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Several major themes which are prevalent throughout Africa are present in the Congo crisis. One is the expansion of internal conflicts across international borders. In fact, the history of the current conflict in the Congo traces its roots in the Hutu-Tutsi conflicts in Rwanda in 1994. That year, Hutus slaughtered nearly 500,000 Tutsis, who were the ruling class in Rwanda. Many of the ethnic Hutus afterward fled to Zaire, where they sought protection in refugee camps. The Rwandan Hutus continued to stir up trouble both in Rwanda and in Zaire, which already had a fairly large number of ethnic Tutsis living within its borders. The Zairean Tutsis were known as the Banyamulenge. In September of 1996, the anti-Tutsi sentiment came to a head when the governor of South Kivu in Zaire announced that all Zairean Tutsis would be expelled from the country. In October, the Banyamulenge rebelled against Mobutu's administration, and Laurent Kabila, whose rebel forces were based in South Kivu, joined them.[1]
Kabila gained power by exploiting the division between different ethnic groups; by supporting the Tutsis instead of the Hutus, Kabila entered into ethnic conflict. This is another major theme on the African continent. But Kabila and the Tutsis could not beat Kabila without help. By the end of October 1996, both Rwanda and Uganda had helped Kabila's forces to secure towns in eastern Congo. In January 1997, Angola entered the war on behalf of Kabila's troops. Zambia also aided the rebels in their fight against Mobutu by allowing Kabila's troops to cross their territory to attack key positions in Zaire from the south. All of these countries would benefit if Mobutu were deposed.[2]
On May 20, 1997, Kabila captured the capital of Zaire, Kinshasa. He also renamed Zaire the Democratic Republic of Congo; ironically, he had also just declared himself ruler of the country without elections. In September of that year, he visited Namibia, where he forged ties with the pro-Angola government.[3] Mobutu's supporters were still active in the country, and in June of 1998, Sudanese forces were seen in northern Congo with Ugandan rebels and former Mobutu followers.[4]
About fourteen months after he became the leader of the Congo, Kabila began to have problems with the legitimacy of his rule. This is often a problem with leaders in Africa. Because of his heavy reliance on the Rwandan military during his campaign to overthrow Mobutu, Kabila was seen by many as a puppet of Rwanda.[5] Rwandan troops were still stationed in eastern portions of the Congo. As international criticism of Kabila and his corrupt ways had increased, the Rwandan government had begun to withdraw its support of his administration. [6] Kabila thus reversed tactics and took an anti-Rwandan, anti-Tutsi stance. "[Kabila] realized that in a country that's been weakened, that had no national army, and he himself a weak leader, anti-Rwandan sentiment was a way of creating nationalist Congolese sentiment," notes Philip Gourevitch, a staff writer of the New Yorker.[7] Once again, Kabila was involving himself in an ethnic conflict. Kabila put his policy into effect on August 1, 1998, when he ordered the mostly Tutsi Rwandan army home. The Banyamulenge felt increasingly insecure about their safety in the region. Accordingly, the Tutsi generals of the Congolese armies in the east called for a nationwide revolt. In the first weekend of fighting, they took two key cities.[8] Rebel groups sprang up in response, particularly the Congolese Democratic Movement (RDC), which was supported by Rwanda.
Rwanda by now was completely at odds with Kabila's regime. It went so far as to fly its troops into the capital to depose Kabila in August 1998.[9] Kabila almost certainly would have been defeated if Zimbabwe and Angola had not intervened on his behalf.[10] Chad also sent troops to aid Kabila's cause.[11] Kabila maintained power, but, once again, only with the help of foreign allies.
Rwanda and Uganda supported the various rebel groups fighting Kabila. Rwanda first began its support of the RDC in August 1998 after Kabila withdrew his support of Rwandan Tutsis.[12] When the RDC split into two different groups after a disagreement of leadership, Rwanda supported the faction led by Emile Ilunga and Uganda backed Ernest Wamba-dia-Wamba's faction. In addition, Uganda funded the creation of another rebel group, the Congolese Liberation Movement (MLC), led by Jean-Pierre Bemba.[13] These groups wage war primarily in the eastern provinces against Kabila's forces and amongst themselves. As a result, President Mugabe of Zimbabwe announced that he would send troops to attack the rebels in east Congo in November 1998.[14]
From July 1-7, 1999, the heads of state of Congo, Namibia, Rwanda, Uganda, Zimbabwe, and Angola met in Lusaka, Zambia to form a plan for peace. On July 7, they announced that they had agreed to a six-point agreement. "The Agreement called for a cease-fire 24 hours after the signing, the withdrawal of all foreign troops from the national territory of the Congo, cessation of all hostilities, creation of a new national army, disarmament of all groups, and inter-Congolese political negotiations."[15] Initially, none of the rebel groups endorsed the agreement, rendering it useless, but Bemba of the MLC signed it on August 1, and both factions of the RDC signed on August 30.[16]
Less than a month after the Lusaka Agreement, Sudanese planes were seen bombing rebel troops in northern Congo, leading the rebel groups to declare that the cease-fire had been broken.[17] Other fighting continued. In January 2000, an attempt to bolster the Lusaka Agreement failed as faction leaders disagreed on specifics in the Agreement.[18] The United Nations then began to consider deploying troops in February.[19] By the summer, many of Kabila's allies were tiring of his refusal to allow UN troops into the Congo. Angola's own civil war had grown worse,[20] and Uganda's President Museveni had become pessimistic that anyone could win the war.[21] In August 2000, the heads of state once again met in Lusaka to try to revive the old agreement, but the talks failed. A bit of headway was made on October 15, when the five main armies - Uganda, Rwanda, Zimbabwe, Angola, and Namibia - agreed to pull their forces back nine miles from their current positions.[22]
There are also ethnic conflicts going on within the Congo. The Mayi-Mayi have been instrumental to Kabila's success, basing their support on their historic anti-Tutsi sentiment.[23] There is also fighting between two ethnic groups known as the Hema and the Lendus. The issues are very similar to the Hutu-Tutsi struggle; the Lendus lived in the area first and herded cattle, then the Hema arrived from the north and took the land for their coffee plantations. Since the rebellion against Kabila began, the Hema have taken the opportunity to extend their property. The Lendus of course have resisted.[24] It is estimated that between 5000-7000 people have died in the conflict.[25]
Ethnic divisions within the country aside, much of the responsibility for the current crisis in the Congo goes to foreign armies and governments. Each country involved has its own interests and reasons for fighting.
Rwanda has its national security at stake. Since many of the Hutus that committed genocide fled to the Congo, Rwanda can get revenge on its enemies and help close the refugee camps by being a large and powerful force in the area.[26] A militia of Hutus known as the Interhamwe continue to attack Rwanda from Congo, putting Rwanda?s national security at risk.[27] In addition, Kabila's anti-Tutsi sentiment as of July 1998 has made him an enemy to the Tutsi-led government in Rwanda.[28] To this end, they have funded one faction of the RDC, led by Ilunga, all in the hopes of putting a pro-Rwanda leader in charge of Congo.[29]
Under Mobutu, the Congo harbored at least two rebel groups who had continued to raid Uganda. This is another recurrent theme throughout Africa; many countries harbor rebel factions of the countries they do not get along with. For instance, Uganda's original professed reason for entering the Congo was to quell the rebellions of anti-Ugandan factions.[30] One of these groups is called the Allied Democratic Forces, which is fighting to depose Ugandan President Museveni.[31] Later, as Uganda became more active in the war, reports emerged that of the Ugandan soldiers were turning into businessmen, dealing in diamonds and gold from the region.[32] President Museveni says that Uganda's interests in Congo include helping Rwanda fight the Hutus that committed genocide.[33] Since right after the rebellion started in August 1998, however, Rwanda and Uganda have been at odds about the way to handle the rebellion. When the rebel RDC split into two factions, Rwanda supported one while Uganda supported the other. Uganda is also funding the rebel group MLC led by Bemba.[34] The Rwandans have accused Uganda of fighting the war for short-term commercial interests. They also accuse Museveni of trying to undermine the Rwandan president's power and lying to them at summit meetings. On the other side, Uganda feels betrayed by Rwandan President Paul Kagame, whom they helped to seize power. Kagame recently met with Kabikla, causing many Ugandans to speculate about a secret deal between Congo and Rwanda. These two armies waged one of the bloodiest battles of the war for the city of Kisangani during June 2000. Over 250 civilians died on the first day of bombing.[35] Conversely, the enduring presence of these armies in the east has influenced many Congolese to support Kabila.[36]
Angola's interests in the war are two-fold; they originally entered the war to fight against the UNITA rebel group that Mobutu had allowed to operate from the Congo.[37] A more influential reason may have been its economic interests: Angola has a joint oil-exploration company with Congo that could prove quite lucrative so long as Kabila is the one left in power.[38] To be a profitable venture, peace is necessary so that trade and work can begin. To this end, Angola had pushed for UN intervention.[39] But in February 2000, they accused the Congolese rebel groups of aiding the UNITA rebels. Since then, they have stepped up their military presence in Congo.[40]
Namibia is Angola's ally in their war against the UNITA rebels. In fact, the Namibians accuse the UNITA rebels of stirring up rebellion in their own country.[41] They also became friendly with Kabila when he visited their country in 1997 and responded very favorably to their scheme to build a water line from the Congo River to Namibia, which is a water-starved country.[42] They first entered the war to help Kabila depose Mobutu and have said that they will not withdraw their troops until an international peacekeeping force has been deployed.[43] This is another irony, considering that many people agree that peace cannot occur until foreign troops have withdrawn.
Zimbabwe has also been a major contributor to Kabila's effort. It has spent more than US$200 million on the war.[44] Their primary interest is economic. "There is a deliberate effort on our part, as a government, to push Zimbabwean business in Congo," said Zimbabwe's justice minister.[45] Much of this business has been with military contracts with the Kabila government. For the moment, however, Kabila's government is not paying its bills. Zimbabwe must ensure that Kabila stays in power to get a return on its investments. The war is very unpopular with the Zimbabweans, who have recently rioted in the streets to protest food shortages caused by the government's mismanagement.[46] President Mugabe is also facing great unpopularity. On October 15, 2000, the opposition party in Zimbabwe began the impeachment process against him.[47]
Sudan has reportedly engaged in the fighting on the side of President Kabila. Its main goals are to "derail the Congolese peace process and keep its arch-enemy Uganda locked in war"[48] Uganda supports the Sudan People's Liberation Army (SPLA) and allows it to attack Sudan from its borders. The SPLA and Sudan have been at war for 16 years. Likewise, Sudan supports an anti-Ugandan rebel group called the Lord's Resistance Army.[49] The SPLA is supposedly aiding the MLC in logistics in northern Congo.[50] By keeping Uganda tied up in the Congo War, Sudan hopes that Uganda will have fewer resources to direct to the SPLA.[51]
Chad first fought alongside Kabila's troops in August 1998 during the initial rebellion. They helped defend a diamond-mining town, raising speculation that they are interested in capitalizing on Congo's diamond trade.[52] The Chadian troops withdrew in May 1999, before the Lusaka Agreement, because, according to their government, their military objective of stamping out the rebellion had supposedly been successful.[53] This is a prime example of a country entering a war only to ensure a peaceful outcome. Such paradoxes are common in warfare in Africa.
Burundi has also had forces sporadically in Congo, but they maintain that they are neutral in the conflict and are only pursuing Hutu insurgents.[54] Their own civil war recently spilled over into the Congo.[55]
In addition, many Congolese have been displaced by the war. This is yet another common theme in African wars. Approximately 500,000 people within the Congo have been displaced, and 200,000 more have sought refuge in neighboring states such as Tanzania, Zambia, Burundi, Sudan, and the Central African Republic.[56]
[1] McKinley, James C. "Congo Rebels' Debts to Foreign Backers Remain Unclear," The New York Times. 22 May 1997. http://www.nytimes.com/library/world/052297congo-debts.html
[2] McKinley.
[3] Sutherland, Jean. "Namibia: Kabila Arrives Today," Africa News Service. 7 July 1997.
[4] Borzello, Anna. "Rebel Groups Unite to Destabilis Museveni," The Guardian (London). 14 April 1998.
[5] Gourevitch, Philip and Eyamba Bokamba. Interview with Charles Krause of PBS. July-December 1998. http://www.pbs.org/newshour/bb/africa/july-dec98/congo_10-22a.html
[6] Vick, Karl. "Rebellion Breaks Out on Congo Army Bases," Washington Post. 4 August 1998. http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-srv/inatl/longterm/congo/stories/080498.htm
[7] Gourevitch.
[8] Vick.
[9] "In Congo, War Gets Serious," The Economist (US). 23 September 2000. 51.
[10] "Congo: War Turns Commercial," The Economist (US). 24 October 1998. 42.
[11] "Congo: Chad to Withdraw Troops," The Gazette. 1 May 1999.
[12] "Chaos in Congo: A Primer," The New York Times. 6 February 2000. http://www.nytimes.com/library/world/africa/020600africa-congo.html
[13] Turner, Thomas. "War in the Congo," Foreign Policy in Focus. 5 April 2000. 1.
[14] "Why Zimbabwe Helps Congo's Regime," The Economist (US). 7 November 1998. 46.
[15] "Backgrounder: Chronology on Congo Conflict (1)," Xinhua News Agency. 20 August 1999.
[16] "Congo-Ceasefire: Congolese Faction Leader in Lusaka to Sign Ceasefire Accord," Africa News Service. 30 August 1999.
[17] Turner, Mark. "Sudan Accused of Congo Bombing Raids," The Financial Times (London). 6 August 1999.
[18] "Chaos in Congo: A Primer."
[19] "Africa's First World War," World Press Review. May 2000. 21.
[20] Turner, Thomas.
[21] Mwesige, Peter G. "No Winner in Congo War, Says Museveni," Africa News Service. 27 March 2000.
[22] "African Armies in Congo Agree to Pull Back," Reuters News Agency. 16 October 2000.
[23] "Uganda, Rwanda Army Chiefs Meet Over Congo War Crisis," Africa News Service. 29 November 1999.
[24] "Congo and Rwanda - Get Our of Our Country," The Economist (US), 26 February 2000. 54.
[25] Turner, Thomas. "War in the Congo," Foreign Policy in Focus. 5 April 2000. 1.
[26] McKinley, James C. "Congo Rebels' Debts to Foreign Backers Remain Unclear," The New York Times. 22 May 1997. http://www.nytimes.com/library/world/052297congo-debts.html
[27] "Congo and Rwanda - Get Our of Our Country."
[28] Vick, Karl. "Rebellion Breaks Out on Congo Army Bases," Washington Post. 4 August 1998. http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-srv/inatl/longterm/congo/stories/080498.htm
[29] Turner.
[30] McKinley.
[31] Healey, Barth. "Uganda: Rebel Leaders Captured," The New York Times. 20 May 2000.
[32] "Congo: War Turns Commercial," The Economist (US). 24 October 1998. 42.
[33] "Congo War Has 'No Adverse Impact' On Uganda Economy," Africa News Service. 2 February 2000.
[34] Vick.
[35] "Congo's Hidden War," The Economist (US). 17 June 2000. 45.
[36] "Congo and Rwanda - Get Our of Our Country."
[37] McKinley.
[38] "Congo: War Turns Commercial."
[39] Turner, Thomas.
[40] Associated Press, "Congo Leader Angers Rebels, Allies," The New York Times. 3 October 2000. http://www.nytimes.com/aponline/world/AP-Congo-Advancing-Rebels.html
[41] "Chaos in Congo: A Primer."
[42] Sutherland.
[43] Magombo, Nelson. "Namibia-Congo: Namibia States Conditions for Withdrawing Troops," Africa News Service. 14 July 1999.
[44] "Zimbabwe Spends Over 200 Million U.S. Dollars in Congo War: Minister," Xinhua News Agency. 31 August 2000.
[45] "Congo: War Turns Commercial."
[46] "Why Zimbabwe Helps Congo's Regime."
[47] Swarns, Rachel L. "Mugabe's Foes in Zimbabwe, Stymied, Talk of Violence," The New York Times. 15 October 2000.
[48]Bigg, Matthew. "Common Enemies Link Congo and Sudan," The Toronto Star. 6 August 1999.
[49] Bigg.
[50] Healey.
[51] Bigg.
[52] "Congo: War Turns Commercial."
[53] "Congo: Chad to Withdraw Troops."
[54] Mwesige.
[55] Turner, Mark. "Sense of Gloom Settles on Central Africa: The Failure of Talks Over Congo Has Forces African Leaders to Consider Sanctions," Financial Times (London). 16 August 2000.
[56] "Backgrounder: Chronology on Congo Conflict (1)."
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