Globalization now and then
Selection of notes
 
Manifesto of the Communist Party
By Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, 1848
 

The bourgeoisie has, through its exploitation of the world market, given  a cosmopolitan character to production and consumption in every country. To the great chagrin of reactionaries, it has drawn from under the feet  of industry the national ground on which it stood.  All old-established national industries have been destroyed or are daily being destroyed. They are dislodged by new industries, whose introduction becomes a life  and death question for all civilized nations, by industries that no  longer work up indigenous raw material, but raw material drawn from the  remotest zones; industries whose products are consumed, not only at home, but in every quarter of the globe.  In place of the old wants, satisfied by the production of the country, we find new wants, requiring for their satisfaction the products of distant lands and climes.  In place of the old local and national seclusion and self-sufficiency, we have intercourse in every direction, universal inter-dependence of nations.  And as in material, so also in intellectual production. The intellectual creations of individual nations become common property. National one-sidedness and narrow-mindedness become more and more impossible, and from the numerous national and local literatures, there arises a world literature. 

 

 

“Life at High Pressure”
By W. R. Greg. 1877, p. 263
 

Beyond doubt, the most salient characteristic of life in this latter portion of the 19th century is its SPEED, —what we may call its hurry, the rate at which we move, the high-pressure at which we work; —and the question to be considered is, first, whether this rapid rate is in itself a good; and, next, whether it is worth the price we pay for it—a price reckoned up, and not very easy thoroughly to ascertain.

 

 

The Economic Consequences of the Peace
by John Maynard Keynes, 1919
Chapter 2 Europe Before the War

 

What an extraordinary episode in the economic progress of man that age was which came to an end in August 1914! The greater part of the population, it is true, worked hard and lived at a low standard of comfort, yet were, to all appearances, reasonably contented with this lot. But escape was possible, for any man of capacity or character at all exceeding the average, into the middle and upper classes, for whom life offered, at a low cost and with the least trouble, conveniences, comforts, and amenities beyond the compass of the richest and most powerful monarchs of other ages. The inhabitant of London could order by telephone, sipping his morning tea in bed, the various products of the whole earth, in such quantity as he might see fit, and reasonably expect their early delivery upon his doorstep; he could at the same moment and by the same means adventure his wealth in the natural resources and new enterprises of any quarter of the world, and share, without exertion or even trouble, in their prospective fruits and advantages; or he could decide to couple the security of his fortunes with the good faith of the townspeople of any substantial municipality in any continent that fancy or information might recommend. He could secure forthwith, if he wished it, cheap and comfortable means of transit to any country or climate without passport or other formality, could dispatch his servant to the neighbouring office of a bank for such supply of the precious metals as might seem convenient, and could then proceed abroad to foreign quarters, without knowledge of their religion, language, or customs, bearing coined wealth upon his person, and would consider himself greatly aggrieved and much surprised at the least interference. But, most important of all, he regarded this state of affairs as normal, certain, and permanent, except in the direction of further improvement, and any deviation from it as aberrant, scandalous, and avoidable. The projects and politics of militarism and imperialism, of racial and cultural rivalries, of monopolies, restrictions, and exclusion, which were to play the serpent to this paradise, were little more than the amusements of his daily newspaper, and appeared to exercise almost no influence at all on the ordinary course of social and economic life, the internationalisation of which was nearly complete in practice.

    

 

Imperialism: The Highest Stage of Capitalism
By Vladimir Lenin, written in January — June, 1916 and first published in early 1917
 

X. The Place of Imperialism in History

 

In regard to the rapidity of Germany's economic development, Riesser, the author of the book on the big German banks, states: "The progress of the preceding period (1848-70), which had not been exactly slow, compares with the rapidity with which the whole of Germany's national economy, and with it German banking, progressed during this period (1870-1905) in about the same way as the speed of the mail coach in the good old days compares with the speed of the present-day automobile ... which is whizzing past so fast that it endangers not only innocent pedestrians in its path, but also the occupants of the car." In its turn, this finance capital which has grown with such extraordinary rapidity is not unwilling, precisely because it has grown so quickly, to pass on to a more "tranquil" possession of colonies which have to be seized — and not only by peaceful methods — from richer nations

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bourgeois economists, in describing modern capitalism, frequently employ catchwords and phrases like "interlocking", "absence of isolation", etc.; "in conformity with their functions and course of development", banks are "not purely private business enterprises: they are more and more outgrowing the sphere of purely private business regulation". And this very Riesser, whose words I have just quoted, declares with all seriousness that the "prophecy" of the Marxists concerning "socialisation" has "not come true"!

What then does this catchword "interlocking" express? It merely expresses the most striking feature of the process going on before our eyes. It shows that the observer counts the separate trees, but cannot see the wood. It slavishly copies the superficial, the fortuitous, the chaotic. It reveals the observer as one who is overwhelmed by the mass of raw material and is utterly incapable of appreciating its meaning and importance. Ownership of shares, the relations between owners of private property "interlock in a haphazard way". But underlying this interlocking, its very base, are the changing social relations of production. When a big enterprise assumes gigantic proportions, and, on the basis of an exact computation of mass data, organises according to plan the supply of primary raw materials to the extent of two- thirds, or three-fourths, of all that is necessary for tens of millions of people; when the raw materials are transported in a systematic and organised manner to the most suitable places of production, sometimes situated hundreds or thousands of miles from each other; when a single centre directs all the consecutive stages of processing the material right up to the manufacture of numerous varieties of finished articles; when these products are distributed according to a single plan among tens and hundreds of millions of consumers (the marketing of oil in America and Germany by the American oil trust) — then it becomes evident that we have socialisation of production, and not mere "interlocking", that private economic and private property relations constitute a shell which no longer fits its contents, a shell which must inevitably decay if its removal is artificially delayed, a shell which may remain in a state of decay for a fairly long period (if, at the worst, the cure of the opportunist abscess is protracted), but which will inevitably be removed.

 

The invisible computer

From Norman, D. A. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Copyright © 1997, 1998

 

7. Being Analog

Treating People like Machines

 

What an exciting time the turn of the century must have been! The period from the late 1800s through the early 1900s was one of rapid change, in many ways paralleling the changes that are taking place now. In a relatively short period of time, the entire world went through rapid, almost miraculous technological invention, forever changing the lives of its citizens, society, business and government. In this period, the light bulb was developed and electric power plants sprung up across the nation. Electric motors were developed to power factories. The telegraph spanned the American continent and the world, followed by the telephone. Then came the phonograph, for the first time in history allowing voices, songs, and sounds to be preserved and replayed at will. At the same time, mechanical devices were increasing in power. The railroad was rapidly expanding its coverage. Steam-powered ocean-going ships were under development. The automobile was invented, first as expensive, hand-made machines, starting with Daimler and Benz in Europe. Henry Ford developed the first assembly line for the mass-production of relatively inexpensive automobiles. The first airplane was flown and within a few decades would carry mail, passengers, and bombs. Photography was in its prime and motion pictures were on the way. And soon to come was radio, allowing signals, sounds, and images to be transmitted all across the world, without the need for wires. It was a remarkable period of change.

It is difficult today to imagine life prior to these times. At nighttime the only lighting was through flames: candles, fireplaces, oil and kerosene lamps, and in some places, gas. Letters were the primary means of communication, and although letter delivery within a large city was rapid and efficient, with delivery offered more than once each day, delivery across distances could take days or even weeks. Travel was difficult, and many people never ventured more than 30 miles from their homes during their entire lives. Everyday life was quite different from today. But in what to a historian is a relatively short period, the world changed dramatically in ways that affected everyone, not just the rich and upper class, but the everyday person as well.

Light, travel, entertainment: all changed through human inventions. Work did too, although not always in beneficial ways. The factory already existed, but the new technologies and processes brought forth new requirements, along with opportunities for exploitation. The electric motor allowed a more efficient means of running factories. But as usual, the largest change was social and organizational: the analysis of work into a series of small actions and the belief that if each action could be standardized, each organized into "the one best way, " then automated factories could reap even greater efficiencies and productivity. Hence the advent of time-and-motion studies, of "scientific management," and of the assembly line. Hence too came the dehumanization of the worker, for now the worker was essentially just another machine in the factory, analyzed like one, treated like one, and asked not to think on the job, for thinking slowed down the action.

The era of mass production and the assembly line, resulted in part from the efficiencies of the "disassembly line" developed by the meat packing factories. The tools of scientific management took into account the mechanical properties of the body but not the mental and psychological ones. The result was to cram ever more motions into the working day, treating the factory worker as a cog in a machine, deliberately depriving work of all meaning, all in the name of efficiency. These beliefs have stuck with us, and although today we do not go to quite the extremes advocated by the early practitioners of scientific management, the die was cast for the mindset of ever-increasing efficiency, ever-increasing productivity from the workforce. The principle of improved efficiency is hard to disagree with. The question is, at what price?

Frederick Taylor thought there was "the one best way" of doing things. Taylor's work, some people believe, has had the largest impact upon the lives of people in this century than that of anyone else. His book, The principles of scientific management, published in 1911, guided factory development and workforce habits across the world, from the United States to Stalin's attempt to devise an efficient communist workplace in the newly formed Soviet Union. You may not have ever heard of him, but he is primarily responsible for our notions of efficiency, of the work practices followed in industry across the world, and even of the sense of guilt we sometimes feel when we have been "goofing off," spending time on some idle pursuit when we should be attending to business.

Taylor's "scientific management" was a detailed, careful study of jobs, breaking down each task into its basic components. Once you knew the components, you could devise the most efficient way of doing things, devise procedures that enhanced performance and increased the efficiency of workers. If Taylor's methods were followed properly, management could raise workers' pay while at the same time increasing company profit. In fact, Taylor's methods required management to raise the pay, for money was used as the powerful incentive to get the workers to follow the procedures and work more efficiently. According to Taylor, everybody would win: the workers would get more money, the management more production and more profit. Sounds wonderful, doesn't it? The only problem was that workers hated it.

Taylor, you see, thought of people as simple, mechanical machines. Find the best way to do things, and have people do it, hour after hour, day after day. Efficiency required no deviation. Thought was eliminated. First of all, said Taylor, the sort of people who could shovel dirt, do simple cutting, lathing, and drilling, and in general do the lowest-level of tasks, were not capable of thought. "Brute laborers" is how he regarded them. Second, if thought was needed, it meant that there was some lack of clarity in the procedures or the process, which signaled that the procedures were wrong. The problem with thinking, explained Taylor, was not only that most workers were incapable of it, but that thinking slowed the work down. That's certainly true: why, if we never had to think, just imagine how much faster we could work. In order to eliminate the need for thought, Taylor stated that it was necessary to reduce all work to the routine, that is all the work except for people like him who didn't have to keep fixed hours, who didn't have to follow procedures, who were paid literally hundreds of times greater wages than the brutes, and who were allowed &emdash; encouraged &emdash; to think .

Taylor thought that the world itself was neat and tidy. If only everyone would do things according to procedure, everything would run smoothly, producing a clean, harmonious world. Taylor may have thought he understood machines, but he certainly didn't understand people. In fact, he didn't really understand the complexity of machines and the complexity of work. And he certainly didn't understand the complexity of the world.

Political economy, that branch of political science or philosophy which treats of the sources, and methods of production and preservation, of the material wealth and prosperity of nations.

 

Political economy. A branch of the social sciences that takes as its principal subject of study the interrelationships between political and economic institutions and processes. That is, political economists are interested in analyzing and explaining the ways in which various sorts of government affect the allocation of scarce resources in society through their laws and policies as well as the ways in which the nature of the economic system and the behavior of people acting on their economic interests affects the form of government and the kinds of laws and policies that get made.

 

Peter Dicken, Global Shift (1998, 5):

Internacionalization processes involve the simple extension of economic activities across national boundaries. It is essentially, a quantitative process which leads to a more extensive geographical pattern of economic activity.

Globalization processes are qualitatively different from internationalization processes. They involve not merely the geographical extension of economic activity across national boundaries but also—and more importantly—the functional integration of such internationally dispersed activities.

 

Richard Higgott and Simon Reich. 1998. “Globalisation and Sites of Conflict: Towards Definition and Taxonomy.” CSGR Working Paper No. 01/98, March.

 

(A) Globalization as a historical epoch. In this context, globalisation is a specific period of history--rather than a sociological phenomenon or a theoretical framework. It is broadly dated from the beginning of detente and the end of the Cold War, and is immortalised in the destruction of the Berlin wall. It is in effect the first clear historical phase after the end of the Cold War. This is a temporal definition--time is the crucial factor. Whether causally related or not, globalisation as a period might be said to ‘succeed’ the Cold War historically. The economic counterpart to the bi-polar strategic conflict of the Cold War was the post world war two, post colonial ‘developmentalist project’ through which the capitalist economy was stabilised. Like the Cold War before it the term ‘globalisation’ serves as a time bound template for describing a context in which events occur. Globalization might be considered (retrospectively) as a historical period.

 

(B) Globalisation as a confluence of economic phenomena: Alternatively, globalisation, rather than being seen historically, might be characterized functionally as an intrinsically related series of economic phenomena. These include the liberalisation and deregulation of markets, privatization of assets, retreat of state functions (particularly welfare ones), diffusion of technology, cross-national distribution of manufacturing production (foreign direct investment), and the integration of capital markets. In its narrowest formulation, the term refers to the world-wide spread of sales, production and manufacturing processes, all of which reconstitute the international division of labour. This is what we might call an economically defined, process, definition of globalisation.

While it focuses on the distribution of finance, production, technology, regulation, and authority as indicators of change, it argues that many of these activities are not historically 'new' Rather, their volume scope and clustering makes them significant. They have never occurred with such depth, breadth and speed in the past. 1970 and beyond is not similar to the period prior to the outbreak of world war one in 1914. Market reform and the retreat of the state may have occurred previously, but never in combination with the explosive growth of FDI, multilateral institutions and the spread of a single ideology. A corollary of this definition is that globalisation leads to convergence.

 

(C) Globalization as the hegemony of American values: An understanding of this definition is best captured in the triumphalist tone inherent in the title of Frances Fukayama's book The End of History and the Last Man. The end of the 'cold war' represented the outcome of an ideological battle that had began at the end of world war two. It stresses the diffusion and assimilation of western--for which read 'American'--technological capability, finance and institutions (political and economic ones in the public sector, and ‘best business practices’ in the private sector.) In this definition, globalisation is a normatively good thing that represents the triumph of modernisation and democracy defined as industrialized economic development involving the characteristic features of a limited state apparatus, representative government and a liberal concept of freedom and choice. In this regard, current proponents of globalisation hardly sound distinct from their intellectual forebears in the modernisation tradition in American political thought according to which a homogenisation of values occurs around the principles of capitalism and democracy.

(D) Globalisation as technological and social revolution. This view directly contradicts the second definition of globalisation as being but a new cluster of activities. Rather this view argues that globalisation is a new form of activity in which a decisive shift from industrial capitalism to a post-industrial conception of economic relations is taking place. This shift is driven by a revolution among techno-industrial elites that will eventually consolidate a single global market. It is a comprehensive process of globally integrated production; of specialised but interdependent labour markets; of the privatization of state assets; and of the linkage of technology across conventional national borders. Unlike definition A, time has no meaning and space has been compressed as a result of technological and communication revolutions giving rise to the 'networked economy.'

 

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