Mao Tse-tung
ON CONTRADICTION
August 1937

Mao Tse-tung
REVOLUTIONARY FORCES OF THE WORLD UNITE, FIGHT AGAINST IMPERIALIST AGGRESSION!
November 1948

LINEA INTERNACIONAL
Partido Comunista del Perú - 1988

SOBRE LA CONSTRUCCION DEL PARTIDO
Partido Comunista del Perú - 1992

ELECCIONES, NO! GUERRA POPULAR, SI!
Partido Comunista del Perú - 1991

Mao Tse-tung
RECRUIT LARGE NUMBERS OF INTELLECTUALS December 1939

Anarchisme et socialisme
V. LENINE - 1901

Socialisme et religion
V. LENINE -1905

d) CE QU'IL Y A DE COMMUN ENTRE L'ECONOMISME ET LE TERRORISME
V. Lénine

De l'Etat
V. LENINE

Contre le libéralisme
Mao Zedong - 1937

L'ETAT ET LA REVOLUTION
V. LENINE

LE PROGRAMME MILITAIRE DE LA REVOLUTION PROLETARIENNE
V. LENINE

BOLÍVAR Y PONTE
C. Marx 1858

ENTREVISTA CON EL PRESIDENTE GONZALO

 

http://www.awtw.org A World to Win has been inspired by the formation of the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement, announced on March 12th, 1984, which has regrouped many Marxist-Leninist-Maoist parties and organisations from around the world. It is not an official organ of the RIM. Its pages are open to all those on the same sides of the barricades in the fight against imperialism and reaction. STEP FORWARD! A World to Win cannot accomplish its tasks without the active support of its readers. Letters, articles and criticism are needed and welcome. Manuscripts should be typed double spaced. In addition we need translators, help with distribution (including through commercial channels) to make this magazine available in as many countries as possible, art work (as well as clippings and original photos), and of course financial contributions from those who understand the importance of the continued publication of this magazine. This includes both individual contributions and the efforts of those who undertake the responsibility for raising funds for this magazine. Send pledges and donation cheques made out to "A World to Win." Send all correspondence and other materials to BCM World to Win London WC 1 N 3XX U. K.

 

CULTURA Recueil de chants révolutionnaires  Chants de lutte, chants d'espoirs...    POESÍA REVOLUCIONARIA

Long live to the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist)

EDITORIAL - Glorious Eight Years

On February 13 the historic People’s War (PW) has completed its glorious eight years and entered the ninth. The ninth anniversary was celebrated with enthusiasm and gusto throughout the country and abroad. We congratulate all the heroic fighters and general masses and pay our revolutionary homage to thousands of great martyrs on this solemn occasion.

This is also an occasion to take stock of the revolutionary achievements and challenges of the past and foresee the prospects for the future.

As various formal resolutions and public statements of the Party have already proclaimed, the Nepalese PW is now at the preparatory stage of transition from strategic equilibrium to strategic offensive. It is now universally acknowledged that the revolutionary forces control more than eighty percent (according to the International Crisis Group’s report it is more than seventy percent) of the country reducing the old monarchical state’s authority to mere district headquarters and big urban areas. The formation of the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) has been upgraded to the division level, with two Divisions, seven Brigades and nineteen Battalions and many more Companies in active operation. Similarly, whole country has been divided into nine Autonomous Regions, and eight Autonomous Region level People’s Governments have been formed and publicly declared, except in the Kathmandu Valley. The Party has now concentrated all efforts to prepare for mounting an offensive against the reactionary monarchist state embroiled in acute systemic crisis.

As Mao has said, this “transitional stage of entire war “ is going to be “the most trying period” and also “the pivotal one”. This is perhaps the most complex and challenging phase of the PW, as it marks a qualitative transition in many aspects of the revolutionary process. Firstly, in this phase of the revolution there will be direct collision with imperialism and now the contradictions will have to be handled at the international level. In the present global context of ‘wounded tiger’ syndrome madly displayed by the sole super power U.S. imperialism after September 11 and the sensitive geo-strategic positioning of Nepal between two super states of India and China, the international question is bound to be all the more complex and significant. Secondly, whereas the main task of PW so far was destruction of the old state power, henceforth the task would be almost equally divided between the ‘destruction’ of the old and ‘construction’ of the new state power in the vast liberated areas. For, even though the destruction of the old would still remain the principal task until the central power is captured, it would be just impossible to mobilize the tens of millions of masses for the final offensive unless the liberated base areas are consolidated enough. Thirdly, and perhaps the most importantly, the nature of war itself would now transform from the ‘defensive’ to the ‘offensive’, which would demand a great leap in both quantity and quality of the army and logistics and in the battle techniques. Instead of guerilla warfare now mobile and positional warfare would play a dominant role and the theatre of operation itself would shift to urban and more accessible areas from the hitherto rural areas. Moreover, as synthesized by the Second National Conference of the Party, in the particularity of the changed world situation and the given situation of Nepal techniques of general insurrection would have to be integrated with the protracted PW.

Keeping in mind these and other complexities of the new stage of PW, the Party practiced new tactical moves with significant finesse in the past one year. Of these, the move of ceasefire and negotiations with the old state power was the prominent one. From January 29 (2003) to August 27, a mutual ceasefire was observed and three rounds of negotiations held between the official negotiation teams of the two sides. Though the talks ultimately broke down because of the intransigence of the autocratic monarchical forces principally backed by U.S. imperialism, the politics of negotiations provided a good opportunity for the revolutionary forces to build and expand the bond with the masses and cultivate diplomatic and political relations with different international forces. Also, the political exposure of the monarchy-imperialism nexus and the militarist nature of the monarchical regime, has increasingly transformed the triangular contention among monarchist, parliamentary and revolutionary forces into a bipolar contention between the monarchist and democratic forces. On the military front, a calculated change of tactics to countrywide decentralized actions and more focus on southern plains (Terai) and urban areas has led to constant bleeding of the royal mercenary army and increasingly put them in the defensive. In sum, the political and military moves of the past one-year have contributed significantly for the preparation of the strategic offensive.

Looking back at the tremendous strides in the revolutionary process of the last eight years, apart from the great sacrifices of the masses and the immortal martyrs, the ideological development of the movement based on Marxism-Leninism-Maoism (MLM) is definitely the principal factor for the great achievement. And the key to future prospects, too, would largely rest on how much this ideological development can be carried forward. Starting with the initial thrust on great leap, rupture with the past and all round rebellion inherent in revolutionary dialectics, the proletarian science of revolution was constantly sought to develop through concrete practice. In this process ‘Prachanda Path’ was synthesized as a new set of ideas developed through the practice of MLM in the concrete conditions of Nepal during the first five years of PW. The new development since then have definitely raised new questions on the ideological front and we have to grapple with them in the proper MLM spirit. The question of development of democracy has been identified as one of the key issues in this context and the Party Central Committee has passed a resolution on this (see “Present Situation and Our Historical Task” in this issue). We expect that an enlightened and solemn debate on the question among the international revolutionary forces would help us to reach a conscientious decision at the appropriate moment.

Even though Mao said, “nobody can predict exactly how many months or years it will last as this depends entirely upon the degree of the change in the balance of forces”, in the case of Nepal the transition from strategic equilibrium to strategic offensive may not be too prolonged. However, we must guard against both the Right and ‘Left’ tendencies of complacency and revolutionary impetuosity. ·

THE WORKER
Organ of the CPN (Maoist), No-9

===========================

Information Bureau
Communist Party of the Philippines
http://www.philippinerevolution.org/
http://prwc.netfirms.com/

35 years of being the genuine army of the Filipino people

The New People’s Army is the revolutionary army of the Filipino people under the absolute leadership of the Communist Party of the Philippines.

In carrying out the revolutionary armed struggle, the NPA follows the general line of the new democratic revolution through protracted people's war. It is the principal instrument in implementing the revolutionary program for land reform, the main democratic agenda of the people's revolution.

Red fighters of the NPA are principally drawn from among the peasant masses. The correctness and need to carry out revolutionary armed struggle and the justness of the work of the NPA also inspires workers, students-youth, teachers and other professionals to join the revolutionary army.

The NPA was established in March 29, 1969 with 60 Red fighters armed with 9 automatic rifles and 26 single-shot rifles and handguns. By carrying out tactical offensives, the NPA is able to accumulate arms and weaken the reactionary mercenary troops.

Currently, the NPA has a sum total of at least three divisions or nine brigades or 27 battalions of full-time Red fighters with high-powered rifles. These are augmented by tens of thousands in the people's militias and further on by hundreds of thousands in self-defense units of the mass organizations.
Membership is open to all persons aged 18 years old and above, physically and mentally fit, willing and ready to fight for freedom.

===========================

http://www.sarbedaran.org

Resoluciones de la Conferencia Conjunta de Partidos y Organizaciones Marxista-Leninista-Maoístas de Irán y Afganistán sobre la situación actual en el mundo y en la región y específicamente sobre la situación en Afganistán

A continuación reproducimos la mayor parte de las resoluciones aprobadas en la reciente Conferencia Conjunta de Partidos y Organizaciones Marxista-Leninista-Maoístas de Irán y Afganistán. Esta conferencia se celebró a iniciativa del Comité del Movimiento Revolucionario Internacionalista (MRI), para impulsar el desarrollo de la unidad entre las fuerzas maoístas de la región, sobre todo en Afganistán. Como tarea primordial, se analizó la nueva situación en la región creada por la guerra de los imperialistas yanquis en Afganistán y, en particular, se hizo un análisis unificado de los peligros generados por la presencia militar yanqui y de las mayores oportunidades para la lucha revolucionaria, sobre todo apresurar los preparativos para construir un partido de vanguardia unido e iniciar la guerra popular.

La conferencia tuvo bastantes éxitos; reunió muchas fuerzas agrupadas alrededor del estandarte del maoísmo en Afganistán, entre ellas:

· Partido Comunista de Afganistán, formado el 1º de mayo de 1991 y participante en el MRI desde su formación.

· Comité de Unidad del Movimiento Comunista de Afganistán (Marxista-Leninista-Maoísta), conformado de tres organizaciones: Organización de Lucha por la Salvación de Afganistán; Círculo de la Juventud Progresista de Afganistán; y Combatientes del Camino para Liberar al Pueblo de Afganistán. Estos grupos llevan desde 1994 trabajando juntos. En 2001, a partir de su trabajo y lucha política e ideológica comunes, formaron el Comité de Unidad, que tomó al marxismo-leninismo-maoísmo (mlm) como base ideológica.

· Unidad Revolucionaria de los Obreros de Afganistán, con el mlm como base ideológica, que ha llevado muchos años una resistencia activa contra los regímenes reaccionarios en Afganistán.

También participó el Partido Comunista de Irán (Marxista-Leninista-Maoísta), un participante en el MRI. En especial, la conferencia elevó el nivel de comprensión y unidad entre los camaradas de Afganistán, y representó un paso importante hacia la unificación de todas las fuerzas mlm en ese país en un solo partido de vanguardia, lo que es una meta compartida por todos los presentes. - Un Mundo Que Ganar

Los sucesos del 11 de septiembre dieron a los imperialistas, encabezados por los yanquis, el pretexto para lanzar una campaña de agresión a nombre de la guerra contra el terrorismo. Si bien la campaña se dirigió inicialmente a los propios engendros reaccionarios de los imperialistas, como al-Qaeda y el Talibán, es el proletariado y los oprimidos del mundo y su lucha revolucionaria los que son el verdadero blanco, pues tarde o temprano, la lucha revolucionaria de las masas, en particular la guerra popular bajo la dirección de los maoístas, llegará a ser el objetivo de sus ataques.

Hoy, los ataques del imperialismo mundial se concentran principalmente en las regiones de Asia y el Medio Oriente, con Afganistán al centro. El imperialismo yanqui y sus aliados atacaron y ocuparon Afganistán, e impulsaron la imposición de un nuevo régimen títere. Este proceso empezó con la reunión en Bonn (Alemania) sostenida por vendepatrias, que formó una "Administración Provisional", seguida por el proyecto reaccionario de la "Loya Jirga de Emergencia", que llevó a la formación de la "Administración de Transición".

El propósito de los imperialistas agresores es conservar las relaciones semifeudales y coloniales, prolongar su presencia militar en el país, proteger su dominio político y estabilizar el gobierno de los grupos islámicos criminales, reaccionarios, antidemocráticos y misóginos. La agresión de los imperialistas, con mayores crímenes contra los oprimidos del mundo, con el objeto de fortalecer su sistema podrido, está suscitando más resistencia. Esto presenta a las fuerzas marxista-leninista-maoístas de todos los países una situación que es sumamente favorable para la lucha, junto con riesgos.

La cruzada imperialista que regresó al Poder a los señores de la guerra jihadi no resolvió las crisis ideológicas, organizativas y militares de los grupos islámicos gobernantes; las ha prolongado. A los imperialistas les está costando mucho trabajo estabilizar el Poder del gobierno títere central en el resto del país. Las crisis y el caos en el seno de los gobernantes reaccionarios, a causa de las contradicciones internas y la rivalidad entre las potencias imperialistas, generan una base muy favorable que los revolucionarios deben aprovechar activa y creadoramente para la lucha.

Para aprovechar la situación en este país y definir las tareas del movimiento comunista a partir de los principios, los partidos y organizaciones comunistas (marxista-leninista-maoístas) de Afganistán y el Partido Comunista de Irán (Marxista-Leninista-Maoísta) sostuvieron una conferencia regional. La conferencia, que se realizó a iniciativa del Comité del Movimiento Revolucionario Internacionalista (CoMRI), con la presencia de un representante del mismo, concluyó con éxito y aprobó las resoluciones siguientes:

1) La conferencia subrayó que el Movimiento Revolucionario Internacionalista (MRI) es responsable de dirigir la revolución mundial contra el sistema imperialista imperante, para que la humanidad obtenga el nuevo sistema de comunismo mundial. La revolución proletaria socialista en los países imperialistas capitalistas, y la transición de la revolución de nueva democracia al socialismo en los países oprimidos por el imperialismo, son los dos ejes de la revolución mundial. Estas revoluciones "la guerra popular prolongada en los países oprimidos por el imperialismo, y la insurrección seguida de la guerra civil en los países imperialistas" son los dos tipos de guerra popular que se aplican en los países del mundo.

Todos los maoístas del mundo deben armarse con las tres armas de la revolución "el partido comunista, y el ejército popular y el frente único revolucionario dirigidos por el partido comunista" para dar una intrépida dirección estratégica. En la actualidad, la organización y la dirección del movimiento de resistencia de las masas del mundo contra los agresores imperialistas yanquis y sus aliados es una de las tareas más importantes.

2) El movimiento comunista de Afganistán es parte indesligable del Movimiento Revolucionario Internacionalista. En la actualidad, los maoístas de Afganistán deben asumir la tarea principal de impulsar el proceso de unirse en un solo partido marxista-leninista-maoísta. Con tal partido, será posible preparar, iniciar y desarrollar la guerra popular como forma concreta de la resistencia revolucionaria de las masas contra la agresión imperialista.

3) La conferencia apoya firmemente al Movimiento Revolucionario Internacionalista. Esperamos que el Movimiento unifique la actual lucha de los maoístas en varios países, y combativa y triunfalmente dé pasos para formar una nueva internacional comunista de los marxista-leninista-maoístas. La conferencia apoya resueltamente al CoMRI como una dirección internacional embrionaria. La conferencia, apreciada por nosotros, se realizó a iniciativa del CoMRI, y se considera un triunfo de nuestra clase internacional.

La conferencia apoya a todos los participantes en el Movimiento Revolucionario Internacionalista, en particular a nuestros destacamentos de vanguardia en el Perú y en Nepal que dirigen guerras populares. Concretamente, los imperialistas conspiran contra la guerra popular de Nepal. Apoyamos firmemente a las valientes masas de Nepal en su guerra popular. La conferencia propone que el CoMRI comience una campaña internacional para defender la guerra popular de Nepal contra los criminales planes del imperialismo.

El imperialismo yanqui encabeza al imperialismo mundial en su cruzada contra los pueblos del mundo. La presencia de un partido proletario de vanguardia, el Partido Comunista Revolucionario de los Estados Unidos, en las entrañas de la bestia imperialista, es la esperanza, inspiración y orgullo de todos los marxista-leninista-maoístas del mundo. Declaramos nuestra solidaridad con ese partido y quisiéramos forjar una colaboración mutua cada vez mayor con esos camaradas. La conferencia subraya la necesidad de fortalecer la solidaridad entre los marxistas-leninistas-maoístas de la región y espera ver pasos concretos en esa dirección.

4) Apoyamos la lucha y la resistencia de los oprimidos del mundo contra el imperialismo. La heroica resistencia de los palestinos contra los invasores sionistas y el imperialismo, es muy alentadora. Esperamos que las masas palestinas en lucha forjen pronto una dirección de vanguardia proletaria para dirigir la valiente lucha del pueblo hacia su meta.

A partir de las resoluciones que ya hemos aprobado, en la conferencia los participantes del Movimiento de Unidad de Marxista-Leninista-Maoístas de Afganistán decidieron lo siguiente:

A) Que un "Comité Conjunto" se encargue de elaborar el Programa y los Estatutos como tarea principal. El comité presentará el Programa y los Estatutos a las bases del Movimiento de Unidad y finalmente al congreso para su adopción. Al mismo tiempo, el comité dirigirá la lucha y actividades colectivas del Movimiento de Unidad, por ejemplo, la organización de la lucha conjunta de los participantes del Movimiento de Unidad contra los imperialistas y sus lacayos....

C) ...La participación en las campañas iniciadas por el MRI es una tarea importante e indispensable. La realización de las responsabilidades de la lucha tendrá un impacto en el movimiento marxista-leninista-maoísta y en su lucha revolucionaria en Afganistán, y una influencia muy importante en la lucha de la región.

Después de discusiones constructivas, la conferencia encomendó las tareas y responsabilidades respectivas. La conferencia concluyó con gran optimismo y amor por el pueblo y por el proletariado cantando el himno del proletariado, La Internacional.

Comité de Unidad del Movimiento Comunista de Afganistán (Marxista-Leninista-Maoísta)

Partido Comunista de Afganistán

Unidad Revolucionaria de los Obreros de Afganistán

Partido Comunista de Irán (Marxista-Leninista-Maoísta)

20 de junio de 2002

===========================

Actions révolutionnaires à l'occasion du 1er mai

À BAS LE CAPITALISME ET L'EXPLOITATION! VIVE LA LUTTE RÉVOLUTIONNAIRE DU PROLÉTARIAT! 

À l'occasion de la Journée internationale des travailleurs et des travailleuses, les Brigades révolutionnaires du 1er mai ont attaqué cette nuit une série de cibles pour marquer l'opposition du prolétariat révolutionnaire à l'intensification de l'exploitation capitaliste et impérialiste et à la répression de ceux et de celles qui osent y résister.

Les Brigades révolutionnaires du 1er mai ont simultanément attaqué et joliment redécoré les façades de l'usine de la Whirlpool à Montmagny, du Centre de recrutement des formes armées canadiennes à Québec, du marché d'alimentation IGA-Sobeys-Picard à St-Hyacinthe et d'un bureau d'aide sociale à Montréal.

Le cas de la multinationale Whirlpool est particulièrement édifiant et témoigne éloquemment du sort que le capitalisme réserve encore aujourd'hui aux travailleurs et aux travailleuses. Les dirigeants de la compagnie ont en effet annoncé il y a quelques semaines qu'ils allaient fermer purement et simplement leur usine de fabrication de cuisinières de Montmagny. 500 travailleurs et travailleuses, dont plusieurs ont plus de 20 ans d'ancienneté et qui, pour la plupart, seront condamnéEs au chômage puis à l'aide sociale, se retrouveront dans la rue. Après avoir licencié des centaines d'ouvriers en Italie et fermé son usine suédoise de micro-ondes, Whirlpool vient de décréter la fermeture de son usine d'Amiens en France en même temps que celle de Montmagny - cela, tout juste après avoir annoncé des bénéfices en hausse de 15% à 20% pour le premier trimestre de 2002. Il est clair que pour les capitalistes, les travailleurs et les travailleuses ne sont qu'une marchandise jetable après usage, qu'on peut mettre à la poubelle dès lors que l'exige la course aux profits maximums dans laquelle ils sont engagés.

À St-Hyacinthe, les 49 employéEs du marché d'alimentation IGA-Sobeys-Picard, syndiquéEs a la CSN, ont été misES en lock-out il y a plus de deux ans et demi, le 21 juin 1999, parce qu'elles et ils refusaient la précarité d'emploi et voulaient maintenir leurs droits acquis. Le propriétaire, Raphaël Picard, appuyé par le géant Sobeys, se fout des responsabilités familiales des travailleurs et des travailleuses et veut forcer tout le monde à travailler le soir et les week-ends. On le voit, les capitalistes condamnent les travailleurs et les travailleuses au chômage, et éventuellement à la misère d'un régime d'aide sociale qui les force à se pointer à tous les mois pour quémander un chèque minable qui ne leur permet même pas d'assurer leur survie.

Au Canada comme partout dans le monde, les capitalistes sont à l'offensive pour faire payer la crise de leur système moribond sur le dos des masses exploitées.

Depuis le 11 septembre, l'impérialisme américain tente d'imposer partout sa domination et d'écraser tous les peuples qui osent lui résister. Le gouvernement canadien vendu rampe derrière lui et obéit docilement aux ordres venus de Washington. Déja, l'action de l'armée américaine et de ses alliés a entraîné la mort de plus de 5000 civils en Afghanistan. Présentement, des centaines de milliers de Palestiniennes et de Palestiniens subissent l'occupation et les attaques fascistes et meurtrières de l'armée d'Israël, soutenue par le Canada et les États-Unis. Encore récemment, les États-Unis n'ont même pas hésité à organiser une tentative de coup d'État pour renverser le président élu du Venezuela, simplement parce qu'il refusait de leur obéir aveuglément! Les Brigades révolutionnaires du 1er mai condamnent la guerre impérialiste dirigée par les États-Unis et dénoncent la complicité et la participation honteuse du Canada!

À l'occasion de la journée internationale des travailleurs et des travailleuses, les Brigades révolutionnaires du 1er mai appellent l'ensemble du prolétariat québécois et canadien à s'unir et à intensifier la résistance contre le capitalisme et l'exploitation.

Aux capitalistes et à leurs représentants politiques qui se terrent dans leurs bureaux feutrés et qui se réunissent dans les plus chics endroits - y compris dans les stations de ski, comme ils le feront cet été en Alberta lors du Sommet du G8 - pour tramer intrigues et complots, nous disons: continuez à trembler, notre colère augmente au rythme de l'exploitation que vous nous faites subir, et le jour viendra où votre règne s'écroulera!

Aux flics, aux soldats et aux juges, qui défendent aveuglément leur système, nous disons: rien n'arrêtera la colère des travailleurs et des travailleuses, uniEs et organiséEs, qui avanceront et défonceront une par une les barrières et les clôtures jusqu'au jour de la libération!

Prolétaires, debout! Nous n'avons rien à perdre que nos chaînes, nous avons un monde à gagner!

Les Brigades révolutionnaires du 1er mai
Le 1er mai 2002 

===========================

Pour la création d’un Secours rouge canadien

En ce moment, des milliers de militantes et de militants croupissent dans les prisons de l’impérialisme et sont victimes des pires traitements, en Europe, au Moyen-Orient, en Asie, en Amérique et en Afrique. Cette répression n’épargne pas les militantEs dans les pays impérialistes : la cour d’appel de Paris vient de condamner sept militantEs communistes et antifascistes espagnolEs à des peines de prison très lourdes sur la base d’allégations plus que douteuses. 

Des camarades européens, s’inspirant de l’expérience glorieuse du Secours rouge international (SRI) créé par la Troisième Internationale durant la période de lutte contre le fascisme, ont pris l’initiative de recréer cet instrument de lutte contre la répression. Nous appuyons cette initiative et nous lançons un appel à tous les anticapitalistes, anti-impérialistes et antifascistes, à se joindre à nous pour créer une section canadienne du Secours rouge international. Nous, du comité pour la création du Secours rouge canadien, voulons apporter un soutien matériel, moral, mais surtout politique, aux prisonniers et prisonnières politiques au Canada et de partout sur la planète. Nous ne pouvons rester muets quand les meilleurs des nôtres sont persécutés par les capitalistes. 

L’impérialisme, qu’il soit américain, européen, asiatique ou canadien, a lancé une attaque d’envergure contre les masses travailleuses du monde entier. Le capitalisme est en crise, la bourgeoisie intensifie ses attaques contre le prolétariat afin d’augmenter ses profits et ses parts de marché. Le capitalisme, c’est l’horreur et la misère pour la majorité et la répression de toute forme d’opposition. Dans les pays dominés, le mouvement révolutionnaire riposte et prend de l’ampleur (Népal, Inde, Philippines…). La résistance à l’impérialisme s’organise également en Irak et en Palestine. 

Dans les pays impérialistes, les contradictions de classes s’aiguisent. Le Canada ne fait pas exception à la règle. La bourgeoisie attaque le prolétariat : on baisse les salaires, on remet en question les programmes de protection sociale acquis de haute lutte par la classe ouvrière, la précarité devient la réalité d’une masse de plus en plus nombreuse. Cette attaque ne fera qu’augmenter en intensité dans les prochaines années. Dans ces circonstances, il est clair que la lutte de classe ne peut elle aussi qu’augmenter en intensité. Les masses doivent et vont résister et contre-attaquer. Pour l’instant au Canada, la paix sociale et la concertation maintiennent le prolétariat dans une relative passivité. Le jeu des élections permet encore (mais de moins en moins fortement) de maintenir une apparence de légitimité à la bourgeoisie. Malgré cette paix sociale toute relative, l’État des exploiteurs a une machine de répression bien huilée et prête à servir en cas de besoin. Les groupes de gauche qui se sont radicalisés dans la foulée du mouvement anti-mondialisation ont goûté à cette médecine. En effet, manifester au Canada est devenu de plus en plus difficile. Les arrestations de masse sont devenues une pratique courante, les gaz et le poivre de cayenne également. 

Le Canada aime à présenter une image de démocratie respectueuse des droits et libertés de ses concitoyens. Ces droits et libertés, que certains présentent comme étant inaliénables et éternels, pèsent de moins en moins lourd dans la balance pour la bourgeoisie qui défend sa domination. La démocratie bourgeoise, les droits et libertés, la justice bourgeoise, c’est bon en période de paix sociale. Dès que les masses travailleuses s’agitent et tentent de sortir de la domination capitaliste, la bourgeoisie n’hésite pas à violer sa propre légalité. L’attaque du 11 septembre 2001 aux États-Unis a déjà provoqué un durcissement de cette légalité. N’en déplaise aux adorateurs de la Charte des droits et libertés, on voit très bien que ces droits que l’on dit inviolables, n’empêchent pas les bourgeois d’imposer l’arrestation préventive, les tribunaux d’exception, le crime d’association, les doubles peines et la criminalisation de la dissidence politique sous le couvert de la lutte contre le terrorisme. Cet état de guerre ne vise évidemment pas seulement les groupes islamistes, qui en sont par contre largement victimes pour l’instant, mais fait partie de l’arsenal que la bourgeoisie se donne pour mater toute opposition à son pouvoir. Le Canada a également durci les lois sur l’immigration. Les victimes de l’impérialisme le plus sauvage dans les pays dominés se font refuser de plus en plus l’entrée au Canada. Les organisations luttant contre l’impérialisme sont déclarées illégales au Canada (entre autres, le Parti communiste des Philippines qui mène une lutte héroïque de libération nationale). La résistance est assimilée par la bourgeoisie au terrorisme. 

Au Canada, les lois répressives ne sont pas nouvelles, on n’a qu’à penser aux Premières nations qui ont goûté à la « démocratie canadienne » plus d’une fois. L’occupation de leurs terres (du peu qu’on leur a laissé) par l’armée canadienne en 1990 à Kanehsatake démontre bien que toute volonté d’autodétermination poussée jusqu’au bout (soit la défense de leur territoire par les armes, s’il le faut), sera réprimée par la force par la bourgeoisie canadienne. On n’a qu’à se rappeler les persécutions dont ont été victimes les communistes et les militantEs progressistes des années 30, 40 et 50. On n’a qu’à se rappeler la répression du mouvement populaire des années 70 au Québec et du fondateur de la Charte des droits et libertés, P.E.Trudeau, qui n’a pas hésité en 1970 à appliquer les mesures de guerre au Québec et à suspendre les droits civils et politiques en raison d’une insurrection appréhendée.

Nous, nous disons que les terroristes, ce sont les bourgeois. Les bandits, ce sont les impérialistes. Nos camarades, ici au Canada et partout sur la planète, qui luttent contre le capitalisme, contre l’impérialisme et contre le fascisme et qui sont victimes de la répression capitaliste, sont le patrimoine le plus précieux de la classe ouvrière. Nous ne jugeons pas leurs actes sur la base des règles de droit et de morale des exploiteurs, mais sur la base de la légitimité révolutionnaire de leur action. Comme le disait si bien Mao Zedong, « on a raison de se révolter ». 

Vive le Secours rouge international !
Solidarité avec les prisonnières et prisonniers politiques !
Notre lutte sera victorieuse ! 

Le comité pour un Secours rouge canadien
([email protected])

===========================

http://www.geocities.com/ledrapeaurouge

Éditorial
Novembre 2004 # 53

Des comités d’organisation!

Un comité d’organisation, c’est l’initiative prise par les premiers communistes dans une ville, une région ou un quartier pour rassembler et unir autour d’eux et elles les révolutionnaires de leur entourage. C’est une initiative qui permet de lancer, dans un milieu précis, une nouvelle forme de lutte politique. On peut appeler ça une pratique de combat, ou encore de l’action révolutionnaire. Le fait qui importe c’est que cette nouvelle forme de lutte n’emprunte pas les vieux sentiers battus d’avance par les politiciens bourgeois, ni non plus les vieilles «trails» qu’aiment bien les syndicalistes et les réformistes timides, des «trails» qui font semblant de s’avancer sur des terrains nouveaux, mais qui finissent toujours par nous ramener à la même maudite place.

On dit que la formation des comités d’organisation c’est une initiative maoïste. C’est parce qu’aujourd’hui au Québec (et ce n’est pas propre seulement au Québec, on voit la même chose ailleurs dans le monde) il y a une différence très nette entre les communistes révolutionnaires (les maoïstes) et les différents autres partis qui parlent pour les travailleurs mais agissent pour les bourgeois.

Les maoïstes ne craignent pas les masses, les pauvres, les gens dans la misère et la détresse, les travailleurs et travailleuses exploitéEs, en somme le prolétariat qui trop souvent doit réprimer sa révolte. Les maoïstes ne cherchent pas à subordonner les pauvres et le prolétariat aux habituels dirigeants privilégiés, aux petits-bourgeois spécialisés dans la direction de tout et de rien, aux apprentis-vedettes ou aux abonnéEs des «5 à 7». Pour les maoïstes, le prolétariat n’est pas une masse de bums, une «classe dangereuse» qu’il faut contrôler. C’est un foyer qui brûle, et qui réchauffe en même temps le vaste espoir en un monde meilleur, espoir qui est commun à bien des gens de nos jours.

Les maoïstes pensent qu’il faut s’unir. S’unir aux masses. S’unir au peuple dans sa diversité. S’unir au prolétariat, compte tenu même de sa complexité. Mais pas s’unir à tout ce qui grenouille autour des gouvernements et des grandes institutions paralysantes. Pas s’unir avec des opportunistes ou des partisans avoués du système capitaliste dans le seul but d’entretenir un dialogue avec l’adversaire et se gonfler d’orgueil parce que le président de ceci ou la coordonnatrice de cela réfléchit à votre proposition. S’unir et combattre, oui. Mais à bas les coalitions avec l’ennemi! À bas la conciliation! Les comités d’organisation des maoïstes n’entendent pas mesurer leurs succès au nombre de poignées de main qu’ils vont distribuer mais au nombre des coups qu’ils porteront à la bourgeoisie.

Les maoïstes ne craignent pas l’échec de la démocratie bourgeoise. Que le dialogue cesse entre des classes sociales aux intérêts opposés, ce n’est pas un problème, c’est un progrès. Les parlements, les gouvernements ne doivent plus être revêtus du manteau de l’adhésion commune. Nous n’adhérons pas, contrairement aux communistes jaunes, à la démocratie bourgeoise. Nous adhérons à la démocratie prolétarienne!

Les maoïstes appuient et organisent toute activité qui est dans l’intérêt du prolétariat et qui renforce la lutte révolutionnaire. Si d’aucuns prétendent que telle ou telle forme de lutte est illégale, c’est parce que les bourgeois ont décidé que la propriété privée était sacrée et que tout ce qui la menaçait était illégal. Mais pour les maoïstes, il est légitime d’attaquer la bourgeoisie et ses institutions.

C’est pour toutes ces raisons qu’on peut dire sans se tromper, que les comités d’organisation créés à l’initiative des maoïstes constituent véritablement un renouveau absolu de la lutte politique dans notre pays. Rien à voir avec la confusion qu’engendrent les autres partis qui prétendent parler au nom des travailleurs-euses, mais qui tous, chacun à sa manière, soufflent à l’oreille des bons bourgeois: «...dormez tranquilles, nous veillons!» À cet égard-là, comme à bien d’autres, ces comités d’organisation sont totalement différents.

Quand on forme un tel comité dans notre ville, c’est clairement un espace de combat qui s’ouvre. Les révolutionnaires et les militantEs chez les pauvres et les travailleurs-euses, ont tout à gagner à s’y joindre et à le faire grossir, à développer ses luttes et à rallier le combat pour le communisme.
Même dans l’Amérique de Bush et de Paul Martin, les maoïstes ont raison de dire: la république des pauvres commence par le drapeau rouge!

Parti Communiste Révolutionnaire - comités d'organisation
http://www.pcr-rcpcanada.org/

RED FISTS
Communist organization in street demos
(Translated from the Summer 2001 edition of Socialisme Maintenant! magazine.)

1. Street demos are under the control of reformists of all kinds for much too long. Under their leadership, demos have degenerated into useless activities in regard to class struggle. But unlike the most reactionary bourgeois politicians, these reformists (so-called "left-wing" politicians, trade-unionists, members of the NGOs, non-violent pacifists, etc.) do not wish to do away with demos, but to transform their very nature in order to use them as means to control or lead ideologically and politically in the class struggle.

2. Instead of calling upon the working class and the masses to take action—in street demos, for example, as part and parcel of the proletariat’s traditional means of class struggle—reformists will entertain a tendency of inertia, and this, by the very use of demonstrations. This may seem contradictory, but it is not in fact. Demos allow reformists to show their bourgeois partners that they have assumed perfect control and leadership over the working masses. They will exert tight control over the content (claims and political meaning) as well as the shape and form of the demo. The theme used in these circumstances (bland or terribly vague), the claims, the slogans, the chants, the course, the placards, the speeches, the means of transportation, serve in preventing the demonstrators from acting on their own initiative. This tendency of inertia is a bit thwarted by the need to stage a demo; a demonstrator must make his or her way to a given gathering point, provide for free time within her or his regular activities, etc. But once the demonstrators have gone through the necessary steps to partake in such an event, reformists will relish secretly the thought (...although this is less and less a secret), that these participants will be in fact reduced to mere passive instruments. This passivity will be wrongly construed as a political adherence, as a support to the ideological mechanism—put together by the bureaucratic organizers of the demos.

3. Passive and totally predictable demos are consequently perfectly in line with policing strategies and the State. These forces wish to assume control and leadership over the population. This will to control, whatever one may think, is not in contradiction with these types of demonstration as long as the organizers are able to evaluate the crowd that will show up, the nature of its different components, their command over the continuum time-space (initial gathering – course – eventual break-up) and finally an overall well sought out planning of the political event.

In the following words, this was expressed in a document of the "Institut de Perfectionnement des Cadres de la Police" (Institute for Improved Training of Superior Officers) of the Canadian Police College: "Crowd control is important, for once a crowd is out of control, it is too late to plan an intervention."

It is most important to carefully understand that police lose 50% to 60% of their efficiency (we are not talking here about its striking scene) when it must improvise an intervention that doesn’t fit in with its prior planning. There is an objective link between the ideology of control of the reformist-bureaucrats and that of the police and the State. This is detrimental of course to the struggle of the proletariat.

Olivier Fillieule (a French author) illustrates in pointed fashion this point of view. The following excerpts, in his work on policing in France, are particularly interesting to any activists who has felt trapped in between the police and the reformist organizers during a demonstration. What holds true for France, holds true for Québec and Canada.

"According to most French policemen who have been interviewed, a police intervention fails when security forces have been taken by surprise. The worst thing that can happen for them is to be taken by surprise. Planning is central to their actions.

"The intelligence gathered from the organizers comes partly from knowledge of the groups going to take part in the demonstration. Unlike what is commonly held true, the police are not suddenly made aware of a demo. On the contrary, there is connivance, if not mutual recognition between both parties. In order for a demo to run smoothly, there are talks that take place between the organizers and the police beforehand or while the event is taking place. This is the most commonly used tactic. These negotiations are done on an informal basis rather than in a legal framework.

"The effort made to reach a compromise can be made before the event, but during the event negotiations are equally important. This is why at every event there is a liaison agent. This agent must stay at the head of the demo and maintain communication with the organizers of the demo. [...] Negotiations, on the spur of the moment, with the demonstrators are made a lot easier this way. These ongoing negotiations lead to close collaboration between police forces and the stewards if they share common goals."

Fillieule gives an example of this, quoting a top police officer that partook in this kind of experience:

"If the procession is 800 meters long, the trouble makers must be isolated and the rest of the demonstrators—the group that detains a legal permit to demonstrate—must be able to reach their destination. It is quite easy to do this with the CGT and other professional organizations. They have disciplined stewards that can isolate outsiders. They create blockades, either they stop the demo, or hurry its pace, or cut it off. Sometimes they inform us of their intention of pushing the rioters into a given street. However no student organizers will do this [this is to be proven!]. They do not want to be seen as collaborating with the police."

4. Big organizations such as trade-unions pretend that their strength resides in the impeccable organization of their passive and predictable demos. They say: "Look how well we can organize: there is nothing to worry about, our sound system is in perfect condition, we can be heard for miles [yeah, sure but a message of no importance!], our people are in a festive mood while remaining respectable, this goes to show their level of social consciousness"; etc. This is a lot of bull shit. These passive demos are not a show of force, but evince on the contrary weakness. The working class is prevented from waging true struggle by politically attacking the enemy. If a worker is to demonstrate, he or she must attack the enemy, the bourgeoisie!

5. To these well known passive and predictable demos can be added a new variety of non-violent civil disobedience actions. One aspect of this new variety is that it allows for a more vigorous way of struggling, appealing to young workers and students. However, its second aspect curtails the struggle to that of reformism. Trotskyism served the same purpose in the 60s and 70s by seducing scores of young protesters and young activists with a form of radical and critical speech. But after a lengthy detour of five, eight, ten years they led people back to classical reformism: socialist parties, State apparatuses, trade-unions, etc.

Civil disobedience has achieved the same thing, but in a lot less time. Many protesters have already in fact likened civil disobedience to civil obedience. This perception is quite truthful. By popularizing like a piece of merchandise the gesture of being voluntarily arrested, and in turning it in mere spectacle of symbolic value for the media, the most resolute supporters of this type of political action have simply converted once again struggle in regards to its fundamental content, even though different in form, into a link between reformist and police control.

A demo organized by Opération SalAMI in Montréal revealed this quite pointedly. We are referring to one of its most famous actions, the one that took place in front of the Sheraton Centre, the sit-in to protest against the OECD vying to reach a multilateral agreement on investments. During this action about a hundred people were arrested in 1998.

This is how things went on at that occasion: While the demonstrators were spontaneously gathering at their meeting place as do all demonstrators, the police force did not hesitate in clearing René-Lévesque Street. With sporadic nubs of their bludgeons and occasional spurts of pepper spray they kept the demonstrators at bay on the sidewalk. However as soon as the ones leading the demo (leaders in the broadest sense, including animators, sound technicians, media groups, organizers) moved forth to begin the demonstration (it is safe to assume that the police was aware of the time of this manoeuvre), police withdrew in order to let SalAMI start a slow walk down René-Lévesque, as planned. This led the marchers away from the Conference Centre. Thereof, at each street comer they came across, they covered the street sign bearing the name of that very street with a piece of cardboard on which was written another name.

SalAMI had organized a non-violent disobedience protest, but one that had strong approval by the police. This is of course perfectly contradictory. In fact civil disobedience is everything but what was settled on between SalAMI and the police. A spontaneous and untimely taking to the streets in order to disrupt the protest timetable, is an example. But the way SalAMI acted, there is no question they didn’t stage a civil disobedience protest. It was nothing more than a symbolic action approved by the police force and staged for the media. It was a civil obedience protest.

The same things goes for planned "sit-ins" or "teach-ins" that take place in areas or in streets where it was agreed upon with police so that circulation can be re-routed. These political actions are empty in content. It is a trickery that is meant to fool the demonstrators. Once again it is a mechanism that serves to link the political control of reformists to that of the State and the police.

6. The greatest danger that stems from these passive and predictable demos is that revolutionaries become complacent and reproduce within their own organizational structures those of these types of protests. Instead of putting to use the knowledge already gained by the revolutionary movement, they give into the disorganization proposed by the reformists. This will have as a result that any denunciation will become senseless, because the form of protest will be unworthy of properly conveying the message.

7. More and more this danger is perceived by revolutionaries who are striving, in truth of fact, through trial and error, but mainly in a manner that is unfortunately not unified, to make protests significant. This is one of the brightest aspects of class struggle since the last decade.

It must be said that faked-communists (revisionists) have completely estranged themselves from these firm and solid advancements. They have adopted in fact the discipline and the legal practices imposed by the bourgeoisie. This results in demos where the demonstrators are passively kept in toe with the reformist leaders.

Once the dangers of this dominant current are well understood, the dangers being of ending up caught disorganized within the frameworks of these sham protests, then we can work towards countering of these methods in order to give to proletarian protest the tactical nature they are suppose to have. To do this we must fully understand revolutionary methods in street demo organization. These ways of organizing will offer us an ironclad stronghold to lead struggles and the numerous upcoming protests.

What are Red Fists?

8. In demos, our most basic form of organization, are the Red Fists. Red Fists are, above all, based on a method of communist organization. A way of putting to full use our strength and of assigning roles for a street demo. Secondly, Red Fists are an active and lively form of solidarity shared by the vanguard where revolutionary activists pull together and partake in a concrete communist action.

Why do we use the expression "Red Fists"?

Firstly, the red color serves to express the communist and revolutionary content of the activity, considered as a whole, and not in its parts. This content is one of propaganda. It is this revolutionary and communist content which is determinant and decisive. It is not empty of meaning, a thing with a propagandist character that is undetermined, or void.

The fist is to underline a parenthood with one of the most practical, versatile, powerful and flexible tools known to humankind, something that comes from our very existence and our development on earth: the hand. A hand can be held opened, or it can be clenched in the form of a fist. In the shape of a fist it has the following characteristics:

a) It is united, inseparable and its members stick up for one another. A Red Fist is made up of five comrades who are in definition welded to one another. Ultimately they are called upon to stay united and stick up for each other for the duration of the demo, and in each different phase of the demo. Acting within a Red Fist is to act in order to preserve and safeguard this unity.

b) A Red Fist is also a tiny work association. The five members of the Red Fist work together as a team, mutually assisting each other and strengthening themselves reciprocally. Imagine for a minute your very own hand at work. Most of the time your five fingers work in unison. Once in awhile, to allow the index and the thumb to act, the other fingers are going to exert pressure on a given point; or they might circumvent an area, free it of some obstacle to foster eventual action. In other circumstances, all five fingers will act together, in oneness, to grasp an object. In truth of fact, we are faced with a very broad array of subtle combinations in which an action, even a very modest one, is done with the indispensable support of each and every finger.

c) Only one thing is performed at a time. A Red Fist cannot, as a hand cannot, efficiently perform more than one task at the time. Could you, for example, knock at a door, count your money and open peanut shells all at once? It would be quite difficult, wouldn’t it? One must choose. Only one thing can be efficiently done at any given time. It could however be possible to perform a planned series of actions. But one must determine if such a course of action would be useful and must seriously consider if each individual action will be well accomplished.

d) A Red Fist does not decide on its own what task it is going to perform. Does your hand decide on its own if it will crack peanut shells? Of course not. It doesn’t decide on its own either if it is going to count money or knock on a door. Your hand responds to a will. Even if this will is transient, and swift, as sudden as a bolt out of the blue, it proceeds nevertheless from a spontaneous and immediate plan conjured up by the brain. The Red Fist is strong and its action is warranted insofar as it is responding to a will. It knows that it is part and parcel of a broader scheme, the scheme that must take place in a demonstration. Each Red Fist understands that it has a role to assume, one that has been rationally assigned to it. The scheme is to fulfill certain propaganda aims during the course of a demo. This is why all Red Fists are fully and rigorously united in solidarity with one another. This solidarity is perfectly expressed when any given Red Fist fulfills what it has been assigned to do.

This is why if a Red Fist is assigned to look after a banner, there is nothing more important politically during the time of that assignment then to look after that very banner. The Red Fist must protect this banner, it must bring it to where it must be brought so that it can be seen by whom it must be seen.

In this same sprint, a Red Fist that must hurl projectiles on a line of police officers must aim as well as they can to hit as precisely as possible their target. Nothing is more important politically for them than that task.

e) A Red Fist is flexible, swift and assumes responsibility for itself. A Red Fist is part and parcel of a broader scheme, but this does not make it a dead weight to be looked after by other Red Fists. Quite the opposite. It is not either a small appendage that is inseparable from the crowd, an appendage that acts in perfect unison with the crowd wherever the crowd goes or whatever the crowd does. It is sufficiently coached to know how it must move and where it must go, how it must defend itself and through what means, how it must retreat.

9. The general characteristics of these tiny groups give them great practical value—for action and for propaganda in street demos. More specifically, they foster communist organization and the fulfillment of objectives related to the demo in the following manner:

a) They foster the participation of communist demonstrators. No form of participation is useless. Likewise no task is unimportant. Someone may feel ill-prepared or unfit to fulfill a task, however he or she may support the overall scheme and may be willing to play his or her part in the demo by participating in a Red Fist in a way that suits this person better. The overall scheme must provide for everyone participation. At the same time, the role of each Red Fist must be well planned in order to fit in with the overall scheme.

b) Preparation must be fostered over improvisation. A Red Fist must be well prepared when it comes into a demo. This holds true for each and every demo. Members of a Red Fist must have met with each other at least once or twice beforehand. In truth of fact, they should meet as many times as needed in order to properly carry out their mandate.

For example, members meet over a coffee or lunch. On this occasion the group goes over every detail in a careful manner so that everyone clearly understands his role and is able to perform it well. In this way each member of that given Red Fist can rely on each other. The means of transportation must be taken into consideration. Whose car will be used? Will it be a car borrowed from a friend, or your own or a rental? Is the given vehicle in good working condition? Does the owner have any traffic fines to pay? How much money does the Red Fist need? At the place of destination, where is it safe to park the car? Is the group knowledgeable about the area in question? Hour by hour knowledge of the days schedule: time of arrival, of departure, when the protest is going to start, how long will it last, the trip back home. The roles assigned within a Red Fist. What will be needed? Who will put the needed stuff together? When will it be done? So on and so forth. For every question that comes to mind, there must be a simple and practical answer. One must have foresight.

c) Autonomy is fostered. A Red Fist is by and large autonomous in regards to its organization. It provides for its own transportation to and from the event. It is responsible of its own gear. Either they carry it with them, or they know where and how to get it. It is also responsible in carrying out its task in the demo. It is not continually reliant upon orders, or counter-orders, or signals or directives.

d) It fosters self-defense. It is unthinkable to be staging a protest that is important for the proletariat in which the demonstrators, in a spirit of capitulation, would surrender to arrests, or still worst, would let themselves be voluntarily arrested. Such a way of acting is a terrible waste. Red fists call for resisting arrests.

It is known that the police will arrest people while being in numeric inferiority, because they assume (on account of their experience or their training) that the demonstrators won’t resist. However police are taken aback by man to man resistance when an arrest is in process and they are unable to proceed in their usual fashion. Because they are in inferior numbers, they have to re-deploy their forces. Precious time is gained in this way by the revolutionaries.

Members of a Red Fist must stay together and act in solidarity. Behavior such as walking up front as a lone-ranger bearing a flower, or pissing in front of the police is to be proscribed. This type of behavior is merely suitable for the TV cameras. A Red Fist must stay grouped together and unless this unit has any other mandate, it must stay close to the masses.

Members of a Red Fist must intervene if one of them is hassled by a policeman. The surrounding masses must be alerted by a few words or something to that effect. But one must not wait for their reaction. One must take the initiative and hope that the surrounding people will follow suit. The goal is to free the comrade from the grasp of the policeman or the policemen—one must remember that they are acting in inferior numbers. One’s fists, boots, sticks or anything that will make the officer(s) release their hold. The Red Fist can also intervene for another demonstrator. The Red Fist must again act in the same fashion, this is to say act in group formation.

Different types of Red Fists

10. The existence of many different types of Red Fists in a demo is possible. In fact there is no set limit. All depends on the complexity and the importance of the demo. The main types of Red Fists are the following:

a) Sales and distribution. This type of Red Fist takes part in a relatively simple form of agitation: distribution of leaflets, of newspapers, sales of brochures and magazines, etc. A single Red Fist or several can be used for a demo. It must be assured that it brings the right number of published material and it must provide for a way to get more if needed. Members of a Red Fist must decide upon who will hand out the propaganda (2 or 3 people) and who will assist and protect them.

b) Political identification. This Red Fist carries with it a banner or any other manner of political identification. When it is carrying a regular type of banner, two of its members must carry the banner and the rest of the team must assist them and protect them. These latter comrades can possibly bear red flags.

c) Communist agitation. According to a pre-established plan, this type of Red Fist sees to the delivery of a particular message among the demonstrators. This message may be a particular slogan, or specific watchword (advance in such or such a direction or proceed to such and such a place). The Red Fist bears red flags. It hands some out to the demonstrators around it. It strives to rally around it all who bear a red flag through its determination, enthusiasm, and tactical efficiency.

The Red Fist must be fully devoted to the masses, be strongly united with the people that surround it, offer advice, set an example by way of its actions, be communicative with the surrounding crowd, etc. It must be also very exuberant, evince a great deal of combativeness and of determination among the ranks of the demo.

d) Action. The task of this Red Fist is to attain a target. The target in question could be a billboard conveying a message of a particularly despicable nature. Other examples are the shut gate of a factory that just has been closed down, a police car, the entry to a given building, a policing device, a meeting centre, etc. This Red Fist must dispose of all the necessary material to enable it to accomplish its task. The aim of its action, at the moment it is accomplished, is to endow the demo with some sort of political direction, firstly intended to be coordinated with the task of a Red Fist that is overseeing communist agitation. Once the target hit, agitational tasks must be spread throughout the demo.

If the attack has been very well carried out the demo will have been all the more successful in terms of efficiency in striking at the class enemy!

Depending on the circumstances, other Red Fist may be useful such as ones that stays on the look out or one that provides information, or one that serves as a communication link, etc.

11. Each Red Fist must see to its own preparation. Of course, during prior meetings this aspect must be dealt with. But if any comrades fail in this task, this could badly damage the outcome of the demo.

This preparation must take into consideration certain difficulties that may be encountered in demos that will be tough to carry out. It is this level of difficulty that will determine how much preparation is needed, and this even though the difficulties don’t show up as planned.

a) No drugs, alcohol, agendas, notes, documents or bags.

b) Loose seasonal clothing, preferably too warm then not warm enough, equipped with big pockets to replace an encumbering bag.

c) Dispose of a change of clothes, worn preferably underneath, allowing one to swiftly shed the clothes he or she wore during the demo, clothes that could help the police identify the demonstrator.

d) No contact lenses; eye glasses must be secured by something in order not to be lost.

e) Eyeware protection, such as swimming goggles, a mask, a scarf or a piece of cotton. The scarf serves to make the demonstrator unrecognizable. It also protects partly against tear gas.

f) At least one bottle of plastic (such as a soft drink bottle), filled with vinegar. One for every Red Fist.

g) Any protective equipment: gloves, pads, or something similar fastened with tape, etc., that will make one reassured if there is any body to body contact with the police.

(March 2001)

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(From People’s War Digest, No. 1, June 2004)