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Telegram From the Embassy in Cambodia to the Department of State

 

Phnom Penh, February 19, 1964, 7 p.m.

 

808. Embtel 804.(See tele 515 below) Sihanouk's new proposal provides further proof his penchant for public diplomacy and inability refrain from uselessly irritating preliminaries, even when he has something to say which offers constructive possibilities. Despite presumptuous summoning to U.S., Thai and Vietnamese plenipotentiaries at Phnom Penh within short time limits and his offensive and unjustified accusation U.S. has been active enemy Cambodian neutrality and has instigated plots aimed at destroying neutral Cambodia, believe Sihanouk's present initiative represents backward step for him and is worth consideration as offering possible alternative to ultimatum he issued February 15 (Embtel 790).*

 

* In telegram 790 from Phnom Penh, February 15, the Embassy reported that Sihanouk threatened to recognize North Vietnam (DRV), sign defensive agreements with the DRV and the People's Republic of China (PRC), and break relations with the United States. (Department of State, Central Files, POL 32-1 CAMB-VIET S)

 

Advantages we see in Sihanouk's new proposal are:

 

1)       It provides way for U.S., Thais, and SVN to avoid attending conference without incurring risk (which country team considers real one) Sihanouk will do what he says he will do--namely recognize Hanoi, abandon neutrality, enter defensive agreements Hanoi and Peiping, and break relations with U.S. and possibly U.K.

 

2)       Settlement Cambodia's borders with its neighbors would be essential element in any easing of tensions; in effect Sihanouk reverting to earlier position reconciliation and with his neighbors contingent upon recognition for present borders. While we aware Thai reluctance subscribe formal recognition document and difficulties inherent in attempting establish border between Cambodia and South Viet-Nam, we believe might be worth exploring possibility opened by Sihanouk's initiative for useful negotiations toward eventual settlement.

 

3)       New proposal apparently does not require U.S. provide guarantees but it would commit Cambodia not to make military alliances and to deny use its territory to Viet Cong, commitment which would be backed by activity expanded ICC.

 

Disadvantages seen are:

 

1)       Proposal extremely vague and, unless spelled out before actual proposed meeting, subject to last minute introduction undesirable elements and interpretations arising from Sihanouk's fertile imagination and unprincipled gamesmanship.

 

2)       U.S. required pay cost of expanded ICC as well as cost of tractors to be furnished under grotesque Castro-like "gentlemen's agreement" as compensation for Cambodian deaths as result border incidents.

 

3)       Proposal does not eliminate Geneva Conference but would simply excuse U.S., Thailand and Viet-Nam from attending. (However, if agreement of type proposed reached among four countries, UK might take position no real reason remains for conference.)

 

We recognize that Sihanouk's new and startling proposal unlikely prove attractive to GVN and, especially, RTG. However, seems to us, given strong possibility only alternative may be carrying out Sihanouk's threats of February 15, would be in interest our SEA allies as well as ourselves at least attempt explore further just what kind of four-power agreement Sihanouk has in mind (including any texts he may already have drawn up) with view ascertaining whether any real possibility for negotiation to produce desired result of re-establishment relations between Cambodia and its neighbors, denial Cambodian territory to Viet Cong, and continued neutrality this country. Subject views Embassies Bangkok and Saigon, Department may wish authorize them discuss Sihanouk's new proposal with respective governments with view ascertaining whether they agreeable to our attempting seek further clarification from RKG, including text draft which would expose RKG hand, in context of possible willingness on part U.S., RTG, and GVN negotiation along lines suggested if agreement can be reached on objectives and procedures. We would strongly oppose holding negotiations under such proposals in Cambodia, where Sihanouk could disrupt or stage manage conversations through press conferences, broadcasts or other means to suit his whims. Perhaps Kuala Lumpur might be most satisfactory locale if talks should take place, as Tunku has expressed interest in assisting settlement difficulties between RKG and its neighbors.

 

Sprouse

 

Telegram From the Department of State to the Embassy in Cambodia

 

Washington, February 19, 1964, 9:42 p.m.

 

551. Sihanouk's new proposal (Embtel 804),** while confused and in certain parts unacceptable, suggests he may be seeking a way off the course to which he had apparently committed Cambodia. This may reflect his realization of difficulties in carrying out alignment with Chicoms (although insistence on March deadline indicates he has his threatened timetable in mind). Whatever his motivations, we see the possibility of shifting focus from thorny Geneva conference proposal to more promising negotiation between Cambodia and its neighbors, together with US. Dept. desires exploit opportunity quickly before new events overtake it.

 

** On February 19 Sihanouk published in Cambodia's official news bulletin a solution to Cambodia's problems with the United States, South Vietnam, and Thailand that Sihanouk claimed would keep Cambodia neutral without a conference. The solution entailed quadripartite (U.S., South Vietnam, Thailand, and Cambodia) negotiations leading to an agreement recognizing Cambodia's neutrality and borders. In return Cambodia would observe strict neutrality and prevent "the passage or presence of rebel bands across or on its territory." The solution envisioned normalization of diplomatic relations and a "gentlemen's agreement" by the United States to reimburse Cambodia in farm and heavy construction equipment for Cambodians killed in error by South Vietnamese armed forces. Transmitted in telegram 804, February 19. (Ibid.)

 

Dept. plans to send within two or three days high-level representative to discuss details Saigon, Bangkok and Phnom Penh. Our purpose in so doing is to insure that if there is any possibility of reaching agreement it not be allowed to slip by.

 

For Phnom Penh: Harriman has telephoned Nong Kimny expressing US interest. You should seek interview soonest to reinforce. Dept. would favor direct approach to Sihanouk if possible. However leave matter of approach to your judgment. You should commend Sihanouk on his imaginative initiative which appears to be a forward step in resolution of the regional problems which have troubled him for so long. While there are problems and details to be worked out, US is much impressed with basic concept and principles, including recognition Cambodian neutrality and territorial integrity as well as Cambodian acceptance of responsibilities of neutrality and commitment to prevent use of its territory by rebel bands. You should request Sihanouk to designate a representative with whom you could work out modalities for a conference.

 

For Bangkok and Saigon: You should discuss quadripartite proposals soonest with GVN and RTG. State that US thinks all three of us should move quickly and positively, to explore Sihanouk's proposal. Inform Thai and Vietnamese that we are seeking further information and details from RKG and that we are seeking to encourage RKG to develop Sihanouk's proposal further. Obviously we have no intention of making any commitments until we have further information and until we have consulted with RTG and GVN.

 

We recognize Sihanouk's statement is cast in a tone objectionable to Thailand and Viet-Nam, as well as US, but we think we should ignore the tone and respond positively to the substantive core; i.e., a quadripartite solution of Sihanouk's problems. While Sihanouk says a Geneva Conference could "underwrite" quadripartite agreement, it is possible that successful conclusion of agreement would make conference unnecessary.

 

We think the objectionable parts of Sihanouk's proposal should be treated as problems to which we can suggest constructive solutions at the proper time rather than as obstacles to negotiations. This would apply to the question of recognition of frontiers and also to the problem of enlarging the ICC. By working out such positive procedures, we would hope to eliminate such things as Sihanouk's "Gentlemen's Agreement".

We urgently request Thai and Vietnamese views on how we can exploit this opportunity. We will inform RTG and GVN of results Ambassador Sprouse's inquiry to RKG.

 

For Bangkok only: In your talk with Thanat it might be useful to refer to his "constructive idea" of a Southeast Asian conference on Cambodia (Bangkok Tel 997 of January 2).(Not printed. (Ibid) Sihanouk's proposal would seem to provide an opening for moving in this direction.

 

Rusk

 

Source: [21]

 

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