgment.  And they have a larger amygdala, the part of the brain, which triggers our adrenal glands into action when we perceive a physical or emotional threat.  It can save our lives in emergencies, but it can also precipitate violence.
These physical differences contribute to not only physical dominance, but also to psychological and emotional dominance as men relate to women all over the world.  'In parts of South Asia, Western Asia and Africa, for instance, men are seen as having a right to discipline their wives as they see fit. The right of a husband to beat or physically intimidate his wife is a deeply held conviction in many societies'  (UNFPA 2002).  
This quote was taken from an Internet article mainly referring to North African and Muslim areas, but this attitude has been evidenced in Malawi as well.  As an example of this, this researcher can cite a time during a classroom 'Christian Ethics' class discussion on the roles of husbands and wives in a Christian marriage, when a student asked the question as to whether or not a husband has the right to beat his wife if he feels the need to 'discipline' her for some reason.  Worldwide, studies have shown a consistent pattern of events that trigger violent responses. These include: not obeying the husband, talking back, refusing sex, not having food ready on time, failing to care for the children or home, questioning the man about money or girlfriends or going somewhere without his permission.  A recent interview with a missionary couple from the United States (Rev. Edward & Judy Barnes, with S.I.M.) who were in Malawi doing Marriage seminars, revealed how prevalent this is.  When husbands were asked the question, 'What do you do when your wife cries?' the appropriate response, according to the general consensus of the group was; 'beat her, that will make her stop crying.'
'Many societies in Africa and Western Asia (about 28 countries in Africa) practice female genital mutilation often referred to as female circumcision.  Worldwide, some 130 million girls and young women have undergone this dangerous and painful practice, with an additional 2 million at risk each year. This terrible violation of girls' and young women's human rights is based on prevailing beliefs that female sexuality must be controlled, and the virginity of young girls preserved until marriage. Men in some cultures will not marry uncircumcised girls because they view them as 'unclean' or sexually permissive'  (UNFPA 2002).  
A member of the Research, Action and Information Network for the Bodily Integrity of Women, Ms. Toubia, says:
 'there is tremendous denial in Africa about the issue of violence against women and girls. The abuses suffered by the continent itself, ranged from slavery to colonialism to the new economic order which has placed Africa on the lowest rung. As a result, Africans have created a defensiveness about any criticism of their society. They are very proud and they do not want to change their cultures or social systems. Women have paid a great cost. Whenever they speak out about violations of their rights, they are told that they are becoming 'western' or that they are adhering to the views of international agencies. It is disturbing that the issue of violence against women are escalating in Africa, largely due to the increasing conflict on the continent. There are the old forms of culturally-based violence, as well as those emerging from socio-economic disparities. Female genital mutilation and discriminatory inheritance laws, for example, deprive women of certain basic rights, and expose them to human rights violations' (USAID 2000).

A recent issue of one of Malawi's local newspapers, The Chronicle (Jamiseson 2003a) addressed the issue of rape (particularly within marriage) and the threat this poses upon women.  The author cites statistics by the Centre for Health and Gender Equality produced in a report titled Ending Violence Against Women, around the world 'at least one women in every three has been beaten, coerced into sex, or otherwise abused in her life time.'  The study further demonstrated that the HIV (and other STIs) infection rate is up to 30% higher in situations of rape, primarily due to the fact that the violence associated with forcing sex causes more tearing and injury to a woman's delicate tissues, allowing for more portals of entry for the virus to enter her blood stream.  
Women have been taught that,
 ...no matter what happens in a relationship with a man, it can be resolved, and the relationship must continue.  It is with this kind of mentality that women continue to remain in a relationship that puts them at risk  (Jamiseson 2003b).  

In her candid article regarding practices contributing to the AIDS crisis in South Africa, Ruden comments,
The most reassuring message to a typical African girl is that her community will protect her from early, chaotic sex and that she will be able to marry a man indoctrinated against adultery and raise her children in safety.  Trying to get someone so powerless to 'take responsibility for her sexuality' is a cruel joke (Ruden 2000:569).
Comments from women who gathered at a maize mill in Chitipi, Malawi further underscore the foundation of the problem.  When interviewed without their husbands present, women were highly vocal about the abuses they have suffered and the helplessness they feel.  One woman, named Sela, who is described in the article as an educated woman who has been married for many years, shares the following story, 
If I refuse to accept his (her husband's) advances, he can get physical and several times he has hurt me.  A number of times he has hit me when I have refused to have sex with him because I know that he was with someone else.  It feels as though I am being raped.  It is very difficult to protect myself in this situation and I fear for myself.
 Other women verbalized their agreement with her concerns, 'What can you do if he is going to beat you and demand that you have sex with him?'  Even if there is AIDS these days you just have to accept your fate and continue to sleep with him because he beats you', 'he says I am his wife and can do this with me whenever it pleases him'  (Jamiseson 2003b).  

Education is one way of enabling women to equip them with the tools necessary to break out of these types of situations where they feel powerless to change their situation: 
Poor women are especially vulnerable to coercion from their male partners, since they may be economically and emotionally dependent on them.  Poor women are more likely to be constrained in their choices about relationships and living situations than middle-class women.  Concerns regarding food, shelter, and care of their children may overshadow concerns about HIV/AIDS' (UNAIDS 1999).  

Two thirds of the world's 876 million illiterates are women, and the number of illiterates is not expected to decrease significantly in the next twenty years  (UNFPA, 2002). 
Pupil enrolment increased a staggering 63 percent when Malawi introduced free primary school education in 1994, but education authorities are still battling to keep young girls in class. 
 Girls opt for early marriages.  As a poor country, Malawi is experiencing a great deal of girls who drop out from school because they are enticed by men to marry or because they get pregnant, says Kuthemba Mwale, Director for Education, Planning, Policy and Budget.  He said Malawi had a dropout rate of 18 percent in its primary schools - one of the highest in the southern African region.  The majority of these dropouts were girls.
HIV/AIDS has contributed to the high dropout rate.  'The HIV pandemic has taken away most breadwinners (between the ages of 24 and 49) in most families.  Consequently, girls take care of their families more than boys,' Mwale said.
According to deputy Director of basic Education in the ministry of Education, McKnight Kalanda, HIV/AIDS is a major threat to the future of girls education.' HIV/AIDS is one of the major problems that are frustrating the efforts by the government and other international organisations which are trying to promote girls education,' said Kalanda.  He said that in most cases it is the girls who are forced out of school to help take care of HIV/AIDS victims, or to take care of orphans whenever someone has died leaving children behind  (Zingani 2003).

3.7	EDUCATION 
AIDS has cut a deadly swathe through the teaching profession: up to 10 per cent of teachers are expected to die in the worst affected African countries over the next five years.  Often the graduation rate from teacher-training colleges barely replaces the sick and dying workforce. Teacher deaths due to AIDS in Zambia in 1998 were equivalent to two-thirds of the number of newly qualified teachers, and those who die are often the most skilled and experienced. Consequently teacher morale is often low; though the teachers themselves may not be infected, colleagues or family members might be. Education officials and planners, who keep the system running, are also liable to be affected by the disease. 
Fewer children can afford to attend school.  Many drop out to look after infected family members or because they experience shame or stigma through association with the disease.  In Côte d'Ivoire, for example, it is estimated that by the year 2010, there will be 778,000 maternal and double orphans, of which nearly three-quarters will be orphaned as a result of HIV/AIDS (UNESCO 2001).
As more and more children are forced to abandon educational goals, the growth of uneducated, unskilled individuals multiplies.  These children, virtually forced into abject poverty due to their lack of any resourceful skills by which to make a living, find themselves entering the ranks of those living in the groups associated with high risk for infection for HIV/AIDS (4.13). 
The educational systems in many African countries are lagging far behind what would be considered adequate by any world standard.  Dealing with limitations caused by lack of such basic resources as electricity, books, paper and pencils; compounded by overwhelming class size makes even the most dedicated and gifted teacher is unable to educate students adequately.  
...shortage of classrooms, equipment, teachers and materials contributed to high drop-out rates among boys and girls alike. 'The conditions in the schools are very, very bad.  The children are frustrated.  There is lots of absenteeism, poor performance and a very high repetition rate,

says Kuthemba Mwale, Director for Education, Planning, Policy and Budget in Malawi (UN Integrated Regional Information Networks 2001).  In desperation, teachers have conspired to assist students in ways to cheat on MSCE examinations.  The Malawi News Online says:
More than 50 per cent of candidates who sat for the Malawi School Certificate Examinations (MSCE) this year have failed, the examinations board has announced.  Malawi National Examinations Board (MANEB) said out of the 14,000 candidates who wrote the examinations in secondary schools, only 5,000 have qualified for the award of a certificate. The board also said that out of almost the same amount who sat for the examinations from the Malawi Distant Education Centres, only 1,600 had qualified.  The board has also announced that 6,000 candidates had been disqualified for malpractices which included cheating during examinations (Malawi News Online 1998).
The Malawian government mandated free education in 1994, but many children are still too poor to pay the school fees required for uniforms and other items necessary.  Families are seeking ways to educate their children in private schools, but the costs of tuition and other expenses, keep private education above the means of most Malawians.  
AIDS mostly affects people in their productive years - young people and adults. Around half of all new HIV infections occur among those aged 15 to 24 years.  Little or no access to education reduces the capacity of young adults to find work and earn enough to support themselves. Instead, this lack of access may constrain them to turn to risky professions to survive.  Lack of education also reduces opportunities to learn about AIDS or about methods of protection from HIV infection (UNAIDS 2000).   

3.8	THE AFRICAN CONCEPT OF 'HOME'. 
The African conception of space is closely linked to their understanding of time. What matters is what is (geographically) near; this could explain why particularly for Africans, their own piece of land is of the utmost importance.  Home is the land or the area where a person was born - i.e., from where the family comes (4.3).  Even when working in the cities, Africans want a piece of land, 'home.' Ancestral land ties them to the past and to the future; it is not only where their ancestors come from, but where they themselves, will also be buried.  Thus, land is not merely a spatial factor, but it also attains temporal qualities.  Therefore, 'to remove Africans by force from their land is an act of such great injustice that no foreigner can fathom it' (Mbiti 1969:27).
This sense of 'home' has some connections to the western mindset, as described by Mead (1996:43, 44):
The yearning for 'going home' is deep and universal.  It is a feeling that is larger than the geography of home, often deeper than our actual relationships with anyone there.  Even those who have experienced 'home' as a very dysfunctional place or community yearn for what the word points to.  
The tug to find our return 'home' triggers a hope for a network of memory and relationship, sometimes romanticized with time.  That network is what the word community reaches for.... We need to belong - to be part of a larger world.  The need to belong drives us to community, a place where we know we belong.  It is also a place where we will be safe-a kind of 'home base' in the world's chaotic game of 'tag.'  
Africans in general and with Malawians in particular, the perception is that cities are temporary residences; they are not perceived to be 'home' (Joda-Mbewe 2001:25).  It is in this scattered and isolated intercity community that the Church of Jesus Christ plays a vital role as Christians seek a new sense of 'family' amongst the family of God.  Many who have travelled to the cities in hopes of finding employment or career development, find that the essential ingredient necessary to give them a sense of belonging is missing (4.14). The Church family is now being called upon to replace the eroding structural integrity lacking in these urban areas.  Mead again identifies this phenomenon and calls upon the church to address this challenge (Mead 1996:50):
...the church of the future must become a center within society that feeds and supports the human need for community.  The challenge is made more important because of the increasing experience of deprivation of community.  The challenge is made more difficult because of the church's loss of credibility as a source of community in our time. 

3.9	THE RESPONSE OF THE CHURCH 
Into this multifaceted crisis stands the Church, the Body of Christ (1.4.10.2).  Assaulted from all sides, the Church of Malawi is struggling to survive as it dodges the attacks from all of these areas.  Yet it does survive.  
Initially, the Malawian church was no different than the worldwide church in its resistance to any involvement in the HIV/AIDS crisis (chapter 2).  With a misguided hermeneutic, it believed that the issues surrounding the HIV/AIDS crisis were practices that took place outside and against the teachings of the church (5.3,4), and therefore they were areas of concern that did not need to be addressed by them.  As the plague worsened, the individuals in their congregations began to be numbered amongst the afflicted.  In addition to the suffering, which had begun to affect their congregations, it was obvious that it was even beginning to affect their own families as well.  With these frightening realizations the church slowly began to recognize the horrifying fact that this was an issue which was not only touching them, but it must be addressed - and soon.  With the recognition that something must be done came the next logical question, what should we, as the church do about this problem?
Addressing the issue of HIV/AIDS in the church brought about deeper implications than merely how to deal with the issue of the disease itself.  It caused the church to re-evaluate its role in the very life of the believers who made up its body, as discussed previously (1.4.10.2).  What had been primarily a role of spiritual guidance and resource was now beginning to shift to one of responsibility in other areas of life as well (5.6).
3.9.1	The Role of the Church 
Since the beginning of the church age nearly two millennia ago, the church has not only undergone an evolution in its own right, but its very nature along with the role it has been called to fulfil, have been viewed in many different ways as well.  The first early churches sought to define themselves; first in their own eyes and then to demonstrate the reality of their entity to the world in general.  
In today's world the concept of 'church' brings many things to mind.  To some, it is seen as a place of respite, a sanctuary away from the hassles of everyday life where one can pause a moment in their life and meditate upon and worship God.  To others, the church is a place to avoid because with it comes the heavy baggage associated with guilt and condemnation.  These people feel the strain of the weight of sin in their life and don't understand the grace and love the true church has to offer, so when they give thought to the ideas involving their concept of 'church' they want to stay far away from it.  For a variety of different reasons most people fall somewhere between these two polar models.  Both of these extremes fall short of describing the role of the church because they focus more on the effect of the church on particular individuals, instead of looking at the function of the church to the individual as well as its function toward those within its body and to the world at large.  
In order to give further consideration to the role of the church, it might be wise to revisit the working definition of Church, which has been established in this dissertation.
3.9.2	Definition of Church
The actual process of defining 'the church' is on the surface, not a difficult task.  It was defined in chapter (1.4.1) one of this dissertation as:
The Greek word ekklesia, the term translated 'church' in the New Testament, is the word that the Septuagint most frequently uses to translate the Old Testament term qahal, the word used to speak of the 'congregation' or 'assembly' of God's people (Grudem 1994:853).
In defining the Church, it will be necessary to bear in mind the distinction between the visible and the invisible Church.  (1) The former may be defined as the company of the elect who are called by the Spirit of God, or briefer still, as the communion of believers.  (2) The latter is a broader concept, and may be defined as the community of those who profess the true religion together with their children.  It is important to bear in mind that these two are not entirely parallel.  Some who are members of the invisible Church may never become members of the visible organization or may be shut out from it; and some who belong to the visible Church may be unbelievers and hypocrites and as such form no part of the body of Christ (Berkhof 1933:281-282).
Berkhof further describes yet another defining area of the church, which would be in the essence of its function as an Organism as opposed to the description of the Church as an Institution or Organization.  This distinction applies only to the visible Church.  The Church as an institution or organization becomes visible in the offices, in the administration of the Word and the sacraments, and in a certain form of Church government.  But even if these were absent, the Church would still be visible as an organism, as a communion of believers, in their communal life and profession, and in their joint opposition to the world. 
3.9.3	The Mission of the Church
But what the church is and what role it plays in society and in the individual lives of people who are either inside or outside of its distinctions may be a more elusive and difficult task to explain.  For many, the role of the church can be defined by its mission, which in itself lends to a variance of definition.  Van Engen (996:26) defines mission as:
Mission is the people of God intentionally crossing barriers from church to nonchurch, faith to nonfaith, to proclaim by word and deed the coming of the kingdom of God in Jesus Christ; this task is achieved by means of the church's participation in God's mission of reconciling people to God, to themselves, to each other, and to the world, and gathering them into the church through repentance and faith in Jesus Christ by the work of the Holy Spirit with a view to the transformation of the world as a sign of the coming of the kingdom in Jesus Christ. 

This definition of mission encompasses much of what the role of the church, as a whole must be.  It more closely links the role of the church with the concept of it being an 'organism' (1.4.1; 5.4.1) as described above, giving the connotation of a living, thriving creature that interacts and responds to the world environment in which it finds itself.  In thinking of the church in this way, it is easier to define its role in the world.  
In other words, the role of the church is to interact with the world (people) in such a way as to demonstrate God's plan of salvation through the saving work of Jesus Christ and the transforming and sanctifying work of the Holy Spirit to reconcile man to Himself and to others.  This will result in the transformation of the world as the church reaches out by its word and deed, proclaiming the Gospel message of the God who saves to the world that desperately needs Him.  It is only by witnessing God at work through His people (the church) that those outside of the church can realize their need for Him (5.7).  
It is beyond the capacity of this paper to delve into the broad concept of the church's role in the world.  It is within this scope however, to explore that particular facet of the church's role in the world that deals specifically with the responsibility of the church in dealing with this current HIV/AIDS crisis.  The church is the body of Christ (5.1.1) and therefore must be His representative in the world as it stands for Him.
The leaders of the church were beginning to realize that there needed to be a shift in their thinking as to how they viewed the role of the church.  There has been disunity in the church as a whole as to what part it should play in the pandemic of HIV as it affects the people in the world in general, but on the continent of Africa in particular.  For many, it was not an issue to be addressed by the church, because they saw the role of the church as primarily being one of meeting spiritual needs (5.1), which they were somehow able to separate from the physical needs of mankind.  
The ministry of the church is an extension of the ministry of Christ.  That has been described in the tradition of the church under three offices - munus triplex - of prophet, priest, and king.  It can be quickly seen that these three offices are closely related to the marks of the church in the Reformation tradition.  The church is, they said, where the Word is truly preached (prophet), sacraments duly administered (Priest), and godly discipline maintained (king).
Here the crucial problem emerges.  This classical Reformation definition describes these roles in relation to the internal life of the church.  The consequent temptation was to forget that the exercise of these ministries in the church is intended as preparation for the exercise of these ministries in the world by the church as a whole (Williams 1998:101).
The church has often been guilty of thinking of itself in these roles as outlined by Williams above.  By keeping its focus on the internal aspects, to the point of disregard to the external but yet essential components, which certainly should not be neglected, it often becomes guilty of the incriminating statement:  'The Church is so heavenly minded that it is of no earthly good' (source unknown).  Williams (:102) goes on to put the whole problem in perspective by describing the balance that must be maintained by the church in order to effectively communicate the love of Christ to the world:
Often a contrast is made between the ministry of renewal in the church, so that the internal life of the church is deepened, and the ministry of mission to the world, in which the church is turned out toward the needs of the world.  The point we are making is that the ministry of the church includes both, and that these two aspects are inseparable.  To be concerned for inward renewal and to forget that this new life is given for the service of the world is to destroy the servant character of ministry.  But to be concerned for servant mission in the world and to separate this from the life of the renewed community is to forget that this community life is meant to be both a sign of the new life the world needs and the source of servant life for the world.
Of course there are many instances where Christians have truly taken on the servant role as demonstrated by Christ and served to be a tremendous witness of Christ's love (5.5) to those within their sphere of influence.  Often those individuals see their obedience to Christ as their ministry or 'calling' as they seek to represent Him to the world.  They see those who are isolated, grieving, depressed, etc. and recognize the need for His touch in such situations.  There are many in the church, outside of the HIV/AIDS crisis who need the compassionate understanding that they can bring: 
Many church members carry substantial loads of unresolved grief.  It comes from a variety of places - disappointments over lost opportunities, remembrances of lost loved ones, bitterness about real or imagined unfairness, alienation or a sense of having been left out or left behind.  Everyone has a personal version of this sense of loss, and everyone carries it alongside his or her personal strengths and weaknesses (Mead 1994:109). 
The work of Christ then is often done in many isolated incidences which although they do make an impact on an individual basis, it could be of much greater magnitude of the efforts were unified and strengthened by the entire body.  
3.9.4	Parachurch Organizations:
History displays many fine examples of the church ministering to the physical needs of the body as a demonstration of Christ's love.  The church, since its infancy has been marked by the compassion it has offered to the masses and those suffering in and around her.  For centuries, the church (in particular the Roman Catholic Church) has stood for mercy and compassion, as hospitals, schools, shelters, etc. have been established in its name all over the world.  It is only in recent times however that this source of hope and compassion has shifted hands.  Acts of mercy and kindness that may have been performed by the church in the past and interpreted as benevolent ministries of the church were once considered to be essential ingredients in the makeup of the church.  In more recent times, many of these benevolent ministries have been transferred from the hands of the church and into the hands of what have been called 'parachurch' organizations.  It is the parachurch agencies, especially the newer relief and development agencies, which dominate the twentieth-century scene, exemplifying all the strengths and weaknesses of modern Christian charity (Scott 1987:212).   Many times the Church has been guilty of handing over its benevolent responsibilities to Parachurch and even governmental social institutions and organizations that may or may not have any Christian ties at all.  In so doing, the church has given away a valuable tool in reaching out to the hearts of mankind.  
This began simply and most likely innocently enough, as the church became more and more focused upon internal issues and dealing with the souls of men, it naturally became less and less concerned with the physical human needs of those same men as outside agencies began looking after those needs.  This can be clearly demonstrated in the United States and other developed nations as social welfare programs developed to such a capacity that the church's response to those in need is not to help them in the name of Christ, but rather to direct them to the appropriate governmental agency that can meet their need.  
What has happened as a consequence of this course of action is that the Church has weakened its position in the world by limiting her function to the spiritual realm only.  By removing itself from the nitty-gritty issues of life that bring man to point of facing the reality of his need for God, it has unwontedly given up a most valuable and strategic position that could be used to touch the lives of those it seeks to serve at their very point of need (5.6).  Scott (1987:208) points out how this has served to bring the church away from its original focus, as demonstrated to us in the church of the New Testament, that initial purpose of ministering to the world as a servant:
Generally speaking, however, the New Testament sees the ministry of mercy not only as an individual obligation, but as a corporate endeavour of the church, to be carried out first of all within the church itself.  'So then, as we have opportunity, let us do good to all men, and especially to those who are of the household of faith' (Galatians 6:10).  Thus members of the first Christian congregation 'sold their possessions and goods and distributed them to all, as any had need'  (Acts 2:45).
Instead of reaching the world as its servant, much of the church has been quite content to focus its energies on more spiritual issues and leave the meeting of physical needs to others.  The relatively recent development of the AIDS crisis is causing this comfortable arrangement to be questioned.  The church is realizing out of necessity that it must take a part in this crisis, but is often at a loss as to just what part that should be.  As it looks at the various aide agencies, whether secular or Christian based, it is aghast at what seems to be the primary message given, as aptly illustrated in this 'Malawi Success Story' presented by USAID in their work in the prevention of AIDS in Malawi:
The Ntcheu Child Survival Project's (NCSP) Maternal and Child Health (MCH) department is working with communities to better understand and prevent the spread of HIV/AIDS. 
NCSP conducted surveys in 50 villages. Reproductive health and HIV/AIDS issues were discussed. From a sampling of community and religious leaders, a few initial observations emerged: that any individual already infected with HIV/AIDS 'deserved' the disease because s/he is promiscuous, condoms are not widely accepted or acknowledged as a method to prevent HIV transmission and Christian community members did not need condoms as they were not promiscuous.
Based on these findings, NCSP and the community developed a number of activities:
* Train youth and drama groups to advocate for behavioural change and promote the use of condoms.
* Select individuals to be role models and to give 'straight talk' on condom use.
* Train Village Health Committees (VHCs) and village chiefs through intensive briefing on HIV/AIDS and condom use. These community members were then charged with the responsibility to distribute condoms and educate people on proper condom use. 
* Conduct an intensive media campaign in 50 villages. The information emphasized behavioural change and the importance and proper use of condoms. 
* Improve condom availability / accessibility / acceptability through already-formed and operational drug revolving fund volunteers, VHC members and youth-to-youth condom distribution initiative so that the communities can protect themselves against Sexually Transmitted Infections, HIV and other infections.
Achievements: 
The most important achievement, perhaps, is that when communities are actively involved in discussions and distribution, condom use becomes increasingly acceptable to a wide variety of community members. Also, participants were very attentive throughout all training events, eager for information on HIV/AIDS and able to respond correctly on preventative measures, including the proper use of condoms (USAID/Malawi 2002).
Not wanting to participate in such propaganda, the church is often at a loss as to what its role should be as it seeks to represent Jesus Christ.  This became blatantly obvious when this researcher asked several church leaders and pastors if it would be possible to sit down and discuss with them the possibility of working with their church to help them develop a program to work with the HIV/AIDS crisis within their church community.  Although not all of them embraced the proposal of Home Based Care for their particular church, it was readily apparent that they were urgently searching for some way to address the issue of AIDS in their congregation, and were open to all ideas that may be of some benefit.
One of the new realizations of the church has to do with the current cultural mandate of not discussing sexual issues and the realization that this practice was actually working against the standards and ideals of morality in their youth.  They began to realize that these issues must be addressed (1.4.10.4).  The message promoted by the secular world, that condoms are the answer, was not what they as the church wanted instilled into their young people.  On the other hand they were beginning to realize that if they refused to address the issue and continued to avoid it, the youth would look elsewhere for their answers (1.4.10.6).  This was unfortunately demonstrated by the lack of credibility evidenced by the clergy in the perceptions of the youth (2.2).  God does have the answer to the world's problems, and the church needs to be the voice that shares that message. 
 Against the climate of our age, children need to learn that sex must be pure before God, and not simply safe, in order to be OK.  But to know the Bible's morality does not in itself bring either repentance or new life.  To change our lives, the commandments must be heard as God's voice, spoken in God's plan to point us to Calvary. 
The church, however, as the community of Christ's kingdom, can show the world an ethical integrity it must respect.  When Peter describes the impact of Christian righteous deeds in a pagan world, he is thinking not of isolated saints, but of the people of God, called out of darkness into God's light [2 Peter 2:9-12].  Christian witness that is limited to private religious experience cannot challenge secularism.  Christians in community must again show the world, not merely family values, but the bond of the love of Christ.  Increasing the ordered fellowship of the church becomes the sign of grace for warring factions of a disordered world.  Only as the church binds together those whom selfishness and hate have cut apart will its message be heard and its ministry of hope to the friendless be received (Clowney 1995:147).
3.9.5	Practical Application of Role of Malawian Church Mission, Overcoming Challenges.
The church of Africa is now participating in transformative action at different levels (1.4.10.8) by shaping its concept of its role as the Church as it deals with the devastation of HIV/AIDS.  History will actually be the one to demonstrate what its actual role has been once this segment of its record has been completed.  What does seem apparent during this current time is that the role of the church must be one which will impact people, all people, including those suffering because of infection from the HIV virus, as well as addressing the needs of those not infected, but nonetheless suffering because of being affected by those who are.  The needs of people in this crisis are multifaceted, and the church's role will be to discern these needs and develop ways to speak to them in ways that will be meaningful as well as impacting them in a real and tangible, as well as spiritual ways (1.4.10.6).
Beginning before the issue of prevention will be the church's responsibility to teach their people, from the early youth to the adults what God's principles are concerning the moral behaviour He has outlined for His people.  This fact was recognized by MAP International, and discussed in their booklet aptly titled, 'Choosing Hope' (MAP 1996:5 counselling):
Traditionally, the Church has avoided talking about these issues.  The AIDS epidemic has come upon the world primarily because we have left God's plan for sexuality.  The Church ... must teach people about God's view of sexuality, which includes:  the roles of husband and wife, man and woman; attitudes and relationships that we should have towards one another; the relationship of men to women and women to men; sexuality as a reflection of Christ and the Church.
Similarly, the Church must discuss sexual issues with youth and parents.  This includes talking to youth about body changes, sexual temptation and healthy sexual experiences within marriage. 
But before this message can have an impact, there must be the message of salvation and changed lives, as the apostle Paul says in Titus 2:11-15:
For the grace of God that brings salvation has appeared to all men.  It teaches us to say 'No' to ungodliness and worldly passions, and to live self-controlled, upright and godly lives in this present age, while we wait for the blessed hope--the glorious appearing of our great God and Saviour, Jesus Christ, who gave himself for us to redeem us from all wickedness and to purify for himself a people that are his very own, eager to do what is good.  These, then, are the things you should teach. Encourage and rebuke with all authority. Do not let anyone despise you. (NIV)

Reaching people with the Good News of Jesus Christ has been a success story in Africa where records indicate a steady growth of Christianity.   Whereas church growth in the developed nations can be graphed as a horizontal line, African church growth shows a continuous steady incline.  The challenge here in Africa, is to make Christianity meaningful and life changing.  This problem is certainly not unique to Africa but it is if anything, more difficult to overcome in Africa due to the severe shortage of trained clergy and other levels of leadership in the church.  Ongoing efforts continue to broach this challenge as various mission agencies such as African Bible College continue to train qualified leaders in an effort to meet the need.
The role of the church in Africa towards the pandemic of HIV/AIDS must be multifaceted in order to deal with the multifaceted challenges that abound.  There are no simple answers.  But the first step, that of becoming not only aware of the problem but also taking ownership of it with the realization that the church has a significant part to play in this drama as well is now being made by the African church (1.4.10.4).  Awareness and sensitisation of the issues will be a major part of the movement forward as the African church seeks to overcome the prejudices and stigmas associated with this disease that have served to hold it back from moving forward in its work as it seeks to minister to those suffering with HIV/AIDS (5.7).
Some churches, such as the Church of Central Africa Presbyterian (CCAP in Malawi) have realized their error in ignoring this issue until it has become a pandemic and instead of crying over the spilt milk, they have opted to move forward in a positive, proactive way.  One of the resultant effects of this change of mindset can be observed in a document they issued called the Chongoni Declaration of the Nkhoma Synod8:



We,
Ministers of Nkhoma Synod CCAP,
Gathered here at Namoni Katengeza Church Lay Training
Centre from 10 to 11 May 2000;
Noting with great concern the devastating effect
Of HIV infection and AIDS in Malawi,
Do hereby DECLARE that we as a Church Confess and repent before
The Almighty God that we have not obeyed His Word,
And that we have not been fully involved in addressing the HIV/AIDS crisis,
And that we ask for God's forgiveness,
And that from now onwards, we were take a preventative, 
care and support stand.
So Help Us God.

As the CCAP has addressed this issue, so have many other denominations as they share in the devastation of this pandemic upon their congregations.  They have picked up the gauntlet and begun to fight in the war on AIDS.  Each faith community, as it moves forward in this conflict, joins the globalised world in the wider contextual situation in addressing this issue 1.4.10.3).  Denominations are beginning to work together to present a united front as they do battle.  Individual churches are taking the responsibility to educate their congregations about HIV/AIDS and how they can work as a church to combat this plague by fighting the disease while loving the infected and affected.
Interdenominational conferences are being held to educate, inspire and challenge not only the church leadership but also the congregations to make an activist stand9.  People are beginning to realize that as Christians, they are called upon to not only live biblically moral and holy lives, but in order to obediently participating in the transformative action (1.4.10.8), they must also to live overtly with their faith in action reaching out to DO something to combat the problem.   While at different levels: personal, ecclesial, societal, ecological and scientific (a doing, liberating, transformative theology that leads to a strategy, implementation and an evaluation of progress).
3.10	SUMMARY
This chapter has demonstrated that African thought processes; in particular Sub-Saharan thought processes of the Malawian mindset, involving the perceptions and impressions of HIV/AIDS, have often been guilty of serving to extend and broaden the problem.  After examining cultural specifics and difficulties in the African community as a whole that contribute to the perpetuation of the problem, the focus was then moved to more carefully scrutinize the impact these practices have had as they specifically affected Malawi.
With reflection upon the special challenges that affect the African church in general, these challenges have been explored.  Special consideration of the difficulties being confronted by the Malawian church in particular, have been addressed as it has faced up to the HIV/AIDS crisis.  Observations were made in this chapter regarding the movement of the Malawian church from a position of helplessness as they allowed this pandemic of AIDS to surround and engulf them without their actual acknowledgement of the problem, to a proactive and positive stance.  Although it is certain that challenges will continue to surface and the crisis is far from over, the strides which have been taken by the church are encouraging as it seeks to shed those hindering attributes and apply itself to the task of being 'the church' and therefore, as fulfilling the role described earlier in this chapter (3.9.3) so that it begins to: 
...interact with the world (people) in such a way as to demonstrate God's plan of salvation through the saving work of Jesus Christ and the transforming and sanctifying work of the Holy Spirit to reconcile man to Himself and to others.  This will result in the transformation of the world as the church reaches out by its word and deed, proclaiming the Gospel message of the God who saves to the world that desperately needs Him.  It is only by witnessing God at work through His people (the church) that those outside of the church can realize their need for Him.  
HIV/AIDS concerns impacting the church in general, as well as the particular struggles affecting the Malawian church serve to emphasize the continuing need for the church to take necessary measures to work within the framework of her mission to respond in a positive way to these issues.  The problems identified (5.4):  alienation, estrangement and prejudice affect the effectiveness of the church's ability to communicate hope and love to those drowning in despair.  Chapter five will look at the theological implications of these problems, addressing some of the current thinking and attitudes taken by those in the theological field, as they work to sort out God's directed response to these issues.  
Addressing these factors on the macro level only serves to demonstrate more clearly the need for intervention on the micro or individual level.  Change will not come to an individual, or the church, or the world for that matter by merely identifying the problem.  Paradigmal changes in the way the church views this crisis, and those caught in the midst of it must come with slow, deliberate and determined steps.  
If one were building a road and discovered that a mountain lay in the middle of the desired path, it would be a foregone conclusion that something other than merely recognizing the presence of the mountain must be done.  Throwing ones hands up in defeat at the apparently insurmountable task of moving the mountain would have no effect on the need to move it.  Only by taking measured, proactive steps can a solution take place.  In the same way, if a shovel is used to move the mountain; shovel full by shovel full, even though the task looks monumental initially, eventually, the mountain will be conquered.  
By the same token, determined, methodical steps must be taken to make the changes necessary to conquer the HIV/AIDS pandemic.  The project under investigation in this study is only one aspect, or one shovel full (to continue the metaphor), of the multifaceted approach needed to conquer this mountain of HIV/AIDS as it seeks to explore the question:
Can the relationship between the local church and the HIV/AIDS community be altered when provided with the opportunity to learn about each other in safe, non-threatening ways using the vehicle of Home Based Care as the point of entry?
The forthcoming chapter will look more closely at cultural patterns that serve to defeat the efforts of the church as she seeks to address this deadly issue.  Specifically, the actual tribal practices and detrimental influences, which are used by the major tribes in Malawi, and serving to promote the disease will be analysed.  
Once the dark, and often occultic, side of the cultural practices have been exposed and brought into the light, exploration of these issues will begin with the task of examining the theological implications, and in particular within the scope of Practical Theology with the development of a praxis process for change.  The final chapters will then demonstrate the systematic methodology and evaluative processes that took place in this study regarding HIV/AIDS alienation, and in particular, the relationship between prejudice and acceptance within the context of the specific evangelical congregations involved in this study. 


1 Sub-Saharan countries have enough similarities to be grouped in many ways.  Those northern countries will not be included within the scope of this study for several reasons, including the fact that they comprise most of the Islamic countries that have a strikingly different worldview than those who are predominately influenced by the Judeo-Christian worldview.  Another significant point, which must be realized, is the fact that these countries are closed to outside probing regarding their actual HIV/AIDS statistics, which eliminates the possibility of an accurate portrayal of the role of HIV/AIDS in their cultures.
2 Since it is beyond the scope of this dissertation to evaluate all African customs, this discussion is limited to attributes that contribute to the spread and propagation of HIV/AIDS.  Therefore, only the negative aspects of the African culture are considered for assessment, and the reader is cautioned to consider this aspect in order to prevent the formation of a distorted image of the African cultural milieu.
3 Izibongos is the Zulu word describing the African traditions of praise poems, which are passed through the generations telling of the great deeds of famous ancestors or great events that affected those ancestors.  
4 The World cites the statistics for the Sub-Saharan country of Malawi as: Protestant 55%, Roman Catholic 20%, Muslim 20%, indigenous beliefs 3%, other 2%.  
5 ABC students confirm that these myths do continue to circulate in today's Malawian milieu. 
6 Internet search utilizing 'www.google.com' search engine, and the words:  AIDS cure
7 For the first time, the WHO has calculated healthy life expectancy for babies born in 1999 based upon an indicator developed by WHO scientists, Disability Adjusted Life Expectancy (DALE). DALE summarizes the expected number of years to be lived in what might be termed the equivalent of 'full health.' To calculate DALE, the years of ill-health are weighted according to severity and subtracted from the expected overall life expectancy to give the equivalent years of healthy life. http://www.africaaction.org/docs00/life0006.htm
8 A copy of the Chongoni Declaration document was provided by Rev. Dr. Hennie van Deventer, Principle of Nifcott (Nkhoma Institute for Continuous Theological Training), PO Box 38, Nkhoma, Malawi.
9 As an example of this phenomenon, at the current moment this sentence is being written, there are at least two conferences (NetACT and World Relief as sponsors) being held this very week in Malawi for church leaders and those interested in working to fight this battle.



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